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the letters of 

Theodore Roosevelt 


selected 

elting 


ahd edited By 

E. MORISON 


JOHN M. BLUM 

Rsiociate Editor 


hope w. wigglesw 

Rssmant Editor 

SYLVIA RICE 
isaiVo^ 


ORTH 



Harvard Un 


iversity Press 

^ ASS etc husetts 


^ 95 I 



Copyright, ipyi, by the President and Fellows 
of Harvard College and Printed in the 
United States of America 


Distributed in Great Britain by 
Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford 
University Press, London 



Contents 


VOLUIVIE FOim 

Panama: From Acquisition to Commission, continued 711 

January 1904-March 1904 

Political Engineer 747 

March 1904-June 1904 

A Square Deal for America 845 

Jmie,l 9 04- November 1904 

The Legislative Process 1019 

November 1904— March 1905 

A Square Deal for Asia afid Europe 1153 

March 1905-August 1905 

APPENDIX 

I Theodore Roosevelt and the Legislative Process 1333 

II Chronology 1343 

INDEX 1381 


V 



Illustrations 

VOLUME IV 

Mrs, Theodore Roosevelt. Copyright, ipo^, by George Prince. j 66 

The Family, 1903. Photograph by Pach Bros. 767 

“Drawing the Line in Mississippi.” Cartoon by Clifford K. Berryman. 

Courtesy of the Washington Evening Star. 798 

With John Muir, Yosemite, California, May 1903. Photograph by 

Underwood ir Underwood. 798 

Joseph Murray. 799 

“Gosh!” Cartoon by Bush. 926 

Elihu Root. Photograph by Harris & Ewing. 927 

Sir Cecil Arthur Spring Rice. Photograph by Harris it Ewing. 927 

Joseph Gurney Cannon. Photograph by Harris it Ewing. 927 

“FU save you!” Cartoon by Evans. 958 

Roosevelt and Fairbanks at Sagamore Hill, July 1 1, 1904. Photograph 

by Underwood Underwood. 959 


VI 



Panama: From Acquisition 
to Commission, continued 


January 1904— March 1904 



SYMBOLS 


( ) 

« » 
[ 3 


0 

A) Bf C) • • • 


Single angle brackets indicate material crossed out but decipherable. 
French quotation marks indicate editorial interpretations of illegible words. 
Square brackets indicate editorial interpolations. 

Three dots indicate a missing word. 

Four dots indicate two or more missing words. 

A superior zero placed after the manuscript source indicates that the 
entire letter is in Roosevelt’s handwriting. 

A small capital, a, b, c, etc., placed after a letter number indicates that 
that letter was acquired and inserted after the original manuscript had gone 
to press. 



2 944 * TO ELiHU ROOT Root Mss. 

Personal Washington, January 26, 1904 

My dear Mr. Secretary: In view of the repeated resolutions introduced in 
the Senate calling for information about the action of the administration in 
connection with the recent revolution on the Isthmus of Panama, I desire 
you to lay before me copies of every dispatch or other document sent from 
or received in your Department since May ist, last, which has any bearing 
whatever on the events that have happened on the Isthmus. Be careful to 
send me every dispatch or document of any kind, sort or description, 
whether sent from the Department or sent to it, and whether in your judg- 
ment it should 'be kept secret or not, as I wish to have all the information 
before me.^ Sincerely yours 


2945 • TO ELIHU ROOT RoOt MsS. 

Washington, January 26, 1904 

Dear Elihu, I feel very strongly that this memorandum, unless you object, 
should be embodied in an order, such as that of Dec. 13th 1899 referring to 
General Brooke; put it on receipt of Gen. Wood’s report. 

MEMORAIsroUM. 

The administratioa of General Leonard Wood, Governor of Cuba, while 
called military, was so in name only. It was in effect a civil government 
managed with an eye single to the benefit of the Cuban people, and so far 
as was possible under the existing conditions, was conducted by the Cuban 
people themselves. General Wood retaining only such supervision and con- 
trol as enabled Cuba, when she assumed her independence, to start with the 
best possible chance of success. In short, out of an utterly prostrate colony 
a free Republic was built up — the work being done with such signal ability, 
integrity and success that Ae new nation started under more favorable con- 
ditions than has ever before been the case in any single instance amoi^ her 
fellow Spanish-American republics. This record stands alone in history, and 
the benefit conferred thereby upon tlie people was no greater than the honor 
conferred upon the people of the United States. The Secretary, by direction 
of the President, thanks General Wood and the officials, civil and military, 
serving under him, upon the completion of a work so difficult, so important 
and so well done. 

^ A sinukr letter was sent to Moody on the same date. 


711 


I 



2 94^ * ™ JOHN HAY 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, January 27, 1904 

Dear Joh?2 : 1 agree with you entirely. I shall see Lodge about the matter at 
once. Frye is savagely angry with both Root and me for our attitude in the 
shipping matter,^ and I think this is one of the causes that have made him 
announce that he will vote against the confirmation of Wood, and that I am 
not a safe man to nominate for President. We can do nothing with him. 

I took Mrs. Hay in to dinner last evening, and had a charming time. Faith- 
fully yours 


2947 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JUNIOR RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, January 29, 1904 

Dear Ted: Indeed I do understand your interest in all things affecting me, 
old boy, and I shall write you at length about the political situation. I do not 
write you such letters all the time because I do not want you to feel that all 
my correspondence with you is of a stilted and Chesterfield’s 4 etters-to-his- 
son style. 

In politics, as in life generally, the strife is well-nigh unceasing and 
breathing spots are few. Even if the struggle results in a victory, it usually 
only opens the way for another struggle. I believe we shall win out in the 
Panama business as soon as we can get a vote, for I think we shall confirm 
the treaty by a three to one majority; but they are filibustering and talking 
every which way in the vain hope that something will turn up to help them. 
In the Wood controversy also I think we shall win out, although possibly 
there wiU be an ugly fight. The only legislative matter looming up concern- 
ing which I feel uncomfortable is the service pension bill,^ which I think is 
on the whole right, but which contains possibilities of mischief on account 
of the hostility with which it is regarded by many business people, and by 

^On December 8, 1903, Frye had introduced two bills into the Senate. The first 
(S 2259) applied United States coastwise laws to Philippine shipping and trade, in- 
cluding interisland traffic. Interisland shipping was being conducted almost entirely 
by Philippine and other foreign ships. The Administration and the Committee on the 
Philippines considered this clause harmful to Philippine commerce. Lodge, opposed 
by Frye, introduced an amendment, which was passed, striking the provision from 
the bilL The second bill (S 2263) provided for the carrying of Army and Navy 
supplies on United States vessels exclusively. Root opposed this in a letter of January 
14 to Frye, stating that the government did not have sufficient ships at its disposal 
and would be subjected to exorbitant prices by individual companies. The amended 
bill on which Frye did not vote provided that American ships would be preferred 
and used unless the President found freight charges excessive. 

^ On Jsmuarv 27, 1904, ^rus SuUoway, Republican congressman from New Hamp- 
shire, introduced a bill into the House lowering age limits for ptinsion benefits from 
65 and 75 to 62 and 70. The House failed to enact this measure. The terms of this 
bill, however, were incorporated into Pension Order 78 issued by E. F. Ware on 
March 15 with RoosevelPs approval. 


712 



lots of good young fellows who do not realize how much the soldiers did in 
the Civil War, and how much we owe them. 

By the way, if I were you I would not discuss the labor-union question 
from the side that labor unions are harmful. I think they are beneficial if 
handled as they shotild be, and that the attack should be made, not upon the 
principle of association among working people, but upon the abuses in the 
manifestation of that principle. 

As regards myself personally, Senator Hanna and the Wall Street crowd 
are causing me some worry, but not of a serious kind. I doubt if they can 
prevent my nomination. Senator Hanna has not kept his promise to me of 
last June, and has been intoxicated by the thought that perhaps he could 
either be nominated himself, or at least dictate the nomination, but he will 
be thwarted completely if he makes the effort, and I think he will grow 
sullenly conscious of tl^ fact and refuse to make the effort. He has caused 
me a little worry, but not much. The Wall Street people of a certain stripe 
— that is, the rich men who do not desire to obey the law and who think 
that they are entitled to what I regard as improper consideration merely 
because of their wishes — will do their best to secure the nonunation for 
him, or at least to use him to beat my nomination and secure that of a third 
person. I think they will fail; and that when they realize that failure is 
ahead of them they will turn in and support me. But some will try to elect 
a democrat. A good many of them who are very bitter against me now will 
come over to my side when the campaign is actually on. I doubt if they can 
do much against me as far as the nomination is concerned. The election is a 
different matter. Of course I may be utterly mistaken, but personally I tliink 
I have a good deal of strength in the country districts and indeed in the 
West generally; but in the big cities, and especially in the eastern big cities, 
the extreme labor-union people and every one of anarchistic or socialist 
tendencies on the one hand, and the arrogant men of wealth on the other, 
will probably both combine against me. If the democrats put up a strong 
candidate upon whom all their factions can unite, I shall have a hard tussle. 
Nobody can say whether I shall win or lose. In any event, I have done a 
good many things worth doing while I have been President, and I have had 
the public service administered with efiiciency and integrity. 

I am worked very hard at present, and it is only now and then that I can 
get off in the afternoon for a ride with Mother or a walk with some friend. 
When the social season is over I think I shall have a litde more leeway. Ever 
your loving father 

P. S. Be careful not to let any of these letters in which I speak of political 
subjects lie about where they can be seen by anyone. 



2 94® ' TO ALBERT SHAW Roosevelt Mss. 

Private & personal Washington, January 30, 1904 

My dear Dr. Shanj>: I think your last editorials on the Wall St.-Hanna busi- 
ness altogether admirable, and you have stated the case exactly as it is. More- 
over, I believe that your editorials are among the causes which, within a 
comparatively short space of time, will make this Wall Street-Hanna move- 
ment against me break down utterly. In confidence, I can tell you that out- 
side all the Southern States I am now as certain as I well can be that if Ha nn a 
made the fight, and with all the money of Wall Street behind him, he would 
get the majority of the delegation from no State excepting Ohio; and from 
the South I should have from a third to a half of die delegates, and most of 
the remainder would have been pledged to me and would have to be pur- 
chased outright against me. I believe that the best advisers among my oppo- 
nents themselves see this and have very nearly made up their minds to give 
up the contest. In a few weeks I think that most of the Wall Street republi- 
cans will have concluded that diey have to, however grudgingly, support 
me. So much do I believe this that I am a little uneasy lest our opponents 
may then raise the cry that I have made terms with tiiem. Fortunately, my 
nomination has become assured, in my judgment, before they give up the 
contest. Besides, I do not thmk even such rather thick-headed people as my 
opponents would venture to try to make terms with me now, although there 
was a tentative effort in that direction in October and November last. I shall 
treat them with scrupulous fairness anyhow; and in no event would I have 
done either more or less. Always yours 

2949 • TO JAMES BRANDER MATTHEWS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washmgton, February i, 1904 

Dear Brander: Thanlc you so much for the two volumes. You are awfully 
good to have taken such trouble. I am interested and curious in reference to 
the translation of New York^ and the LeMaitre I shall read with real pleas- 
ure. I am rather amused that I, who have always championed Dreyfus, or 
to speak more correctly, reprobated the attack on him, should be selected as 
a dub by an anti-Dreyfus man. Always yowrs 

2950 ' TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt MSS. 

Personal Washington, February i, 1904 

My dear Governor: I had a very satisfactory letter from Stranahan about his 
talk with you, and also a very satisfactory visit from Nicholas Murray 
Butler. He will have two or three things to tell you from me when he nest 

‘A translaidoa of Roosevelts Nevj York, by Albert Savme (Paris, 1903), 

714 



sees you, I have written the Senator that I think it inadvisable to put up any 
candidate in the district lately represented by McClellan in Congress.^ It 
would be a hopeless contest and it seems to me very inadvisable to go into it. 
Sincerely yours 


2951 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 2, 1904 

Dear Bishop: Many thanks for your letter of the ist and enclosure. In the 
first place, I absolutely agree with what you say about the Foraker amend- 
ment.^ It contains an element of good and an element of bad. But it was such 
a foolish and mischievous thing to introduce it at this time that I got Knox 
to make public his repudiation of the same proposal a year ago and to say 
that we still stood where we did then. 

By George! What rascally dishonesty the Evening Tost people stoop to, 
not merely in politics but in business. Al'ways yours 


2952 • TO WILLIAM DREW WASHBURN, JUNIOR RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Washington, February 2, 1904 

My dear Mr, Washburn: ^ I have found out just about what I anticipated 
from the Department of Justice in reference to the matter you spoke to me 
about. You stated that “an intimate friend” of mine in Minneapolis had 
asserted that he knew that Mr. Timothy Byrnes had made twenty thousand 
dollars by securing pardons of federal prisoners during the last year. Those 
pardons are all gone over most carefully by Attorney General Knox in per- 
son, after a preliminary examination by Mr, Easby-Smith, the pardon attor- 
ney of the Department of Justice. I then pass upon them. 

Most of the pardons granted have been for oJlenders with no money 

^William Bourke Cockran succeeded McClellan as congressman from the tradition- 
ally Democratic Twelfth District of New York, Cockran, a Gold Democrat, had 
supported McKinley in 1896 but returned to his party in 1900. In 1904 he was tem- 
porarily in the good graces of Tammany. With Olney, Cleveland, Belmont, and 
other conservative Democrats, he supported Judge Parker for the Presidential 
nomination. In Congress he quickly reassumed his role as the grandiloquent spokes- 
man of the Democracy. 

^ Foraker’s proposed amendment to the Sherman Antitrust Act restored the common 
law meaning of “reasonableness” in antitrust suits. The senator argued that such a 
change was necessary because the courts, particularly in the Trans-Missouii Freight 
Rate case, had perverted the intent of the framers of the measure. He maintained 
that his amendment was in keeping with the suggestions of Knoxes Pittsburgh speech. 
On February i, however, Knox announced that the President and the entire Cabi- 
net opposed the amendment. It was designed, he warned, to nullify antipooling 
provisions and precedents. 

'William Drew Washburn, Jr., son of the senator from Minnesota. 


715 



whatever — men who could not pay anybody. Attorney General Knox 
informs me that Mr. Byrnes has never appeared before him or to his knowl- 
edge borne any relation whatever to any pardon case. So far as I remember 
he has never appeared before me, or written or spoken to me, about any 
pardon case. He has never mentioned a pardon case to anyone in this office. 
Mr. Easby-Smith, the pardon attorney, informs the Attorney General that 
he has never heard Mr. Byrnes’ name; that Mr. Byrnes has never appeared 
before him; and that he cannot find any record in which Mr. Byrnes has 
taken any part either as counsel or petitioner for any prisoner. 

In other words it appears that this man, who states that he is an intimate 
friend of mine and that he knows the facts, has been guilty of repeating not 
merely a piece of injurious and scandalous gossip, but a downright lie with- 
out one shadow of foundation in fact. I regard such conduct as in its effects 
criminal. You arc entirely at liberty to show this letter to the gentleman in 
question, whoever he may be. I wish he had had the manliness to give you 
his name. Moreover, I ought to add that, as this was the only specific accusa- 
tion alleged in reference to Mr. Byrnes, it seems to me that you should 
ponder well whether all the feeling you have against Mr. Byrnes is not based 
upon equally idle and malicious gossip. 

It was a pleasure to see you the other afternoon. Give my regards to your 
father. Sincerely yours 


2953 • TO ALICE HEGAN RICE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 4, 1904 

Aly dear Mrs. Rice: ^ Your letter gives me real pleasure. Indeed, I shall wel- 
come receiving the books from you and Mr. Rice. I am old-fashioned, or 
sentimental, or something, about books! Whenever I read one I want, in the 
first place, to enjoy myself, and, in the next place, to feel that I am a little 
better and not a little worse for having read it. You recollect what Oliver 
Wendell Holmes says in Over the Teacups apropos of some French books? 
It is to the effect that there are certain sights and sounds which if seen or 
heard leave an indelible stain, so that the man or woman is never quite as 
clean afterwards, and that this is doubly true of whatever appeals to the 
imagination. I do not want pepple to shirk facts or write what is not so, and 
it is often necessary to dwell on painful things; but I feel that they should be 
dwelt upon in proper fashion and not for the sake of giving a kind of morbid 
pleasure. 

Give my warm regards to Mr. Rice. I hope we shall see you both. Sin- 
cerely yours 

^Alice Hegan Rice, author of Mrs. Wiggs of the Cabbage Fateh (1901); wife of 

Gale Young Rice, poet and dramatist. 

yid 



2 954 ■ TO GEORGE BRINTON MCCLELLAN HARVEY RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, Februarjr 4, 1904 

My dear Colonel Harvey: I am not only pleased but I am very much touched 
at the editorials in Harper^ s Weekly on the Wood and A'liles cases. I had not 
the remotest idea that you would find yoiurself able to say what you have 
said, and I wrote to you chiefly because during our last talks together I had 
become very much interested in and attracted by you, and thought I would 
like to have you know the facts. Believe me, I appreciate your generosity in 
the matter. Not the least service you have rendered me is that you have 
enabled me to write to Mrs. Wood, who has suifered terribly, and show her 
what you have said. I have minded General Wilson’s testimony most of all 
because I have had a feeling that Wood might himself conclude I really had 
said something upon which Wilson based it. 

With hearty regard, Sincerely yours 


2955 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JUNIOR RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 6, 1904 

Dear Ted: I was glad to hear that you were to be confirmed. 

Secretary Root left on Monday and Governor Taft took his place. I 
have missed, and shall miss. Root dreadfully. He has been the ablest, most 
generous and most disinterested friend and adviser that any President could 
hope to have; and immediately after leaving he rendered me a great service 
by a speech at the Union League Club in which he said in most effective 
fashion the very things I should have liked him to say; and his words, more- 
over, carried weight as the words of no other man at this time addressing 
such an audience could have done. Taft is a splendid fellow and will be an 
aid and comfort in every way. But as mother says he is too much like me 
to be able to give me as good advice as Mr. Root was able to do because of 
the very differences of character between us. 

If after fully thinking the matter over you' remain firmly convinced that 
you want to go into the army well and good. I shall be rather sorry for your 
decision because I have great confidence in you and I believe that in civil 
life you could probably win in the end a greater prize than will be open to 
you if you go into the army — though of course a man can do well in the 
army. I know perfectly well that you -will have hard times in civil life. Prob- 
ably most young fellows when they have graduated from college, or from 
their postgraduate course, if they take any, feel pretty dismal for the first 
few years. In ordinary cases it at first seems as if their efforts were not leading 
anywhere, as if the pressure around the foot of the ladder was too great to 
permit of getting up to the top. But I have faith in your energy, your perse- 
verance, your ability, and your power to force yourself to the front when 
you have once found out and taken your line. However, you and I and 



mother will talk the whole matter over when you come back here on Easter. 
Your loving father 


2956 • TO JEAN JULES JUSSERAND RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 8, 1904 

My dear M. Jusserand: Herewith I send you back the Chanson de Roland. 
I have enjoyed it particularly because it is the first copy I ever read which 
had the old French and the modern French intcrpaged; so that I was able 
to read the old French, which I could not otherwise have done. There are 
a dozen points that I want to talk over with you, and as soon as the social 
season is over I shall get Madame Jusserand and you to come around to 
lunch. 

Do you regard the Venetian manuscript as being as authentic as the older 
English manuscript? I hope so, because I particularly like a certain generous 
side to that description of the Moorish king, Margaris, who “would have 
been so^great a baron if he had only been a Christian,” and who seems to me 
to have more individuality tiian any of the other characters, after the three 
great heroes of the epic and Charlemagne. 

It seems to me that it is somewhat doubtful to put the poem after the 
Norman conquest, and by an Anglo-Norman, on so slender a ground as the 
mention of the conquest of England; for Poland and Byzantium are also 
mentioned as having been conquered. 

With hearty thanks. Sincerely yoms 


2957 • TO WALTER LOWEIE FISHER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 9, 1904 

My dear Mr. Fisher: ^ Before I received your protest I had made the appoint- 
ment and issued the following statement about it: 

“After the bill creating a naval officer at Chicago was signed by the 
President and the Senators from Illinois suggested the nomination of Mr. 
Jamieson, the President stated that'as he did not know Mr. Jamieson person- 
ally, he would like the recommendation of some businessmen on his behalf. 
Senator Hopkins asked the President if the recommendation of Mr. John M. 
Smyth would be satisfactory, and the President replied entirely so. Accord- 
ingly the President sent the following telegram to Mr. Smyth: 

* Walter Lowiie Fisher, Chicago Republican lawyer, conservationist. A follower 
of Pinchot, Fisher succeeded Ballinger as Secretary of the Interior in 1911, He was 
also special counsel for the city of Queago in local transportation matters, 1906-1911, 
1914-1935, and a member of the United States Railroad Securities Commission, 
1910-1911. 


718 



Accusations, but with nothing specific, have been made against Jamieson. Are 
you sufficiently well acquainted with the facts to tell me that in your judgment 
Jamieson is an honest man who will do good service as naval officer? Answer. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

and received the following reply: 

I know Mr. T, N. Jamieson intimately. He is honest, able and worthy of trust. 
He will perform his duties with fidelity and intelligence. I do not think you can 
make a better selection than Dr. Jamieson, and I earnestly hope for his appoint- 
ment. 

Respectfully, 

John M. Smyth. 

The President has also received strong endorsements which run as fol- 
lows: 

From ex-Comptroller Eckels: 

I have known T. N. Jamieson, personally, a number of years and I am certain 
he will make an excellent officer and I heartily approve appointment. 

From John C. Black, President, Continental National Bank: 

Regarding the appointment of Mr. T. N. Jamieson as naval officer at Chicago, 
I will say that I have known him intimately for thirty-eight years and I am entirely 
sure that he will in all respects fill the office proposed for him in a manner that 
will be a credit to the government and to himself. 

From John J. Mitchell, President Illinois Trust and Savings Bank: 

I wish to commend the appointment of Dr. Jamieson to the position of naval 
officer at Cliicago. I believe him to be qualified, competent and honest. Letter 
follows. 

Also from Charles G. Dawes, Armour & Co., Frederick M. Blount, Vice- 
President Chicago National Bank, B. M. Chattell, Cashier, Illinois Trust and 
Savings Bank, Siegel Cooper & Co., Rothschild & Co., and from a score of 
other businessmen and firms.” 

I never heard of Mr. Jamieson until his name was suggested to me. I re- 
ceived protests against him, but not one specific accusation. If the above 
mentioned businessmen, including Eckels, Dawes, Smyth, Black, Mitchell and 
Armour, have not told me the truth, I really hardly know where to turn.® 
Sincerely yours 

* The shajp protests against the appointment of Thomas N. Jamieson as naval officer 
at the port of Giicago were the product of the continuing factionalism in the Re- 
’ publican party in Illinois. Jamieson, the “Harmony Leader” of William Lorimer^s 
Chicago machine, was at this time supporting Frank Orren Lowden for the guberna- 
torial nomination- Senator Hopkins, Representative Mann, John M. Smyth, and 
Eckels also supported Lowden. The ^position to Jamieson came largely from those 
Republicans who preferred Charles Samuel Deneen or Yates for governor. Patter- 
son, of the Chicago Tribune, a Deneen man, considered Jamieson “the most dis- 
reputable politician holding a prominent position in the Republican party of Cook 
County,” and called Eckels the “most completely stocked verbal hothouse in town.” 


719 


[Handwritten] Since the above was written Judge Grosscup and Mr Paul 
Morton have unqualifiedly* endorsed Jamison to me. 


2958 • TO FRANK BRETT NOYES RoOSeVclt Mss, 

. Washington, February 9, 1904 

My dear Mr, Noyes : Before receiving your last letter I had written you as 
follows: 

Before receiving your telegram I had informed Senators Hopkins and Cullom 
that in accordance with their request I would appoint Mr. Jamieson, and his nomi- 
nation had gone in to the Senate. I had never heard of Mr. Jamieson until the two 
senators presented his name to me. I then told them that if they would procure 
for me the endorsement of him by certain businessmen, I would appoint him. 
You have by this time doubtless seen the telegrams sent me by John M. Smyth, 
James H. Eckels, John J. Mitchell, and John C. Black, and the statement that 
Charles G. Dawes, Mr. Blount, Siegel Cooper & Co., Armour & Co., and a large 
number of other gentlemen and firms had endorsed him. Judge Grosscup per- 
sonally assured me that he regarded Mr. Jamieson as an entirely honest man, 
though a machine politician, and that he thought the appointment fit and the 
criticisms without any justification. Mr. Paul Morton told me the same thing. 

Now, my dear sir, I am perfectly willing to go into a fight with the two United 
States senators from any State when they recommend to me a man against whose 
character or capacity anything definite can be proved; but if the men whose names 
I have given above have advised me incorrectly, I don’t know where I could go 
for advice, and I don’t see what justification I would have for refusing to appoint 
the man recommended to me by both senators, when in addition they produce 
backing of this character. In all of these matters I have endeavored to keep out of 
every factional contest, and simply to demand of the senators, in the cases of rou- 
tine appointments such as this pre-eminently is, that they give me a man of a 
character such as Mr. Eckels, Mr. Dawes, Air. Mitchell, Mr. Black, and Judge 
Grosscup testify Jamieson to be. I am, of course, exceedingly sorry that this mat- 
ter should have come up at all. As I say, I never heard of Dr. Jamieson until his 
name was presented to me, and know nothing of him now except that there seems 
to be this wide and to me wholly inexplicable contradiction in the judgment of 
excellent men upon him, 

I now have your letter with the charges affecting Jamieson’s private 
character, these being the first charges I have received against him. I asked 
Judge Grosscup about them, without mentioning your name. Judge Grosscup 
asserted that he did not believe there was the slightest foundation for them. So 
did Mr. Cannon; and iMr. Paul Morton. However, I shall at once take them 
up, omitting of course, the final paragraph, in which you refer to Mr. Lori- 

Boosevelt, in making the appointment, did not intend to reverse his long-standing 
policy of neutrality in Illinois politics. The endorsements of Hopkins and Cullom 
and die approyd of a large part of the Chicago business community assured Jamie- 
son of the position. But the Fresident was also interested in recognizing the Lorimer 
machine which threatened otherwise to oppose his renomination. 

^ Frank Brett Noy^, editor of the Chicago Record-Herald^ 1902-1909. 

720 


mer. It may be necessary for me to ask that you give me the ‘‘highest author- 
ity” upon which you make the charges. Sincerely yours 

2959 ‘ TO OSCAR SOLOMON STRAUS RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Confidential Washington, February 9, 1904 

My dear Mr, Straus: Unfortunately, Japan has notified us that she would re- 
gard any attempt at mediation as unfriendly because she insists that Russia 
is simply striving for delay and intends to take advantage of every delay to 
perfect her preparations, so that Japan’s interests imperatively demand either 
an immediate agreement or else war. Russia, meanwhile, has given us to under- 
stand that if we have anything to propose it must be to Japan and not to her. 
We sounded France and found she would not help in any way toward medi- 
ation. At present we have been endeavoring to secure the guaranty of China’s 
neutrality.^ I think to try to secure what we know to be impossible at this 
time would merely do damage. Secretary Hay strongly thinks so too. Sfw- 
cerely yours 

2960 * TO LUCIUS WILLIAM NIEMAN RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, February 9, 1904 

My dear Mr, Nieman: ^ I thank you for your letter. Of course treat my reply 
as strictly personal also. 

It seems to me that Mr. Payne’s friends are curiously oversensitive in what 
they refer to. In my letter, published at the time with the correspondence, I 
expressed my hearty approbation of all that he bad done in the investigation. 
To have gone out of the way to praise him for having been honest in the 
investigation when I submitted the documents at the close of it, would have 
been just like my stating that John Hay was honest and had not inspired the 
Panama revolution, in one of my later communications. In each case it would 
have been simply silly. 

But I confess I am utterly at a loss to understand one sentence of your 
letter. You speak of getting statements from me and Mr. Beavers. Surely you 
must understand that if I had the slightest idea that you would get a statement 
from Mr. Beavers, nothing would persuade me to give you a statement from 

^The Russo-Japanese War had begun on February 9 with Japan’s attack on the 
Russian fleet at Port Arthur. Roosevelt immediately ordered a squadron under 
Admiral Evans to Chinese waters. At the instigation of the Kaiser, but changing the 
German terms to conform to American policy, Hay sent notes to the European 
powers for the preservation of neutrality in China. For a full account of the war 
and the European balance of power, see A. Whitney Griswold, The Far Eastern 
Policy of the United States (New York, 1938) ; Tyler Dennett, Roosevelt and the 
Russo--Japanese War (Garden City, New York, 1925). 

^Lucius William Nieman, founder, 1882, publisher, and editor of the Milwaukee 
Journal, 



me. Have you not made some mistake in the name? Do you seriously think of 
having an interview with Air. Beavers? 

Let me also add that while I was very seriously alarmed about Mr. Payne’s 
condition last summer, I think he is immensely improved now. Of course 
your letters make me a little uneasy about him.^ Sincerely yours 

2961 • TO JOHN MARSHALL HARLAN RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, February 9, t904 

My dear Justice Harlan: ^ I am afraid such action as tliat you propose wotild be 
resented by Baltimore. At the suggestion of Senator Gorman we ordered the 
troops there; and then were notified that the Legislature did not care to have 
them. I have proffered my aid to the Mayor of Baltimore, and he has informed 
me that there is no need for aid, but that he would let me know if the need 
arises. It would be unfortunate, to say the least, if I took such a step and 
Baltimore repudiated it.^ Sincerely yours 

2962 • TO ROBERT WILSON PATTERSON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 10, 1904 

My dear Mr. Patterson: Before receiving your telegram I had informed Sena- 
tors Hopkins and Cullom that in accordance with tlieir request I would ap- 
point Mr. Jamieson, and his nomination had gone in to the Senate. I had 
never heard of Mr, Jamieson until the two senators presented his name to 
me. I then told them that if they would procure for me the endorsement of 
him by certain businessmen, I would appoint liim. 

You have by this time doubtless seen the telegram sent me by John M. 
Smyth, James H. Eckels, John J. Mitchell, and John C. Black, and the state- 
ment that Charles G. Dawes, Mr. Blount, Siegel Cooper & Co., Armour & Co., 
and a large number of other gentlemen, had endorsed him. Judge Grosscup per- 
sonally assured me that he regarded Adr. Jamieson as an entirely honest man, 
though a machine politician, and that he thought the appointment fit and the 
criticisms without any justification. Air. Paul Morton told me the same thing. 

Now, my dear sir, I am perfectly willing to go into a fight with the two 
United States senators from any State when they recommend to me a man 
against whose character or capacity anything definite can be proved; but if 

“Payne, a^ain in poor health, was less and less active politically during 1904. He died 
suddenly in October. 

‘John Mihail Harlan, Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, 1877- 
1911, a vigorous champion of dvil liberties, was best known for his able dissents in 
the significant Pollock, E. C. Knight, Insular, Lochner, Standard Oil, and American 
Tobacco Company cases. 

“Baltimore was begiiming to recover from the great fire, but damage to water and 
sewage systmns and intermittent looting prolonged the disturbed state of city. 

722 



the men whose names I have given above have advised me incorrectly, I don’t 
know where I could go for advice, and I don’t see what justification I would 
have for refusing to appoint the man recommended to me by both senators, 
when in addition they produce backing of this character. In all of these mat- 
ters I have endeavored to keep out of every factional contest, and simply to 
demand of the senators, in the cases of routine appointments such as this pre- 
eminently is, that they give me a man of a character such as Mr. Eckels, Mr. 
Dawes, Mitchell, Mr. Black, and Judge Grosscup testify Jamieson to be. 
I am, of course, exceedingly sorry that this matter should have come up at all. 
As I say, I never heard of Dr. Jamieson until his name was presented to me, 
and know nothing of him now except that there seems to be this wide and to 
me wholly inexplicable contradiction in the judgment of excellent men upon 
him. Sincerely yours 

P. S. I have just received your second telegram. Until I had received it I 
had no idea what candidate Jamieson favored. When we appointed Lawrence 
Murray^ I was charged with having encouraged the Deneen people. Lawrence 
Murray was appointed to a far more important position. I have just received 
the following letter from J. J. Mitchell, which is one of scores from men of 
similar character: 

“My dear Mr. President: 

I understand that some complaint has been lodged against the appoint- 
ment of Dr. T. N. Jamieson as Naval Officer in Chicago on the ground liiat he 
is unfitted for the position, and making some charges against his honesty. He 
has been known to the writer a number of years and is a valued patron of otir 
bank. He has been active in politics and doubtless has incurred some dis- 
pleasure, but as to his ability and integrity I do not think either can be fairly 
attacked. As a man he stands well and should make an efficient official” 

Do you not think it unreasonable to expect me to tom down both 
United States Senators when they reconunend for a not very important posi- 
tion a man such as Jamieson has been vouched for? I have never hesitated to 
antagonize any Senators when I thought they recommended men who were 
unfit, but never in my experience has it occurred to me to refuse to turn 
down for such an office as this a man recommended as Jamieson has been 
recommended to me. 

2963 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JUNIOR RoOSBVelt MsS. 

Washington, February lo, 1904 

Blessed Ted: I loved your letter coaxing for one of the six Arabian stallions, 
and if they had actually come to me I would not have been able to reast keep- 

‘ Lawrence O. Murray, secretary and trust officer. Central Trust Company, Chicago, 

was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor in 

1904, 


723 



ing one for your use as long as I was in the White House. But alas, it was all 
a newspaper story! They really went to the St. Louis Exposition, and so you 
will not be able to disturb your parents by witching the world with feats of 
horsemanship. Just at the moment what I most earnestly hope is that I shall have 
any horse whatever for you to ride when you come home at Easter. All three 
of my saddle horses are absolutely gone in the wind so that I can’t ride them 
at all; and Yagenka is also touched a little. I think it is undoubtedly due to our 
stable, and I have had them put in another. I hope soon one of mine will get 
well. Yagenka I think certainly will. So at present I can’t ride. When I get any 
e.xercise it takes the form of a w’^alk with one of my faithful bodyguard — 
Garfield, Pinchot, Cooley or Fortescue. I have been able to get very little 
exercise indeed this winter, 

I think the opposition to Panama is pretty well over and I shall be sur- 
prised if within a week or so we do not have the treaty ratified. Of course, 
there w^ill be many perplexing problems to face during the actual work of 
constructing the canal. 

Santo Domingo is drifting into chaos, for after a hundred years of freedom 
it shows itself utterly incompetent for governmental work. Most reluctantly 
I have been obliged to take the initial step of interference there,^ I hope it 
will be a good while before I have to go further. But sooner or later it seems 
to me inevitable that the United States should assume an attitude of protection 
and regulation in regard to all these little states in the neighborhood of the 
Caribbean. I hope it will be deferred as long as possible, but I fear it is inevi- 
table. 

I am greatly interested in the Russian and Japanese war. It has certainly 
opened most ^sastrously for the Russians, and their supine carelessness is 
well-nigh incredible. For several years Russia has behaved very badly in the 
far East, her attitude toward all nations, including us, but especially toward 
Japan, being grossly overbearing. We had no sufficient cause for war with 
her. Yet I was apprehensive lest if she at the very outset whipped Japan on the 
sea she might assume a position well-nigh intolerable toward us. I thought 
Japan would probably whip her on the sea, but I could not be certain; and 
between ourselves — for you must not breatlie it to anybody — I was 
thoroughly well pleased with the Japanese victory, for Japan is playing our 
game. Always yom^ 

* On February i, the insurgents in Santo Domingo had fired on the United States 
cruiser Yankee. On February 5, they had threatened American property near Santo 
Domingo City. After a conference with Moody and Loomis on February 7, Roo.se- 
yelt cabled Rear Admir^ Wise at Guantanamo to take “immediate steps for protec- 
tion of United States citizens and property." 

* As a preface to this letter Roosevelt wrote! “Be sure not to let this letter stay 
around where it could be seen by anyone, for it might cause trouble.” 



2964 * TO WHiTELAW REID Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, February 10, 1904 

My dear Mr, Reid: I thank you for your letter of the 9th. I guess your 
decision is all right.^ 

I have had some very interesting information recently about the Wall 
Street cabal. While of course it is necessary to be on our guard, I think that 
as an organized movement affecting the nomination it has collapsed. The im- 
portant point is the election, but about that it is too early to speak as yet. 
With warm regards to Mrs. Reid, believe me, Sincerely yours 


2965 • TO LEIGH s. j. HUNT Roosevelt Mss, 

Washington, February ii, 1904 

My dear Mr, Hunt: ^ Mrs. Roosevelt and I were exceedingly interested in the 
two letters of yours forwarded for our reading by Nicholas Murray Butler 
and Mr. Clarkson. I cannot say how absorbed I was in your account of that 
wonderful river voyage through a primeval world. Think of the 20th Cen- 
tury suddenly going back into the world as it was when the men of the 
unpolished stone period hunted the mammoth and the woolly rhinoceros! 
My dear sir, when I get through this work, whether it is a year from now or 
five years from now, if I have the physical power and you still desire me, I 
shall most certainly accept for that trip into equatorial Africa. 

I congratulate you on your boy’s feat. I am vain enough to think that my 
boy, Ted, would be fit to be his companion. 

With warm regards to Mrs, Hunt, Faithfully yours 
P. S, I think the opposition to my renomination has disintegrated, the Wall 
Street combine having found that it could literally do nothing. As to the 
chances in the election, it is as yet too early to speak. 

^Roosevelt had suggested that Reid hire Bishop as an editorial writer during the 
campaign, a suggestion which Reid did not accept. 

^ Leigh S, J. Hunt, while owner and editor of the Seattle Tost-Intelltgenoer, had be- 
come the wealthiest citizen of that city in the boom of the 1880’s. Ruined in the 
panic of 1893, he turned to the Orient to recoup his fortune. Particulars lU China 
and Korea he developed large mining properties. In 1904 he was in Afriw wh^ 
he increased his new wealth by introducing cotton planting in tiie Anglo-EgypUan 
Sudan. With Andrew Carnegie and Oscar Straus he subsidized the saenofic work 
of Roosevelt’s African expedition in 1909. 



2966 • TO WILLIAM BOYD ALLISON 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, February 12, 1904 

My dear Se^iator Allison: How is that appropriation for the War College 
going on? Is there any hitch about it? Root was greatly interested in it.^ 
Sheer ely yours 


2967 • TO EDWIN WARFIELD RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, February 12, 1904 

Sir: ^ I am in receipt of the following resolutions of the Legislature of the 
State of Maryland, duly certified by the Secretary of State of the State of 
Maryland, and authenticated by your signature as Governor thereof: 

“/ofe Resolution. 

Joint Resolution requesting the President of the United States to direct the 
Secretary of War to despatch United States Troops to Baltimore City, 

“Whereas an exigency has occurred by reason of a great conflagration in the 
City of Baltimore, wliich makes it desirable that troops shall be placed on guard 
around the burnt district in the said city, and 

“Whereas tlie police force of the said City and the available military force of 
the State have become exhausted by reason of long continued and arduous service, 
“Therefore^ be it resolved by the General Assembly of Maryland, That the 
President of the United States, be and he is hereby requested, to direct the Secre- 
tary of War of the United States to despatch such troops of the United States as 
may be required for the occasion to the City of Baltimore, to be used there for 
the protection of property, the patrolling of streets around the burnt district, and 
for the maintenance of public order and peace, for such length of time as may in 
the judgment of the Governor of tliis State be necessary. 

“And be it further resolved^ That the Secretary of State, be and he is hereby 
respectfully requested, to send a copy of these Resolutions duly attested under the 
seal of this State, to the President of the United States. 

‘‘Spencer C. Jones, 

President of the Senate. 

“George Y, Everhart, 

Speaker of the House of Delegates.^^ 

Osvoald Tilghnmn, Secretary of State of the State of Maryland^ do hereby 
certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of a Joint Resolution passed 
by the General Assembly of Maryland on February tenth, nineteen hundred and 
four. 

In Testimony whereof^ I have hereunto set my hand and, by order of the Gov- 
ernor, attested by his signature, have ajffixed the Great Seal of the State of Mary- 

* Roosevelt sent similar letters to Senators Proctor and Cockrell. The Senate Military 
Affairs Committee was considering the appropriations bill passed by the House. 
Differences between the two chambers were resolved only after three conference 
committees had been appointed. The legislation as finally passed in April included 
an appropriation for the War College. 

* Edwin Warfield, Cleveland Democrat, Governor of Maryland, 1904-1908. 

726 



land, at the City of Annapolis, this (SEAL) nth day of February, in the year 
nineteen hundred and four. 

By His Excellency the Governor, 

Oswald Tilghman Edwin Warfield 

Secretary of State, 

These resolutions were delivered to me by Adjutant General Riggs, of 
the State of Maryland, with the statement that you, as Governor, thought that 
there was not now occasion for the use of Federal troops in the City of 
Baltimore; that should the troops be sent, in compliance with the resolutions, 
you would at once request their withdrawal, and that you desired to convey 
your opinion thus expressed officially to me through your Adjutant General. 

The power of the President of the United States to use the United States 
Army to maintain peace and order in any State grows out of Section 4, 
Article 4, of the Constitution, which reads as follows: 

“Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a 
Republican form of Government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
and on application of the Legislature (or of the Executive when the Legislature 
cannot be convened) against domestic violence.” 

In pursuance of the authority thus conferred, legislation was enacted early 
in the history of the Government, which is now embodied in Section 5297 of 
the Revised Statutes of the United States, which reads as follows: 

“In case of an insurrection in any State against the Government thereof, it 
shall be lawful for the President, on application of the Legislature of such State, 
or of the executive, when the Legislature cannot be convened, to call forth such 
number of the militia of any other State or States, which may be applied for, as 
he deems sufficient to suppress such insurrection; or, on like application, to em- 
ploy, for the same purposes, such part of the land or naval forces of the United 
States as he deems necessary.” 

Occasion has recently arisen for the construction of Section 5297, and it 
is contained in a telegram sent by my direction, by Secretary Root, to the 
Governor of Colorado, who had asked for troops to suppress local disturb- 
ances. Secretary Root said: 

“The President has no lawful authority to comply with the request contained 
in this dispatch. His authority in such cases is regulated by Title 69 of the United 
States Revised Statutes. The circumstances detailed in your dispatch indicate 
that if any of the provisions of that title are applicable they are the provisions to 
be found in Section 5297. Under that section disturbance must amount to an insur- 
rection against the government of the State and there must be an application by 
the legislature of the State if it is in session or can be convened; or if it is not in 
session or cannot be convened, then by the Executive. Upon such application the 
President is authorized to employ such part of the military forces of the United 
States as he deems necessary and sufficient to suppress such insurrection. He can- 
not place such forces at the disposal of the Governor of the State but must him- 
self direct their operations and he must be furnished with such facts as shall 
enable lum to judge whether the exigency has arisen upon which the Government 





of the United States is bound to interfere. Such exigency requires both that there 
shall be a disturbance amounting to an insurrection against the State and that it is 
beyond the power of the civil police and military forces of the State to control.” 

It is sufficiently clear from this construction, and from other precedents 
which might be cited, diat after the application by the Legislature, or the 
State Executive when the Legislature cannot be convened, there still remains 
in the President discretion to determine whether domestic violence or insur- 
rection calling for the use of the Army of the United States in its suppression 
in fact exists. In the present case the resolutions of the Legislature of the State 
of Maryland do not in terms declare the existence of domestic violence or 
insurrection; and even if the resolutions could be construed to imply exist- 
ence or imminence of such a condition, they expressly delegate to the Gover- 
nor of the State the power to determine that the necessity for the use of 
i troops set forth in the resolution has ceased to exist. As already stated, I am 

! officially advised, through the Adjutant General of the State, by you die 

j Governor of die State, that domestic violence requiring the presence of 

! Federal troops does not now exist, and that if the Federal troops are sent 

i under this resolution you will, in pursuance of the terms of the resolution, 

I notify me that their presence is not necessary. 

Under these circumstances I must, of course, decline to comply with the 
request of the Legislature. Respectfully yoters 

2968 • TO THOMAS N. JAMIESON RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 13, 1904 

My dear Mr^ Jameson: You have now received your appointment. You know 
; the bitter criticism this appointment has evoked. So far as this criticism repre- 

i sents merely the spirit of faction I care not a jot for it. But some of it is due to 

a genuine distrust of your motives and actions — which it is needless to say 
I do not share or I should not have appointed you. 

Now, I wish you not merely to show yourself an upright and efficient 
officer, but to be able to prove this by your conduct of the office so clearly 
that the good men who have been opposed to you shall see their error. For 
instance, I learn tiiat Mr. Marshall Field and the other importers have been 
much concerned over your appointment lest you might not have the neces- 
sary business aptitude and disinterestedness to make a good official. I have 
informed them that I should exact from you the highest standard of public 
service, as I shall from Mr. Hoy’^ and my other appointees — and by the way, 
you may show this letter to 3 ^, Hoy. I therefore request you to call upon 
Mr. Marshall Field to explain to him your purposes and intended action in 
I the office, and to try to convince the merchants of Chicago at the outset that 

; they will have no more efficient and loyal public servant than you. 

Wishing you well, I am. Sincerely yours 
'Luman T. Hoy, appraiser of the port of Chicago. 

728 


2 9 (S 9 ■ TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt NlSS. 

Personal Washington, February 13, 1904 

Dear Mr. Secretary: That is a first-class letter of Folger’s. He is the right man 
for the place.^ Next Cabinet meeting I think we ought to consider whether 
there is any need of sending additional ships to Asia. I doubt it, at present. 
Sincerely yours 

2970 • TO ROBERT JACKSON GAMBLE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 15, 1904 

My dewr Senator Gamble: ^ Mr. George Kennan has just brought to my at- 
tention the bill for the opening of a portion of the Rosebud Reservation in 
Gregory County, House bill 10,418. I have seen Secretary Hitchcock and 
Assistant Secretary Ryan, and from what they tell me I do not like the looks 
of the bill in its present form. I cordially agree with the policy of opening 
the Indian resert^ations to bona fide settlers so far as is compatible with re- 
serving for the Indians the lands they themselves need for agricultural or 
pastoral purposes, and on condition that for the surplus lands they get ade- 
quate payment. But I am not satisfied that the provisions of the present bill, 
as I understand them, give a sufficient price to the Indians. Ample care must 
be taken to see that the Indians get the money without question, that the 
settlers pay it, and that there is no chance for the Indian to be defrauded 
by deferring of pa3mients or in any other way getting out of making them. 
Moreover, apparently trustworthy statements are made to me to the effect 
that the flat price asked for the whole is altogether too small. It has been 
suggested to me tliat it would be satisfactory to make that price the minimum, 
offering the lands at public auction under the homestead law. Of course, the 
amendment would have to be carefully drawn, so as to provide or permit of 
regulations for the sale of the land from time to time. 

I know that in a way it is none of my business how you frame the law in 
Congress; that my duty comes when I have either to sign or refuse to sign 
the bill. But I am so anxious that the settlers shall have the right to obtain 
these lands on terms just, not only to them but also to the Indians, that I do 
not want to take the chance of the bill coming to me in such shape that I 
could not give my assent to it.® 

With regard. Sincerely yours 

^William Mayhew Folger, at this time Commander, Cruiser Squadron, Asiatic Fleet. 

^Robert Jackson Gamble, RMublican senator from South Dakota, 1901-1913, mem- 
ber of the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

* At this time the bill provided that land filed within sk months after the openk^ of 
the reservation would be sold at three dollars an acre. On April 18, Senator Ganible 
introduced an amendment raisit^ the price to four dollars an acre for land filed within 
three months after the reservation opened. The House concurred, and Roosevelt 
signed the amended bill on April 22. ^ 



2971 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevclt Mss. 

Personal Washington, February 16, 1904 

Dear Elihu: 1 am delighted that the Union League Club is to publish your 
speech in fulL^ I agree with every word you say as to the conditions then 
existing in New York. The evil had gone very deep and the effects were be- 
coming noticeable far from the original center. It needed a great speech — a 
speech which was not only masterly in matter but in manner, and which 
came from someone whose name demanded attention — in order to produce 
the necessary effect. I fully believe that you produced that effect. Scores of 
men have written to me about it, none more enthusiastically, by the way, than 
our staunch friend, General Grenville M. Dodge. He has just told me that he 
wishes Hay would now make a spech on our foreign policy which could be 
put with yours, and Moody’s speech at the Republican Club, and issued as 
a campaign document.^ I can conceive of no more effective document. 

Haima’s death has been very sad. Did I tell you the last letter he wrote 
was one to me? As soon as he was seriously sick I called at the hotel, as a 
matter of course. For some inexplicable reason this affected him very much, 
appealing to the generous and large-hearted side of his nature, and he at once 
sent me a pencil note running as follows: 

My dear Mr. President: 

You touched a tender spot, old man, when you called personally to inquire 
after me this a.m. I may be worse before I can be better, but aU the same such 
“drops” of kindness are good for a fellow. 

Sincerely yours, 

M. A. Hanna. 

Friday p.m. 

No man had larger traits than Hanna. He was a big man in every way and 
as forceful a personality as we have seen in public life in our generation. I 
think that not merely I myself, but the whole party and the whole country 
have reason to be very grateful to him for the way in which, after I came 
into office, under circumstances which were very hard for him, he resolutely 
declined to be drawn into the position which a smaller man of meaner cast 
would inevitably have taken; that is, the position of antagonizing public 

*At a dinner given in his honor by the Umoa League Qub on February 3, 1904, 
Root had described Roosevelt as “the greatest conservative force for the protection 
of property and out institutions in the city of Washington.” The President’s trust 
and labor policies, Root held, were the best safeguards against radicalism. Franklin 
Mtirphy, who was at the dinner, expressed the consensus of the audience: “His 
meech was marvellous. . . .” The newmapers also recognized the usefulness of 
Root’s words for winning financial men for Roosevelt. This was the first of several 
important contributions By Root to the campaign. For a detailed discussion of his 
campaign speeches, see Jessup, Root, vol. I, ch. xx. 

•nius suggestion, in altered form, was adopted. The Republicans later issued a 
campaign document consisting of Hay’s speech of July 6 , delivered at Jackson, 
Michigan, and Root’s keynote speech of June ai. 

730 



policies if I was identified with them. He cotild have caused the widest 
disaster to the country and the public if he had attacked and opposed the 
policies referring to Panama, the Philippines, Cuban reciprocity, army re- 
form, the navy and the legislation for regulating corporations. But he stood 
by them just as loyally as if I had been McKinley. 

Mrs. Hanna has been very much shattered; and it has all been very sad. 
Panama is certainly going through, and I think they will vote about the 
23d. We shall get nearly half the democrats, and I don’t dvink we shall lose 
a single republican. Even Hoar, by a path so bewilderingly devious that I am 
really unable to follow the windings, has come around to the support of the 
treaty. 

Yes, it was on the suggestion of “Bill the Kaiser” that we sent out the note 
on the neutrality of China. But the insertion of the word “entity” was orure. 
His suggestion originally was in untenable form; that is, he wanted us to 
guarantee the integrity of China south of the latitude of the Great Wall, 
which would have left Russia free to gobble up what she really wanted. We 
changed the proposal by striking out the limitation, and Germany cheerfully 
acceded! It is a good thing to give Germany all credit for making the sug- 
gestion. As a matter of fact, in this instance Germany behaved better than any 
other power, for in England Lansdowne drove us half crazy with thick- 
headed inquiries and requests about our making more specific exactly what it 
was highly inexpedient to make specific at all.® 

Indeed the Japs showed themselves past masters in the practical applica- 
tion of David Hamm’s famous gloss on the “Do unto others” injunction. 
They did it fust! Oh, if only our people would leam the need of prepared- 
ness, and of shaping things so that decision and action can alike be instantane- 
ous. Mere bigness, if it is also mere flabbiness, means nothing but disgrace. 
Moody, by the way, is being harried by Hale in naval matters until he feels 
like crying. Still, we do make progress. 

I have been, on the whole, deUghted with Upton’s book, and I think you 
rendered a great service in publishing it.^ But it is a one-sided book. Take his 
account of the 1813 campaign. The serious invasions of Canada in that year 
were made by two old army officers, Wilkinson and Hampton, with two 
regular armies amply sufficient in size for the task. They would have suc- 
ceeded if they had been under the two militia, or volunteer, officers Jacob 
Brown and Andrew Jackson. They failed because they were under two in- 
competents, who had seen long service in the army. In other words, Upton 
should have remembered to qualify continually what he said by remembering 
* See Griswold, Far Eastern Foliay, ch. iii. 

‘Root had examined the manuscript cop7 of General Emory Upton’s The Military 
Policy of the United States (Washington, 1904). He had J. P. Sanger edit it for 
publication. The most important work of a bnlliant military mind, this book was 
W of the first by an American to give incisive treatment to problems of military 
organhntion and policy. For a discussion of the effect of X!^ton’s work on Roots 
thmking about the general staff and associatied problems, see Jessup, Root) I, 242-243. 

731 



that mere length of service, that mere calling troops “regulars,” amount to 
nothing whatever. 

When are you coming on to Washington? Remember that you and Mrs. 
Root and Miss Edith are to stay with us whenever you are here. Ever yours 

2972 • TO HENRY WHITE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 17, 1904 

My dear White: Your letter interests me. The views of Quincy, Croker, etc., 
shall be kept entirely to myself. 

Poor Hanna has just died. Thank Heaven, before he became sick the 
whole opposition to me had collapsed. Hanna was a very strong personality, 
with many large and generous traits. 

I am much obliged for your information about England’s attitude toward 
the Yangtze valley. It is borne out by her recent action. Germany, I am bound 
to say, has acted very well. Was it not astonishing that the Russians should 
have shown themselves so utterly slack and unready? 

With heartiest good wishes, believe me. Faithfully yours 


2973 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JUNIOR RoOSCVClt MsS. 

Washington, February 19, 1904 

Dear Ted: Poor Hanna’s death was a tragedy. At the end he wrote me a note, 
the last he ever wrote, which .showed him at his best, and which I much 
appreciate. His death was very sad for his family and close friends, for he 
had many large and generous traits, and had made a great success in life by 
his eneigy, perseverence and burly strength. As for me personally, the point 
had been passed where he could either harm or hurt me to any appreciable 
extent. 

Buffalo Bill was at lunch the other day, together with John Willis, my old 
hunter. Buffalo Bill has always been a great friend of mine. I remember when 
I was running for Vice-President I struck a Kansas town just w'hen the Wild 
West show was there. He got upon the rear platform of my car and made a 
brief speech on my behalf, ending with the statement that “a cyclone from 
the West had come; no wonder the rats hunted their cellars!” 

Roly Fortescue is moving Heaven and earth to get a chance to start for 
Korea to see the lighting. He is an adventurous, eager little fellow, and I like 
him. 

As for you, I think the West Point education is of course good for any 
man, but I still think that you have too much in you for me to be glad to see 
you go into the Army, where in time of peace progress is so much a matter of 
routine. Your loving father 

[Handwitten] It is curious diat though Roly can — as he ought to — 

73a 



easily outlast me at walking and indeed probably at riding, having better wind 
and being sounder in limb; yet in a bout with the single sticks or broadswords 
I can wear him down and do him out, so that he loses his wind and his 
strength. 


2974 ’ TO MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 19, 1904 

My dear Senator Quay: You have been so kind to me in so many ways that I 
hate to be in any way unreciprocative. If I could consider the claims of any 
man or of any State, I should certainly take a Pennsylvanian. But it does seem 
to me that in handling this Commission I should do nothing on the ground of 
locality, save to give a representation of one member to the Pacific Coast and 
of one to the Gulf; and even on these two points, if I fail to get the right men 
I shall unhesitatingly pass by both the Coast and the Gulf. 

The engineers I am inclined to appoint are William Barclay Parsons and 
Noble. Both names have suggested themselves to me, and been suggested by 
others, so far as I know without either of the men having been spoken to; and 
I don’t know whether either would or could accept. I have had to refuse to 
appoint an admirable young fellow in whom Lodge was intensely interested, 
though I was able to place him on the Philippine Commission. Senator Platt 
has been interested in a first-class man. Burr, who is entirely fit for the 
position; yet I am inclined to think, although I have not definitely made up 
my mind, that Parsons is the better man; and although he has no backing 
whatever, if I come to the conclusion that he is the better man, I think I 
ought to appoint him. Parsons is a New York man. Where Noble comes from 
I don’t know, and, indeed, I don’t really care. He is in the employ of the 
Pennsylvania Railroad and I hope he is a Pennsylvanian, but I haven’t an idea. 
He is digging their tunnel under the North River. In any ordinary appoint- 
ments I am only too glad to consider political recommendations and the 
recommendations of my friends, and I should do the same even on extraor- 
dinary occasions where so much was not involved. But when we come to a 
position like this I feel as I do when I am choosing a judge for the Supreme 
Court, that I must have an eye single to the way the work will be done.^ 

* The Isthmian Canal Commission, as appointed in March, consisted of Rear Admiral 
John G. Walker, chsurman; General George W. Davis, Governor of the Canal 
Zone; and four dvil engineers, William Hubert Burr, Beniamin Morgan Harrod, 
William Barday Parsons, and Carl Ewald Grunsky. Two of Roosevelt’s first choices 
for the commission, Alfred Noble and John Garber, declined to serve. Subordinate 
to the commission, but of great importance in its work, were Chief Engineer John 
Findlay Wallace and Chief Sanitary Ofiicer Colonel William Crawford Goi^. 
Administrative difficdties and personal differences vitiated the work of this fest 
group of men assigned the task of building the canal. After an unproductive year, 
they resigned, the commission was reorganized, and new personnel appointed. For 
a discussion of their work and their problems, see Gersde Mack, The Land Divided 
(New York, 1944), ch. xl. 


733 


I hope you do not think this the letter of a prig. I very earnestly hope 
you will soon be well enough to come back. Faithfully yours 


2975 • TO GEORGE DEWEY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 20, 1904 

Dear Admiral Dewey: Reports indicating a condition of serious disturbance 
and grave danger to important American interests have been coming to me for 
a considerable period from Santo Domingo. I am led to think that matters are 
growing more serious all the while in Santo Domingo, yet, owing to the 
interruption in the cable service, I am unable to get late and comprehensive 
news. I wish, therefore, if compatible with your other duties, you with the 
assistance of Mr. Loomis and Admiral Taylor and Commander Sargent would 
go to Santo Domingo, investigate conditions and give me a full, impartial 
searching account of the situation as it now presents itself to your eyes.^ I 
want to get at the truth and shall also be glad to have you make any sugges- 
tions bearing upon conditions there that may occur to you, and which you 
think would contribute to a full understanding of the situation. Sincerely 
yours 

[Handimitten] Of course carry on your investigations discreetly and 
with the least possible publicity; I do not wish there to be any idea that your 
mission is official or semi-official — I want to avoid all talk about it. 


2976 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, February 23, 1904 

Dear Bishop: Indeed you were not meddling about the immigration office. I 
was very sorry to receive the letter, and of course more sorry that it was 
necessary to write it; but it was your duty. 

I have been hoping and praying for three months that the Santo Domingans 
would behave so that I would not have to act in any way. I want to do noth- 
ing but what a policeman has to do in Santo Domingo. As for annexing tibe 
island, I have about die same desire to annex it as a gorged boa constrictor 
might have to swallow a porcupine wrong-end-to. Is that strong enough? I 
have asked some of our people to go there because, after having refused for 
three months to do anything, the attitude of the Santo Domingans has become 
one of half chaotic war towards us. If I possibly can I want to do nothing to 
them. If it is absolutely necessary to do something, then I want to do as 
little as possible. Their government has been bedeviiing us to establish some 
kind of a protectorate over the islands, and take charge of dieir finances. We 

‘A commission composed of Dewey, Loomis, and Admiral Taylor arrived in Santo 

Domingo cm Matdi 5. 


734 


have been answering them that we could not possibly go into the subject now 
at all.^ Faithfully yours 


2977 • TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 23, 1904 

My dear Senator Platt: In accordance with our conversation I saw Repre- 
sentative Littauer and told him that you had said the appointments in his 
district could now be made as they were made in other Congressional dis- 
tricts, and I have notified Postmaster General Payne to the same effect.^ I 
understand entirely, my dear Senator, that, as said by you, this is on “my own 
responsibility.” I shall send you back the letter from Senator Mitchell to- 
morrow. 

With regards to Mrs. Platt, believe me, Sincerely yours 


2978 • TO THEODORE ELIJAH BURTON RooSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 23, 1904 

My dear Mr, Burton: ^ I respect your character and ability so highly and 
believe so in your power for good, and therefore, as a corollary, in your 
power for evil if it is misused; and I am so confident in your good judgment, 
that I write you a word in reference to your speech on the navy. 

As you can imagine, tliis speech was a genuine shock to me. To have Mr. 
Gorman and Mr. Williams^ advocate policies which, if carried out, mean 

^ At this time, the Dominican Foreign Minister, Juan F. Sanchez, was in Washington 
in an attempt to negotiate island difficulties with Hay. See Perkins, The Monroe 
Doctrine, p. 419. 

^Post-office patronage normally fell to members of the House of Representatives. 
Senators had first call in the Justice and Treasury departments. A politically strong 
senator like T. C. Platt or Foraker, however, often influenced post-office decisions. 

^Theodore Elijah Burton, Republican congressman from Ohio, 1889-1891, 1895-1909, 
1921-1929; senator, 1909-1915. A man of increasing influence in Ohio politics at this 
time, Burton in large part shared Roosevelt’s views on domestic policy. The two 
differed significantly, however, on foreign affairs and military matters. Already 
an advocate of disarmament (he was later president of the American Peace So- 
ciety, 1911-1915, and chairman of the American delegation to Geneva, 1925), 
Burton had attacked Roosevelt’s naval program on the floor of the House on 
February 22. He contended that no power Sireatened the United States at home, 
in Panama, or in the Philippines. A large navy, he argued, was designed for offerwiye 
warfare. It involved “a departure from the fundamental principles and policies 
which are alike the bulwark and honor of this Republic”*, it announced to the world 
that the United States, ‘^striving to dominate political affairs in other portions of 
the earth,” desired that its “future policy. ... be one of conflict.” 

“John Sharp Williams, Democratic congressman from Missisappi, 1893-1^; 
senator, 1911-1923. Convivial, eloquent, but withal a firm parliamentaiy disciplin^ian, 
Williams was at tliis time the able minority leader of the^ House. A twentieth- 
century Jeffersonian, he was most effective as an oppositionist. Within the Demo- 
cratic party he steered a course between Bryan and the city bosses. At the same time, 

735 



jeopardy to the nation’s interest and honor, is what we must expect; but that 
you should take what seems to me such a course, is a matter of grave concern. 
Let me point out very briefly what I regard as the fundamental error in the 
position of those who now wish to stop our building up the navy, and who 
nevertheless belong to the republican party. The one unforgivable crime is 
to put one’s self in a position in which strength and courage are needed, and 
then to show lack of strength and courage. This is precisely the crime com- 
mitted by those who advocate or have acquiesced in the acquisition of the 
Philippines, the establishment of naval stations in Cuba, the negotiation of 
the treaty for building the Panama Canal, the taking of Porto Rico and 
Hawaii, and the assertion of the Monroe Doctrine, and who nevertheless 
decline to advocate the building of a navy such as will alone warrant our 
attitude in any one, not to say all, of these matters. It is perfectly allowable, 
although I think rather ignoble, to take the attitude that this country is to 
occupy a position in the New World analogous to that of China in the Old 
World, to stay entirely within her borders, not to endeavor to assert the 
Monroe Doctrine, incidentally to leave the Philippines, to abandon the care 
of the Panama Canal, to give up Hawaii and Porto Rico, etc., etc., and there- 
fore to refuse to build up any navy. It is also allowable, and as I think, in 
the highest degree far-sighted and honorable, to insist that the attitude of the 
republican party in all these matters during the last eight years has been the 
wise and proper attitude, and to insist therefore that the navy shall be kept 
up and built up as required by the needs of such an attitude. But any attempt 
to combine the two attitudes is fraught with the certainty of hopeless and 
ignominious disaster to the Nation. To be rich, aggressive, and yet helpless 
in war, is to invite destruction. If everything that the republican party has 
done during the past eight years is all wrong; if we ought not to have an- 
nexed Hawaii, or taken the Philippines, or established a kind of protectorate 
over Cuba, or started to build the Panama Canal, then let us reverse these 
policies and give up building a navy; but to my mind it is to inflict a great 
wrong on the generations who come after us if we persevere in these policies 
and do not back them up by building a navy. Mr. Williams, for instance, is 
against the fortification of Subig Bay. He affects to regard the fortification of 
Subig Bay as a menace to five independence of the Philippines; with which it 
has nothing in the world to do. I do not know how much his attitude is due 
to sheer ignorance, or unwillingness or inability to think things out, or how 
much it is mere affectation. Of course, in any event, for him, coming from a 
State where his party supremacy and his own political success rest wholly 

he continually atiadced Republican tariff, corporation, and foreign policy. His 
lengthy, rambling keynote speech at the Democratic Convention or 1904 revealed 
the contradictions and indecisiveness of his party in that year, a condition for which 
men like him were largely responsible. Later, during Wilson’s presidency, Williams 
was the most consistent and perhaps the most forceful senatorial spokesman first for 
intervention and then for the League. 

73<5 



and exclusively on the basis of governing the majority of his fellow citizens, 
who happen to have different colored skins, without their consent, it is 
hypocritical and base to make the false plea that he does for the Filipinos. An 
honest but misguided enthusiast can make such a plea and retain his self- 
respect, when it is known that at home he is equally sincere in insisting that 
all men, of whatever race, however incompetent, shall have equal chances to 
govern themselves. But for a man by his life and by every act which gratifies 
his own ambitions at home to prove the negation of what he asserts in refer- 
ence to people abroad, is even more base than it is foolish. Without regard 
to this, however, Mr. Williams’ attitude about Subig Bay is monstrous in 
view of what we have seen happen before our eyes to the Russians at Port 
Arthur because of their unpreparedness. If we are to have a naval station in 
the Philippines; if we are to have a fleet in Asiatic waters, or to exert the 
slightest influence in eastern Asia where our people hope to find a market, 
then it is of the highest importance that we have a naval station at Subig Bay. 
If we are not to have that station, and are not to have a navy, then we should 
be manly enough to say that we intend to abandon the Philippines at once; 
not to try to keep a naval station there; and not to try to exercise that in- 
fluence in foreign affairs which comes only to the just man armed who wishes 
to keep the peace. China is now the sport and plaything of stronger powers 
because she has constantly acted on her belief in despising and making little 
of military strength afloat or ashore, and is therefore powerless to keep order 
within or repel aggression from without. The little powers of Europe, al- 
though in many cases they lead honorable and self-respecting national lives, 
are powerless to accomplish any great good in foreign affairs, simply and 
solely because they lack the element of force behind their good wishes. We 
on the contrary have been able to do so much for The Hague Tribunal and 
for the cause of international arbitration; we have been able to keep the peace 
in the waters south of us; to put an end to bloody misrule and bloody civil 
strife in Cuba, in the Philippines, and at Panama; and we are able to exercise 
a pacific influence in China, because, and only because, together with the 
purpose to be just and to keep the peace we possess a navy which makes it 
evident that we will not tamely submit to injustice, or tamely acquiesce in 
breaking the peace. 

This letter is for you personally. I write it because I respect you and like 
you. Faithfully yours 


2979 • TO JOSEPH BENSON FORAKER ROOSBVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 23, 1904 

My dear Senator Foraker: After thinking it all over and consulting various 
people, I feel that in those two post offices it might cause misconstruction 
and very disagreeable comment if I made the appointments at this particular 


737 



time. I have had enough experience of the effect of malevolence upon igno- 
rance to make me wish to avoid such comment if possible; and I think a very 
little delay will do it in this case. The delay will be short. Sincerely yours 
[Handwitten] I congratulate you on the passage of the treaty; an event 
in which you have shown such leadership and rendered such signal service. 


2980 • TO JOHN GRIMES WALKER RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Washington, February 24, 1904 

My dear Admiral: I enclose you a letter from Dr. Welch.^ It gives exactly 
what he thinks of Dr. Wright, and I wish to Heaven we could get from other 
people, whose opinions we desire, such exact and straightforward informa- 
tion as this letter contains. 

As you know, I feel that the sanitary and hygienic problems in connection 
with the work on the Isthmus are those which are literally of the first im- 
portance, coming even before the engineering matters; because the health of 
the laborers and of the employees generally must be good or else no engineer- 
ing work can be put through. I wish the Commission to get the very best 
medical man in the country to have the headship and supervision over this 
work, and I desire the Commission to consult Dr. Welch, Dr. Osier, Dr. 
Polk® of New York and others of their standing in securing this man. I should 
like to have the Commission consider General Dodge’s letter at the same 
time you consider Dr. Welch’s on this general subject. As you know, I ex- 
pect the Commission to pay heed to no considerations save that of securing 
the very best service that can be secured; and this, above all, in matters per- 
taining to sanitation. Very truly yours 

^William Henry Welch, a pathologist, with Osier, Halstead, and Kelley a member 
of the “big four” upon which the initial fame of the Johns Hopkins Medical School 
rested. The intercession of these men helped secure the appointment of William 
Crawford Gorgas as chief sanitary officer at Panama. Gorgas, a former student of 
Welch, was the favored candidate of the American Medical Association and other 
professional groups. A continuing rival for the post was Dr. Hamilton Wright. 
A Hopkins fellow in patholo^, he was an experienced administrator familiar with 
the problems of tropical medicine and sanitation. For detailed accounts of the im- 
portance of Gorgas’ work and of the influence of Welch and Osier, see Marie D. 
Gorgas and Burton J, Hendrick, William Cranjoford Gorgas, His Life and Work 
(Garden City, New York, 1924), chs. iv, v, vi; Harvey Cushing, The Life of Sir WiL 
Ham Osier, i vol. ed. (New York, 1940), pp. 631-632; and Simon Flexncr and James 
Thomas Flexner, William Henry Welch and the Heroic Age of American Mediewe 
(New York, 1941), pp. 35 o-' 35 i* 

* William Mecklenbui^ Polk, at this time professor of gynecology and dean of the 
Cornell Medical School. 


738 



2981 •TO FRANCIS BENNETT WILLIAMS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washin^on, February 24, 1904 

Aly dear Mr. Williams: I take it for granted that there is no intention of mak- 
ing the Louisiana delegation all white.^ I think it would be a mistake for my 
friends to take any such attitude in any State where there is a considerable 
negro population. I think it is a great mistake from the standpoint of the 
whites; and in an organization composed of men whom I have especially 
favored it would put me in a false light. As you know, I feel as strongly as 
anyone can that there must be nothing like “negro domination.” On the 
other hand, I feel equally strongly that the republicans must consistently 
favor those comparatively few colored people who by character and intelli- 
gence show themselves entitled to such favor. To put a premium upon the 
possession of such qualities among the blacks is not only to benefit them, but 
to benefit the whites among whom they live. I very earnestly hope that the 
Louisiana republicans whom I have so consistently favored will not by any 
action of theirs tend to put me in a false position in such a matter as this. With 
your entire approval I have appointed one or two colored men to office in 
Louisiana. There must certainly be an occasional colored man entided by 
character and standing to go to die National Convention. Sincerely yours 


2982 • TO CHARLES JOSEPH BONAPARTE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 25, 1904 

Dear Air. Bonaparte: I have your letter of the 24th. All right, go ahead with 
that brief. 

Can you come over next week and take lunch with me? I would like to 
discuss not only the Indian school question,^ but the report of the Indian 

* Roosevelt was wrong. On February 17, at New Orleans, the Louisiana Republican 
Convention had set the pattern of policy for the state. There were no Negro dele- 
gates to the convention which, led by State Qiairman Willianis, passed resolutions 
endorsii^ Roosevelt, denouncing the Democrats, and declaring for white supremacy. 
The President’s letter did not affect Williams’ decision. In May the Lily Whites 
selected a delegation-at-large that included no Negroes. At the National Convention, 
however, the National Committee recognized a rival Negro delegation from Louisi- 
ana. The chairman of this group, Walter L. Cohen, register of the United States 
Land OfSce at New Orleans and Republican national committeeman from Louisiana, 
hoped to supplant Williams as Roosevelt’s favored agent in the state. Williams re- 
sisted Cohen within die party, but a faction of the Lily Whites, particularly those 
previously close to Hanna, bolted to the Democracy. Their point or view was voiced 
by A. T. Wimberly in an emphatic but often inaccurate campaign pamphlet, A 
Study in Black and White. 

* Bonaparte, at this time, was interested in two specific Indian problems; government 
subsidies for mission schools and rations for children in the mission boarding schools. 
Anti-CathoUc agitation had forced a congressional measure in 1894 gradually re- 
ducing appropriations for all sectarian schools. The final appropriation bul was passed 


739 



Territory investigation, which I have read through and which seems to me 
excellent.^ Faithfully yours 


2983 • TO WILLUM BAYARD HALE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 26, 1904 

My dear Mr. Hale: ^ Your letter interested me. Will you mind my saying 
that it gives me satisfaction because I hope it means that the good people of 
this country will gradually come to understand that the attitude of men like 
myself toward the weak and chaotic governments and people south of us is 
conditioned not in the least upon the desire for aggrandizement on the part 
of this Nation, but solely on the theory that it is our duty, when it becomes 
absolutely inevitable, to police these countries in the interest of order and 
civilization. I won’t do it as long as it can be helped. If we could have gotten 
Spain out of Cuba without a war, I should have done everything possible to 
that end. If we could have persuaded Colombia to ratify the Panama Canal 
Treaty I should have been delighted. If we can now get Santo Domingo to 
behave, internally and externally, with any kind of decency and efficiency, 
I shall be greatly i-elieved. But in each case there was in the long run but one 
alternative, which had to be faced from the beginning — the alternative of 
our interfering in some fashion. I hope to minimize this interference in Santo 
Domingo. It will certainly be my effort to do so; and of course it is now im- 
possible to foretell exactly how far we shall have to go, or when. I shall inter- 
fere just as little and just as slowly as is consistent with right and justice. 
Sincerely yours 

in 1899. In 1901, Commissioner Jones ordered that government rations also be stopped, 
considering his move to be in accordance with congressional policy. Bonaparte, a 
member ot the Indian Board and a legal adviser for the Bureau of Catholic Missions, 
opposed these actions. In his letter of February 24 to Roosevelt, he stated his intent 
to prepare a brief for Attorney General Knox, upholding his opinion. He also 
pointed out, in the same letter, the political significance of Catholic opposition. 
Roosevelt soon after urged Congress to revoke Jones* order and, on April 21, signed 
a b^ legalizing rations. The President also ordered Hitchcock, upon petition from 
Indian tribes, to use the tribal funds under his trusteeship in contracts for the support 
of mission schools. See Goldman, Bonaparte^ pp. 43-47. 

**In August 1903, Samuel M, Brosius of the Indian Rights Association had charged 
cemin members of the Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes with land specu- 
lation. On September 15, Roosevelt had appointed Bonaparte and C. R. Woodruff 
special investigators. Their report {Senate Document^ 58 Cong., 2 sess., no. 189) sub- 
st^tiated many of the charges. Bonaparte and Woodruff recommended that the com- 
mission be discontinued and administration of Indian affairs be delegated to officers 
in the Territory itself. The Democrats later used this investigation as a campaign issue. 
For a discussion of the Brosius charges and the investigators* report, see Angle Debo, 
And Still the Waters Run (Princeton, 1940), pp. 117-125. 

^William Bayard Hale, Episcopal clergyman turned journalist; at tliis time managing 
editor of the Philadelphia FubUc Ledger, later editor of Wilson’s The New Breeaom, 

740 



2984 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT 


Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, February 27, 1904 

Dear Kermt: Mother went off for three days to New York, and Mame and 
Quentin took instant advantage of her absence to fall sick. Quentin’s sickness 
was purely due to a riot in candy and ice cream with chocolate sauce. He was 
a very sad bunny next mornmg and spent a couple of days in bed. Ethel, as 
always, was as good as gold both to him and to Archie, and largely relieved 
me of my duties as vice-mother. I got up each morning in time to breakfast 
with Ethel and Archie before they started for school, and I read a certain 
amount to Quentin; but this was about all. I think Archie escaped with a 
minimum of washing for the three days. One day I asked him before Quentin 
how often he washed his face, whereupon Quentin interpolated “very sel- 
dom, I fear” — which naturally produced from Archie violent recriminations 
of a strongly personal type. Mother came back yesterday, having thoroughly 
enjoyed Parsifal. All the horses continue sick. Yozer loving father 

2985 • TO HENRY CLAY PAYNE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Postmaster General: While all the work of the Post-Office 
Department and the Department of Justice in connection with the postal 
frauds is not yet over, there is already to the credit of the Departments, and 
therefore primarily to your credit, such an amount of substantive achieve- 
ment that I take this opportunity to congratulate you personally upon it. It 
is impossible to expect that corruption will not occasionally occur in any 
government; the vital point is the energy, the fearlessness, and the efficiency 
with which such corruption is cut out and the corruptionists punished. The 
success of the prosecutions in this case as compared with previous experiences 
in prosecuting government officials who have been guilty of malfeasance or 
misfeasance is as noteworthy as it is gratifying, and must be a source of en- 
couragement to all men who believe in decency and honesty in public life. 
What has been accomplished by you, by those who have worked under you 
in your Department, and by the Department of Justice, redounds to the 
credit of our whole people and is a signal triumph for the cause of popular 
government. If corruption goes unpunished in popular government, then 
government by the people will ultimately fail; and they are the best friends 
of the people who make it evident that whoever in public office, or in con- 
nection with public office, sins against the fundamental laws of civic and 
social well-being, wiE be punished with unsparing rigor.^ Sincerely yours 

*This olBcial letter commending Payne stood in sharp contrast to the developbg 
congressional antagonism toward the Postmaster General. As Roosevelt pointed out, 
the work of the Post-Office and Justice departments was “not yet over." Certain 
statements in die Bristow report had been regarded by some members of the House 

741 



2986 • TO WELDON BRINTON HEYBURN 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, March 2, 1904 

My dear Senator Hey burn: ^ I have referred your letter for full report to 
the Secretary of the Interior. Let me, however, correct one misapprehension. 
I have directed that no forest reserves be made without consultation with 
you, but I did not direct that there should be no withdrawals of land prelimi- 
nary to an examination of the subject. It would be impossible to notify any- 
one in advance about these withdrawals, as I am informed, unless at the risk 
of advantage being talcen thereof for improper reasons; and so, as I under- 
stand it, no one outside of the office is ever consulted. I shall, however, take 
it up with the proper authorities to find out die reasons. Sincerely yours 


2987 ' TO THOMAS CX)LLIER PLATT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 2, 1904 

My dear Senator Fktt: I find that the Attorney General very strongly feels 
that he cannot alter his report and memorandum of February 6tii, which I 
herewith enclose. Please return them to me when you have read them. In 
view of this report and memorandum it seems to me that any letter I could 
truthfully write would not be such as Mr. Stoddard would care for. In your 
letter of February 23d you stated: “I enclose herein the resignation of Isaac T. 
Stoddard, effective April ist, 1904, which is transmitted widi the understand- 
ing that your verbal assurance given me this morning shall be carried out, 
namely, that you, or the Attorney General, will write me a letter acltnowl- 
edging the fact (which appears to be a fact) that the charges filed against 
Stoddard by individuals in Arizona have either been disproved or have not 
been substantiated by the evidence submitted.” There is a slight error or mis- 
understanding on this point. I stated to you that I would not treat that resig- 

as a reflection upon die integrity of the House. These statements, pertaining to 
Beavers, indicated that unnamed congressmen had received excessive rentals on 
buildings they owned and increases in allowances for hiring clerks in return for 
their tacit connivance in Beavers’ schemes. The House authorized the Committee 
on Post Offices and Post Roads to inquire into die matter. The committee requested 
the relevant data from Payne. Payne, at first reluctant, in February and March 
transmitted lists of congressmen ovraing buildings rented by the Post-Office Depart- 
ment widi explanations of the reasons for each fease. In March, because of a mistake 
by the Government Printmg Office, a document containing all this infonnation was 
endded “Charges Concerning Members of Congress.” For this tide Congress initially 
blamed Payne, who, in fact, had been attempting from the first to prevent publica- 
tion. But by this time a further investigation was necessaiy to protect congressional 
reputations. A committee trader Representative McCall of Massachusetts, appointed 
by Cannon after a conference with Roosevelt, reported in April tiiat none of the 
then members of Congress were guilty of fraud though some had been “indiscreet" 
and “exercised poor judgment.” 

‘Weldon Brinton Heybnrn, Republican senator from Idaho, 1903-1912; national 
committeeman, 1904-1^8. 


742 



nation as effective unless I found I could make such statement, or the Attor- 
ney General could make such statement, as you requested. He feels, and I 
feel, that such statement cannot be made, and therefore I shall not consider 
myself at liberty to use the resignation. 

The utmost that the Attorney General feels can be done is for Mr. Stod- 
dard to send in his resignation, and for me to accept it without saying any- 
thing more in the matter, treating the incident as closed. This I am willing to 
do. Permit me to add that I think that it is very greatly to Adr. Stoddard’s 
advantage that I should do this, rather than to have to take action in the 
matter.^ 

Can you see me on Friday morning in reference to the subject we last 
discussed? Sincerely yours 

2988 • TO GEORGE KENNAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 3, 1904 

My dear Mr. Kennan: 1 am very sorry that I am not to see you, and I thank 
you for all your good wishes and for the great aid you have been to me. 

As regards the Indians, the Montana man has been perfectly reasonable, 
but the South Dakota men not yet. We are finding so many practical diflBlcul- 
ties in the way of a competitive sale of homesteads that we may have to adopt 
a plan either of the classification of the lands by a commission composed of 
two representatives of the Indians, two men appointed from the State in 
which the reservation lies, and one outsider; or get at the classification in an- 
other way by establishing a flat price which we think sufiicient for higher 
grades at which alone they can be sold for six months, and then a lower price, 
and so on.^ As yet, as I have said, the South Dakota people have been abso- 
lutely unreasonable. The Montana man is a first-class one, and I have gotten 
along well with him. Sincerely yours 

2989 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, March 5, 1904 

Dear Kermit: It does not look as if Renown would ever be worth anything, 
and I am afraid that Wyoming is gone too. Bleistein probably, and Yagenka 

^ Isaac T. Stoddard had capitalized on his prerogatives as secretary of the Territory 
of Arizona by promoting the incorporation of companies in the Territory, For this 
service he was earning lees amounting to about $50,000 a year. While perhaps un- 
ethical, this was not illegal. When the governor and territorial legislature attempted 
to curtail Stoddard’s practice, the secretary, to forestall investigation, burned his 
books. The feeling against him became so great that he resigned. Platt had long 
been a supporter of Stoddard, whose uncle, Judge Celore E. Martm of the New 
York Court of Appeals, was a personal friend and political associate of the senator. 
For interesting repercussions or Stoddard’s withdrawal, see Numbers 2993 and 2994. 

5 ^ This second plan was used at the Rosebud Agency in South Dakota and on the 
reservations in Montana. 


743 



almost certainly, will come out all right. Allan is back here now and very 
cunning, so you will see him on your return. 

I am wrestling with two Japanese wrestlers tliree times a week. I am not 
the age or the build, one would think, to be whirled lightly over an oppo- 
nent’s head and batted down on a mattress without damage; but they are so 
skillful diat I have not been hurt at all. My throat is a little sore, because once 
when one of them had a strangle hold 1 also got hold of his windpipe and 
thought I could perhaps choke him off before he could choke me. However, 
he got ahead! Your loving father 


2990 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Toft MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 7, 1904 

My dear Secretary Taft: Will you look at the enclosed clipping containing 
an account of what purport to be statements by General Chaffee reflecting 
on the Russians.!* 1 Lieutenant General of the Army should, as a matter 
of course, be more than careful about saying anything tending to cause inter- 
national bad feeling, and above all at a time when we are having difficulty in 
preventing the feelings of one or the other of the combatants from being 
hurt. Recently I had to rebuke MacArthur for speaking iU of the Germans. 
I would like a statement about this matter. Our army and navy officers must 
not comment about foreign powers in a way tliat will cause trouble. Sincerely 
yours 


2991 • TO ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 8, 1904 

The Secretary of the Interior: Old Chief Joseph will have to have his fare 
paid back from Washington. He needs not only his ticket but some money 
to pay his expenses. Please have this done; and send for him and talk to him 
through an interpreter and tell him that he must never come on here again 
unless the Secretary of the Interior sends for him, and that never again will 
his fare be paid. He is a great old Indian, a really noteworthy man, and I 
want to show the old fellow consideration this time. The sooner he and his 
parly have the bill paid, the quicker the expense will come to an end. I think 
it is now over $400. 

* At a meeting of the National Guard Association in Albany on February 16 , Gen- 
eral Chaffee had spoken of the unreliability and unfriendline^ of the Russiso troops 
that had joined wh the Ameiican, British, and Japanese forces in the relief of the 
legations during the Boxer RebeUion. 


744 



2992 • TO THE ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, March 8, 1904 

Sirs: I have appointed you as the Commission which is to undertake the most 
important and also the most formidable engineering feat that has hitherto 
been attempted. You are to do a work, the doing of which, if well done, wUl 
reflect high honor upon this nation, and when done will be of incalculable 
benefit, not only to this nation, but to civilized mankind. As you yourselves 
must individually know, I have chosen you with reference to nothing save 
my belief, after full and patient inquiry, that you are among all the available 
men of whom I have knowledge those best fitted to bring this great task to a 
successful conclusion. You have been chosen purely because of your personal 
and professional reputations for integrity and ability. You represent the 
whole country. You represent neither section nor party. I have not sought 
to find out the politics of a single one of you, and indeed as to the majority 
of you I have not the slightest idea what your political affiliations are. I be- 
lieve that each one of you will serve not merely with entire fidelity, but with 
the utmost efficiency. If at any time I feel that any one of you is not rendering 
the best service which it is possible to procure, I shall feel called upon to 
disregard alike my feelings for the man and the man’s own feelings, and 
forthwith to substitute for him on the Commission some other man whom I 
deem capable of rendering better service. Moreover, I shall expect, if at any 
time any one of you feels that the work is too exhausting and engrossing for 
him to do in the best possible manner, that he will of his own accord so in- 
form me, in order that I may replace him by some man who, to the requisite 
ability, joins the will and the strength to give all the effort needed. But so 
long as you render efficient service of the highest type in the work you are 
appointed to perform, you may rest assured of my Wrty support and back- 
ing in every way. 

These are the conditions under which you have been appointed, and 
under which I shall expect you to proceed. I shall furthermore expect you to 
apply precisely the same principles in the choice and retention of the sub- 
ordinates who do the work under you, as I have applied in your choice and 
shall apply in your retention. I shall expect you to appoint no man for rea- 
sons other than your belief in the aid he can render you in digging the canal. 
If, having appointed any man, you find that your expectations about him are 
not fulfilled, or that from any reason he falls short of his duty, I shall expect 
you to dismiss him out of hand; I shall expect that under such circumstances 
you will pay not tihe slightest heed to any backing or influence the man may 
have. I assume as a matter of course that in dealing with contractors you will 
act on precisely the principles which would apply in any great private busi- 
ness undertaking. There is no man among you to whom I think it is necessary 
to say a word as to the standard of honesty to be exacted from every em- 
ployee or contractor; for if I had had the slightest ground for suspicion that 

745 



there was need to say such a word to any one of you I should not have ap- 
pointed him. But I do wish to emphasize the need of unceasing vigilance in 
the performance of this great work. 

As to the details of the work itself I have but little to say. It is to be done 
as expeditiously as possible, and as economically as is consistent with thor- 
oughness. There is one matter to which I wish to ask your special attention; 
the question of sanitation and hygiene. You will take measures to secure the 
best medical experts for this purpose whom you can obtain, and you will, 
of com'se, make the contractors submit as implicitly as your own employees 
to all the rules and regulations of the medical department under you. I pre- 
sume you will find it best to have one head for this medical department, but 
that I shall leave to your own judgment. 

The plans are to be carefuUy made with a view to the needs not only of 
the moment, but of the future. The expenditures are to be supervised as 
rigorously as if they were being made for a private corporation dependent 
for its profits upon the returns. You are to secure the best talent this country 
can afford to meet the conditions created by every need which may arise. 
The methods for achieving the results must be yours. What this nation will 
insist upon is that the results be achieved. 



Political Engineer 

March 1904— June 1904 




2 993 ‘ TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 8, 1904 

Dear Murray: All that is very interesting. I wish that Ohio crowd would quit 
fighting Foraker. He has been a friend of mine and is entitled to my recog- 
nizing him as such. I agree entirely with what you say about the Vice- 
Presidential business. But who in the name of Heaven else is there? 

Odell is in absolute control in New York. I wish he was rid of some of his 
advisers. I also wish he could have come on here, as he wired me he intended 
to — not for my sake but for his. If he wishes to consult with me or have me 
consult him about matters he must get on here. I have declined to take a 
position one way or the other with reference to the organization of the State 
committee.^ Always yours 


2994 • TO ALEXANDER OSWALD BRODIE RoOSevelt MsS- 

Personal Washington, March 9, 1904 

My dear Governor: On the top of the news of the choice of the delegates, 
which I deeply appreciate,^ I have to write you that it may be necessary for 
me to appoint another New York man to succeed Stoddard as Secretary of 
the Territory. He has been a good friend of mine, and is the Chairman of the 
State Committee, George W. Dunn. For reasons that I shall go over in full 
with you when I see you this may be an absolute necessity. Dunn is a man 
of large business interests in Arizona, is a wealthy man, and would make an 
admirable Secretary, I am surprised that he would be willing to accept the 
place.2 Faithfully yours 


2995 • TO JAMES RUSSELL PARSONS, JUNIOR RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 9, 1904 

Dear Jim: Would you accept the position of Minister to Ecuador or of Con- 
sul General at the City of Mexico? ^ The latter position will certainly be 

^OdeU*s ascendancy over T. C. Platt was increasing. By 1904, Aldrich, Barnes, 
Brackett, Lauterbach, Littauer, Payn, and Woodruff were counted in his camp. In 
March Odell demonstrated his strength. The State Committee, at his direction, dis- 
missed State Chairman George W. Dunn, one of Platt’s adherents, and prepared to 
select the governor in his place. At first Odell planned to see Roosevelt and explain 
the situation, but on reconsideration he caught a convenient cold and canceled his 
appointment. The President, meanwhile, cautiously awaiting Platt’s counterattack, 
announced that ‘*in no circumstances” would he interfere in New York. 

^ Arizona’s delegates-at-large had been selected and instructed for Roosevelt. Brodie 
led the delegation, which included another Rough Rider, Ben Daniels. 

* Dunn decided not to accept the post. 

^ Parsons accepted the latter position. He had resigned as secretary of the New York 
Board of Regents after the long-debated educational unification bill passed. 

749 



vacant in a few days, and the former position possibly. The consul general- 
ship carries a salary of $4000 per year and fees amounting to nearly $2000. 
No social obligations whatever go with the position. The salary of the Minis- 
ter to Ecuador is higher — I think $8000 or $10,000, but there are certain 
social expenses inevitably attendant upon being minister; and when one has a 
wife and child Ecuador is a very inaccessible, while the City of Mexico is a 
very accessible, place. Of course, if I go out of office next year, either position 
would be only for a year; but this might give you the time to decide upon 
what you want to do. Besides, maybe I shall stay in! Always yours 

2996 • TO CHARLES SANGER MELLEN RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, March 12, 1904 

My dear Mr. Mellen: I have your letter of the i ith instant. As you Icnow, my 
views as to what I should hope tlic decision will be are in substantial accord 
with yours. But all I can do is hope. Of course neither Knox nor I have in 
any way approached a single judge. I have no idea what the decision^ will be. 
Indeed, I heard ugly rumors that there was doubt that the decision would be 
our way. This I can hardly believe, because I think our case is so strong. But 
I have not the slightest knowledge on the subject, and have no more power 
in the premises than any outsider. The only connection tlie Government has 
had with the court has been through the argument of the Attorney General. 
Faithfully yours 

2997 • TO JAMES WILSON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Wasliington, March 12, 1904 

My dear Secretary Wilson: I am concerned that you have had so much sick- 
ness. I hope that if you go away your trip will do you much good and that 
you will be able speedily to return. 

I am having great trouble about that 8oo-foot mall. The best architects 
and artists and most cultivated people I know feel that it is an outrage to 
encroach on the 800 feet. I very earnestly wish that under my administration 
we could refrain from such encroachment.^ 

Also, do keep a watch on Mr. Dodge^ and his good roads business. A very 
excellent young fellow has just informed me that he has been engaged as a 

'The decision of the Supreme Court in Northern Securities Co. v. United States, 
193 U.S. 197, rendered on March 14, 1904. 

'The Park Commission had planned a parkway dirough die Mall from the Capitol 
to the Washington Monument. In keeping with diis plan, die new building of the 
D^arttuent of Agriculture was erected at the side of, instead of within, the parkway. 
* Martin Dodge, Ohio Republican; director, Office of Public Road Inquiries, De- 
partment of Agriculture, 1900-1905, Dodge was one of the leaders of the good^roads 
movement which was attracting nations attention at this time. Roosevelt had ex- 
pressed his approval of the general program in an address of the previous January. 

750 



lecturer under Dodge. We must insist that the good roads question is for 
local, not national, attention as far as expense is concerned. Sincerely yours 

2998 ■ TO LAWRENCE FRASER ABBOTT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 14, 1904 

My dear Mr, Abbott: Referring to your letter of the 12th instant to Mr. 
Loeb, I should be very glad to have you make public what the real facts are 
as to those expenses. Let me say also that I think it rather a tribute to my 
administration that they are obliged to come down to this kind of misstate- 
ment in order to make a point. 

In the first place, about the stable. No appropriation has been made for a 
new stable. Without my knowledge the Superintendent of Public Buildings 
and Grounds reported, with entire propriety, that inasmuch as the present 
stable is on unhealthy ground and the Government horses become sick in it, 
a new one should be built. Moreover, the ground on which the present stable 
stands has been set apart for monumental purposes, and sooner or later the 
building will have to be removed. However, on learning that the recommen- 
dation had been made, I directed Colonel Symons to state to the Committee 
that I did not wish the appropriation made, though if I am defeated I shall 
certainly recommend that it be done for the benefit of my successor. 

It is stated that my “private naval review” cost the people over $200,000. 
There was no private naval review, and the review that took place did not 
cost the people a cent. The fleet was in the North Atlantic, and it was deemed 
very important that the President should show his interest by going out to it 
and seeing it pass in review and maneuver. Accordingly, it came into Long 
Island Sound and I there reviewed it. The review took place, of course, in 
the presence of hundreds of craft, and was far less private than the ordinary 
reviews off the coast. Equally of course, it did not cost one penny more than 
any review off the coast when the Secretary of the Navy or the Admiral 
goes down to visit the fleet. This review was made solely because the naval 
ofiicers felt it would be so good a thing to have the President show an in- 
terest in the fleet. I confess it never occurred to me that there could be any 
scoundrel so base as to misinterpret such an action. 

Now, as to the President’s yacht, with all the expensive furniture, etc. 
This probably refers to die Mayflower, as she is the only boat that has expen- 
sive fittings. Not a dollar was spent on the Mayflower for the President or his 
family in the way of furnishing or equipping her. She is ordinarily used for 
the Admiral or the Secretary of the Navy. For instance, she was tised by 
Admiral Dewey when he was at the fleet maneuvers in the Caribbean. She 
was used by the Secretary of the Navy when he inspected the fleet. She has 
been on duty all winter widi the squadron at Panama. She came down for me 
to review the fleet last summer in the Sound. On another occasion I was on 
her for die purpose of witnessing the target practice, because I wanted to 


751 


impress upon the Navy the interest I take in the target practice. Here again it 
is wicked to allow partisanship to go to the extreme of desiring to interfere 
with the promotion of efficiency in the Navy, especially in such a matter as 
marksmanship. All told, since I have been President I have been on the May- 
flower' on some three occasions; die third time being when I went to review 
the National Guard of New Jersey at Sea Girt, a strictly official function. I 
have also been three or four times on the smaller vessel, the Sylph — as for 
instance, when I visited with Jake Riis the summer home for poor children 
of Westchester County last summer; and again when I went to visit the im- 
migration station at ElUs Island. I think I was once or tvtice on a Government 
tug also. In short, all this statement is such absolute fatuous folly that it is 
hard to answer it. I have to move about, and where I can move about on sea 
it is obviously better than moving about on land, and all told I have on six 
or eight different occasions taken advantage of either the Sylph or the May- 
flower or a tug being handy, and gone on such vessel. So little did I use these 
vessels that I have finally given up having any one of them in the neighbor- 
hood of Oyster Bay, because I found it was not used enough to make it worth 
while. Remember that even when they were at Oyster Bay it did not cost the 
Government a cent more. They had to lie somewhere. They never were sent 
to Oyster Bay when there was any other duty to perform. It is perfectly 
true that the children, being healthy children, boarded tlicm with eagerness 
when they appeared, and made friends with the sailors. When I have had 
meals aboard these vessels they have been paid for by me. The Government 
has been to no extra expense in the matter whatever, save perhaps on the four 
or five occasions when there has been the expense of the coal used up on 
some visit to Ellis Island, or something of the kind, when otherwise the vessel 
would have been at anchor and would not have burned coal. Surely this is too 
trivial to be considered. 

They speak of the entertainments in the White House. These are all paid 
for out of my private pocket. You have now and then taken meals at the 
Wliite House, and also at Oyster Bay. You were just as much my guest at 
one place as the other. I am almost ashamed to mention this, but apparently 
people do not understand, or some people do not understand, that I pay the 
butcher, the baker and the grocer at Washington just as I do at Oyster Bay; 
and the protest is apparently against my having people whom I like lunch or 
dine with me at the White House, just as I have them lunch or dine with me 
out at Oyster Bay. 

It is true that I have a tennis court in the White House grounds. The cost 
of it has been trivial— -less than 400 dollars. It has been paid for exactly as 
the adjacent garden, for instance, is paid for. The cost is much less than the 
cost of the greenhouses under Presidents Grant, Harrison, Cleveland, etc. It 
surely cannot seriously be meant that there is objection to the President and 
his children playing tennis, and of course it is impossible for them to play 



tennis excepting in the White Hotise grounds. The greenhouses now cost 
less than they did; less than for a dozen years back. 

Finally, as to the enlargement of the White House. It is perfectly true 
that this has been done, and you can speak of your own knowledge as to 
tlte immense improvement. It was not done on my recommendation, for I 
«made» none whatever, and did not think of making one. It was done because 
in Congress democrats and republicans alike agreed that it was absolutely 
necessary it should be done; that the White House was unsafe, and that it was 
improper and undignified longer to leave it in the condition that it was. 
Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, and Congressman McRae, of Arkansas, were 
among the Senators and Congressmen who took the lead in having the 
changes made. The changes were carried through by McKim, Mead and 
White, the effort being to restore the White House to what it was originally 
planned and designed to be in the days of Washington and Jefferson. Every 
competent architect in the country will tell you that it was a genuinely patri- 
otic service thus to restore it to its old simple and stately dignity. If you will 
turn to the Century Magasdne for April, 1903, you will see the changes de- 
scribed there. I also enclose you a report from which you may gather some 
additional information. To complain of what has been done is to complain 
of the erection of buildings like the Congressional Library building, or the 
Washington Monument. Only a yahoo could have his taste ofiEended; and 
excepting a yahoo, only a very base partisan politician would complain of it. 

Cannot you see McKun in New York and find out from him just how the 
changes were made, and how it was done, and what architects think of it? 
I enclose you a copy of his statement. 

This article in the Memphis Appeal is simply one of those which appeared 
after the Hearst papers had a full-page sensational article on the subject of 
White House extravagance.^ Sincerely yours 

P. S. Will you please return the enclosed magazine when you are through 
with it? 


2999 • TO JOHN F. o'brien Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March 14, 1904 

My dear Mr. Secretary: I have written and spoken to Admiral Walker about 
your brother for some position of trust and responsibility under or in con- 

^ Apparently the subject of Roosevelt’s expenditures had captured the public interest. 
Three days after this letter Roosevelt smt another, similar in spirit, more detailed 
and comprehensive in content, to St. Clair McKelway. The cause of this letter was 
an article, “Fads, Frauds and Follies CriTOle Nation’s Finances,” that appeared in 
the Sunday supplement of the Brooklyn Eagle, 

753 



nection with the Panama Commission.^ I told him that from all I had heard 
and from what I know of yom’ brother personally, I believed liim admirably 
fit for such a position, and that I could heartily recommend him; but that of 
course it was tlie Commission that made the appointment, and that the Com- 
mission would be held responsible for whomever they did appoint. I think 
the members of the Commission have been prejudiced somewhat by an un- 
fortunate publication in the Tribune, to the effect that your brother had 
already been chosen for secretary, and by further statements that liis appoint- 
ment was being pressed as a political necessity by various New Yorkers, and 
that I was recommending him piu'ely because of the political influence of his 
family and friends. I have explained to Admiral Walker that there is not one 
particle of truth in this; that I desire politics entirely kept off the Commission; 
and tliat the recommendations of General O’Brien to which I have paid most 
heed have been those of Judges Scott and Clarke, when they were Corpora- 
tion Counsel and Assistant Corporation Counsel under Mayor Strong and he 
was Dock Commissioner; and also to the reports of the different presidents 
of steamship lines. 

Admiral Walker told me frankly that he did not think your brother was 
the man they wanted for secretary; that he did not think he had had the 
training which was, in his view, necessary for that place. You may remember 
tliat I suggested either to you or your brother that he should sec Messrs. 
Parsons and Burr. I do not know whether he did so or not, or what they said 
to him if he did. 

Do keep in mind, and have your brother keep in mind, that it is the Com- 
mission which will make the appointment, and that I neither could nor would 
influence them if tliey thinlc some other man a better man. Furthermore, I 
most earnestly hope that no foolish friend of your brother’s will let the 
Commission get the idea that in my recommendation I have been influenced 
by political motives. I say this because one of the Commissioners told a friend 
of mine that he was prejudiced against your brother because he had heard 
that your brother had said that of course I was for him because you were 
very powerful in northern New Yorlc, and that I was depending upon your 
influence to get delegates for me. I am of course sure that your brother said 
nothing of the kind — for if I believed it I would instantly withdraw my 
recommendation for him. But I want him to be very careful to give no color 

‘ Eoosevelt had recommended General Edward Charles O’Brien for secretary of the 
Panama Canal Commission. For this post O’Brien had political and personal qualifi- 
cations. Prominent in the Republican party in New York since the j88o’s, brother 
of the incumbent secretary of state of New York, he was endorsed by Platt, Odell, 
and Root. The canal commission, however, decided against him in large part 
because Admiral Walker wished to avoid any suspicion of playing politics with the 
canal. O’Brien’s supporters unjustly blamed Roosevelt for Walker’s decision. The 
President, convinced of O’Brien’s fitness and anxious to mollify his critics in New 
York, immediately offered to name O’Brien minister to Santo Domingo. Tliis offer 
O’Brien refused, but in 1905 he accepted appointment as minister to Paraguay and 
Urt^uay. 


754 



for such sknders. This canal is to be built absolutely without regard to poli- 
tics, and the reason I have recommended your brother is because I think well 
of him and believe he would do the work well. 

By the way, I cabled to General Wood about him, and received from 
General Wood a very favorable reply, which I have put before Admiral 
Walker. Sincerely yours 


3000 • TO ANDREW SLOAN DRAPER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, March 15, 1904 

My dear Mr. Draper: First let me congratulate you, and especially the State 
of New York, upon your taking control of our educational system.^ 

In the next place, let me say as hearty a word as I can about Mr. James 
Russell Parsons. He was violently opposed to the change, and was as consci- 
entious in his opposition as Nicholas Murray Butler was in his advocacy — 
stronger words than these I cannot use, I do not know a more high-minded 
man; and he is a man of singular and versatile ability, devoted with all his 
heart to the cause of education. If any courtesy or consideration can be 
shown him I shall be more than pleased. I think it would be most fortunate 
if he could be retained. Very sincerely yours 

{Handwritten^ Do come to Washington & let me see you. Good ludc to 
you, always! 


3001 • TO JAMES JEFFREY ROCHE RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, March 16, 1904 

My dear Mr. Roche: I have your letter of the 14th instant with enclosures. 
Of course you saw my proclamation calling attention to the need of absolute 
neutrality. Surely this ought to convince the doubting Thomases here, as it 
has convinced even those in Russia, that I intend to be genuine in my neutral- 
ity. But on the other hand, Ru^ia must not make a preposterous demand such 
as is embodied in the protest of some of her papers against our permitting 
Mackay, if he so desires, to lay a cable from Guam to Japan. I should cheer- 
fully permit him to lay such a cable from Alaska to Wadivostok or from 
Boston to Odessa or St. Petersburg, and I cannot possibly refuse to allow him 
to lay it from Japan to Guam. Sincerely yours 

‘New York’s new education law, the long-time project of Nicholas Murray Butler, 
reduced the number of regents and subordinated the Board of ^Regents to the nw 
Board of Education. For the office of commissioner of education, the bead of the 
new board, New York obtained the services of Andrew Sloan Draper, president of 
the Univeisity of Illinois, 1854-1904. 


755 



300 2 • TO RICHARD YATES Roosevelt Mss, 

Private Washington, March 17, 1904 

My dear Governor: Departing from my usual rule I authorized the following 
statement to be made in reference to just such rumors as you suggest: 

There is of course not a shadow of truth in that report. The President has 
taken no sides one way or the other in reference to the gubernatorial nomination 
in Illinois or in any other State, and has not made and will not make any state- 
ment of any kind to anyone for or against any candidate for nomination.^ 

Anything more explicit and authoritative cannot be imagined. I am sorry 
you did not see it. You are probably not aware, very naturally, that not only 
in Illinois but in many other States the effort is continually being made to get 
a declaration from me for or against some candidate; and no less continually 
statements are made that I really am for or against someone. Inasmuch as 
all such statements are of course absurd, I usually pay no heed whatever to 
them. This has been one of the rare instances where I felt that I should make 
a statement. Sincerely yours 

3003 • TO CLINTON HART MERRIAM RoOSeVClt MsS, 

Washington, March 19, 1904 

Dear Merrimn: I like frankness and I do not mind unconvcntionality. But 
when these two qualities change shape a little the result can be justified only 
by an accuracy which your last letter lacks. I do not at the moment care to 
discuss Mr. Cleveland’s appointees with you. But in speaking of my own 
appointments you say that you try to hold on to your belief in me, although 
your belief has had some pretty hard knocks, and that you are ‘‘grievously 
disappointed that such men as Monteath,^ Bingenheimer® and Burton^ are re- 
tained in office after their unfitness has been abundantly proved.” Bingen- 
heimer has been replaced by the man whom Grinnell recommended — Carig- 
nan. Burton was investigated on the charges made against him, and for 
investigators I appointed a partner of Mr. Lummis, who made the charges, 
and an Indian Inspector whom Mr. Lummis said was absolutely straight and 

^The St. Louis Republic and other papers had reported that the open support of 
Frank O. Lowden (in the Republican gubernatorial nomination in Illinois) by fed- 
eral officeholders, including both United States marshals, both district attorneys, 
and a large number of postmasters, indicated Roosevelt’s desire to prevent the re- 
nomination of Yates. 

James H. Monteath, Indian a^ent at the Blackfeet Agency, Montana, accused by 
Merriam and Grinnell of assisting the Montana Stock Association in bringing cattle 
into the reservation. Monteath was later replaced by Captain Jeremiah Z.'Dare. 

' ® George H. Bingenheimer, Indian agent at Standing Rock Agency, North Dakota, 

removed, after testifying before the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in 1902, 
for violation of leased with the Indians. John M. Carignan had replaced liim Iw 1903. 
* Charles E, Burton, superintendent of the Indian School at Moqui, Arizona. He was 
( later transferred to Grand Junction, Colorado. 



competent, and by whose decision he announced in advance that he would 
be willing to abide. The charges not merely broke down, but broke down 
ridiculously. If you know’ any facts which w=^ere not then considered it was 
your duty to have told them. If you do not know^ any facts then you have no 
business to talk against Burton. If your knowledge of Monteath is as inaccu- 
rate as your knowledge of what has happened in the Bingenheimer and 
Burton cases, I shall be almost sorry of having directed an investigation of 
him by the Interior Department — which I have done. There is in any event 
66 per cent of error in your statement as to these thiee men. Bingenheimer 
has been removed. The unfitness of Burton has not been “proved,” whether 
“abundantly” or otherwise. 

There is one of your statements that I am able to check off. You speak 
of Colonel Sanders^ as having stated that Monteath was seen drunk in a bar- 
room. Are you aware of Colonel Sanders’ own reputation for sobriety, and 
of the bitterness of factional animosity which has rendered it impossible to 
take his estimate about the Montana appointments? Colonel Sanders has many 
admirable and heroic qualities; and save privately, I should not speak of the 
fact that both my last interviews with him were closed because he w^as so 
much under the influence of liquor that it was useless to try to talk to him. 
But I do not feel inclined to take his statements as, to the sobriety of someone 
else. Congressman Dixon,® the Republican, and Senator Gibson,® the Demo- 
crat, have both impressed me as men w^ho mean to do what is straight and 
honest. The more I have seen of Indian Commissioner Jones the more certain 
I am that he means to do what is straight and honest; and I may add that I 
have found that his more violent critics are quite as apt to be in the wrong as 
he is. Yours very truly 

3004 * TO BRUSEius SIMONS Roosevclt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March 19, 1904 

My dear Mr, Simons: Your letter pleased and interested me much. The first 
work I saw of yours was the “Seats of the Mighty,” and it impressed me so 
powerfully that I have ever since eagerly sought out any of your pictures of 
which I heard. When I became President Mrs. Roosevelt and I made up our 
minds that while I was President we would indulge ourselves in the purchase 
of one really first-class piece of American art — for we are people whom the 
respective sizes of our family and our income have never warranted in mak- 
ing such a purchase while I was in private life! As soon as we saw “When 

*Wnbur Fisk Sanders, lawyer, Qvil War general, vigilante. Republican member of 
the Montana legislative assembly, 1873-1879', United States Senator, 1890-1893. 
^Joseph Moore Dixon, Republican congressman from Montana, 1903-1907; senator, 
1907-1913; chairman of the National Progressive Convention, 1912; Governor of 
Montana, 1921-1925. 

• Paris Gibson, founder of Great Falls, Montana; conservationist; Democratic senator, 
1901-1905. 


757 



Light and Shadow Meet,” we made up our minds at once and without speak- 
ing to one another that at last we had seen the very thing we wanted. 

Mrs. Roosevelt and I feel that in your letter you have expressed much 
which we have felt but not formulated. I agree absolutely with you that art, 
or at least the art for which I care, must present the ideal through the tem- 
perament and the interpretation of the painter. I do not greatly care for the 
reproduction of landscapes which in effect I see whenever I ride and walk. 
I wish “the light that never was on land or sea” in the pictures that I am to 
live with — and this light your paintings have. When I look at them I feel a 
lift in my soul; I feel my imagination stirred. And so, my dear Mr, Simons, I 
believe in you as an artist and I am proud of you as an American.^ Sincerely 
yours 


3005 • TO LEONARD WOOD Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, March 19, 1904 

Dear Leonard: Yesterday, unexpectedly, a vote was taken and you were con- 
firmed, forty-five to fifteen. Forty Republicans and five Democrats voted in 
the affirmative, and thirteen. Democrats and two Republicans, Kittredge^ and 
Scott, voting in the negative. The vote came unexpectedly. Steinhart^ was on 
his way here from Cuba to give some facts to Foraker for the closing argu- 
ment and some of your staunchest fiiends as well as a few of your bitterest 
foes were absent from the Senate — although they were all paired, so that it 
made no difference one way or the other in the majority. 

I have not written you during the four months’ contest, because it really 
did not seem as if I had the heart to. I could not tell when it would end, and 
there were moments when it appeared as if the result would be very close, 
although I was always confident of winning. It did not seem worth while to 
burden you with the counts and forecasts which would probably be of no 
consequence when you received my letters. 

I have been both surprised and saddened at the bitterness and persistency 
of the attacks upon you; and the extraordinary forgetfulness our people have 
shown of what you have done. If I needed a lesson as to the absolutely short 
memory of mankind, this experience would give it to me. Fortunately I do 
not; and if at the election next fall I am overwhelmingly beaten by the very 
people who have been loudest in acclaiming what I have done, I shall regret 
it; but I shall neither be overmuch surprised nor overmuch cast down. 

’Bruseius Simoos was the indefatigable creator of heroic canvases with such titles 
as ‘'When Light and Shadow Meet,” “The Seats of the Mighty,” which now hangs 
in Sag amore, and, undoubtedly, “The Light That Never Was on Land or Sea,” 

‘Alfred Beard Kittredge, Republican senator from South Dakota, 1901-1909. 
‘Frank Maximilian Steinhart, chief derk of Leonard W^ood’s military government 
in Cuba; consul general at Havana, 1903-1907; later president and general manager 
of the Havana mectric Railways. 


758 



As far as I can find out several causes conspired to make the fight against 
you so bitter. Hanna was the chief. His opposition to you grew to be almost 
a monomania, and he was very confident of beating you, as well as fixed in 
the belief that the great bulk of the people were on his side and that it was 
good politics to oppose you. The Democrats jumped at the chance of oppos- 
ing you under the same belief. The Associated Press, a powerful instrument, 
has been malignant in its position toward you, for reasons which I do not 
wholly understand, but coming, I suspect, from two causes. General Wilson 
has been indefatigable in his malicious opposition. The Evening Post has been 
opposed to you because of animosity to you personally; the Sun because of 
animosity to me and secondarily because of friendship for General Wilson. 
The Civil War veterans were worked upon until they were strong in their 
opposition to you because you were jumping gallant and respectable nonenti- 
ties who had been good subalterns forty years ago. All of the second-rate 
elderly men of the regular army, of course opposed you. The average good 
citizen whose memory is short and who does not take the trouble to think 
very deeply was affected by the incessant misrepresentations. As I said above 
things were very ticklish in the Senate once or twice. On two distinct occa- 
sions I had to tell the Republican members of the committee on military 
affairs, and once I had to tell a very prominent Republican leader not on the 
committee, that I was in no way or shape committed to you for the lieutenant 
generalship; and that this did not in the least mean that you were to become 
lieutenant general if I were re-elected — that the question of lieutenant gen- 
eralship was one purely for the future, which I should take up on its merits, 
if ever I had the occasion to deal with it. 

Meanwhile all of us here feel that it is best that you should continue in 
your present position, and not for some little time to come be put in com- 
mand of the Philippine Islands as a whole. Everything must be avoided which 
will have the least appearance of pushing you at the expense of anyone else. 
Moreover, I feel that your present position is that which offers best chance 
for distinguished service — in fact I feel that you have rendered such service 
this winter, and it is one of the incomprehensible features of the situation 
that it does not seem to have obtained the popular recognition which it de- 
served. 

On Monday Mrs. Wood dines here. I have been very, very sorry for her 
all this winter. However, it is all right now. Good luck be with youl Faith- 
fully yours 

3006 • TO CECIL ARTHtJR SPRING RICE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Strictly personal Washington, March 19, 1904 

Dear Cecil: Your letter about tibe Russian situation was most interesting. I 
have been rather surprised at the unexpectedly hysterical side of the Russian 
nature, which the Japanese success, and the supposed hostility of this coun- 


759 



txy, seem to have brought in evidence. There is much about the Russians 
which I admire, and I believe in the future of the Slavs if they can only take 
the right turn. But I do not believe in the future of any race while it is under 
a crushing despotisuT. The Japanese are non-Aryan and non-Christian, but 
they are under the weight of no such despotism as the Russians; and so, al- 
though the Russians are fundamentally nearer to us, or rather would be if a 
chance were given tliem, they are not in actual fact nearer to us at present. 
People who feel as we do would be happier today living in Japan than living 
in Russia. 

I am entirely sincere in my purpose to keep this Government neutral in 
the war. And I am no less sincere in my hope that the area of the war will be 
as limited as possible, and that it will be brought to a close with as little loss 
to either combatant as is possible. But this country as a whole tends to sympa- 
thize with Russia; while the Jews are as violent in their anti-Russian feeling 
as the Irish in their pro-Russian feeling. I do not think that the country looks 
forward to, or concerns itself about, the immense possibilities which the war 
holds for the future. I suppose democracies will always be shortsighted about 
anything that is not brought roughly home to them. Still, when I feel exas- 
perated by the limitations upon preparedness and forethought which are 
imposed by democratic conditions, I can comfort myself by the extraordi- 
nary example of these very limitations which the autocratic government of 
Russia has itself furnished in this crisis. 

From all I can gather Russia is as angry with America as with England. 
The Slav is a great and growing race. But if the Japaneiie win out, not only 
the Slav, but all of us will have to reckon with a great new force in eastern 
Asia. The victory will make Japan by itself a formidable power in the Orient, 
because all the other powers having interests there will have divided interests, 
divided cares, double burdens, whereas Japan will have but one care, one in- 
terest, one burden. If, moreover, Japan seriously stai'ts in to reorganize China 
and makes any headway, there will result a real shifting of the center of equi- 
librium as far as the white races are concerned. Personally I believe that Japan 
will develop herself, and seek to develop China, along paths which will make 
the first and possibly the second great civilized powers; but the civilization 
must of course be of a different type from our civilizations. I do not mean 
that the mere race taken by itself would cause such a tremendous difference. 
I have met Japanese, and even Chinese, educated in our ways, who in aU their 
emotions and ways of thought were well-nigh identical with us. But the 
weight of their own ancestral civilization will press upon them, and will pre- 
vent their ever coming into exactly our mold. However, all of this is mere 
speculation. It may be that the two powers will fight until both arc fairly 
well exhausted, and that then peace will come on terms which will not mean 
the creation of either a yellow peril or a Slav peril. At any rate all that any of 
us can do is to try to make our several nations fit themselves by the handling 
of their own affairs, external and internal, so as to be ready for whatever the 

760 



future may hold. If new nations come to power, if old nations grow to 
greater power, the attitude of we who speak English should be one of ready 
recognition of the rights of the new comers, of desire to avoid giving them 
just offense, and at the same time of preparedness in body and in mind to 
hold our owm if our interests are menaced. 

I cannot believe that there will be such a continental coalition against 
England as that of which you speak. Undoubtedly England is in some im- 
mediate, and America in some remote, danger, because each is unmilitary — 
judged by the standard of continental Europe — and yet both rich and ag- 
gressive. Each tends to thinlt itself secure by its own position from the danger 
of attack at home. We are not so spread out as you are. We are farther away 
from Europe; therefore, our danger is for the time being less. But we have 
to a greater degree than you have, although you have it too, the spirit of mere 
materialism and shortsighted vanity and folly at work for mischief among 
us. A society of which a bloated trust magnate is accepted quite simply as 
the ideal is in a rotten condition; and yet this is exactly the condition of no 
inconsiderable portion of our society. Many people of property admire such 
a man; many people of no property envy him; and both the admiration and 
the envy are tributes to which he is not in the least entitled. 

However, I cannot write all that I feel. You must come over. Can’t you 
bring Mrs. Spring Rice here as soon as you are married? It will be such fun 
to have you at the White House. Ever yours 

3007 • TO ELiHu ROOT Roosevclt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March 21, 1904 

Detar Elihu: Good! On the 2d and 3d you and I ^vill ride, and we will take 
Lodge with us — if necessary, strapped to his saddle. Will you and Mrs. 
Root dine with us on the evening of Saturday, April 2d? Will you be here 
in time to take lunch the same day? If so, I shall have Taft to lunch, and we 
will talk over one or two matters in which he and I would like your advice. 

Are you going to stay until the 7th? Alice does not return until that day, 
and if you are still here then, can you, Mrs. Root and Edith dine with us 
that night, too? Then we will have some young people to meet Edith. 

When you have made your other engagements, so that I shall not inter- 
fere w'ith them, I shall get you and Mrs. Root to tuck in a spare dinner or 
two extra with us. 

You did great work in bringing Odell and Platt together. All of us are 
to be congratulated upon it, and of course I am to be congratulated espe- 
cially.^ Ever yours 

* At a private conference'on March 20, attended by Root, Depew, Platt, Odell, and 
Dunn, the senator and governor had made peace, or at least agreed to a temporary 
armistice. By their agreement Odell was to be state chairman but Platt to remain 
the recognized party leader. Root had begun tp work for such an agreement by 
March 14. On that date, in a ^eech at the Republican Gub of New York, he noted 

761 



3008 • TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 21, 1904 

My dear Senator: Let me heartily congratulate you upon the outcome in 
New York, which I regard as so important from the party standpoint. Faith- 
fully yours 

3009 • TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt AlsS. 

Personal Washington, March 21, 1904 

My dear Governor: I need not say how pleased I am at what lias happened 
in New York. I do not believe that there will be any further trouble. The 
interests at stake are too great for us to let anything imperil the success of 
the party. 

Again congratulating you, I am. Sincerely yours 

3010 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, March 21, 1904 

My dear Mr. Speaker: Is it not possible to give the Alaskans a show? They all 
have a pathetic belief that I am a typical F^ar-West President and their natu- 
ral champion. If there is anything I can say for them I should like to. There 
are several bills affecting their interests, and it would be a first-class thing 
if we could put them through. I do not suppose there will be much oppo- 
sition.^ 

With great regard. Sincerely yours 

30 11 • TO GEORGE ERISBIE HOAR RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, March 22, 1904 

My dear Senator Hoar: With all that you say about Wendell Phillips I most 
heartily concur. The fact that he was so brilliant an orator merely makes his 
offenses more heinous, in my judgment. 

Now, as to the Clark University matter, I guess I shall have to throw up 

that some factionalism always existed before an election but predicted tliat it would 
not imperil the party in New York in 1904. At the meeting and in the Republican 
press there was great enthusiasm for this speech. 

‘ There were, in fact, over a hundred bills about Alaska presented to the Fifty-eighth 
Congress. The most important of these, dealing with home rule, the court system, 
and internal improvements, failed to pass. These matters Roosevelt emphasized in his 
nm state-of~the-Union ^eeches. One bill of significance, creating an 'Alaska Fund,” 
did pass. For a detailed discussion of all this legislation, its importance for Alaska, 
and the resistance to it in Congress, sec Jeariette Paddock Nichds, Alaska, a History 
of Its Administration, Exploitation, and Industrial Development durmg Its First 
Half Centnery under the Eule of the United States (Cleveland, Ohio, 1924), especially 
pp. Z21-248. 

762 



my hands! Of course, you will not wish me to make a definite promise now; 
but if I am still President in the spring of 1905, I think I shall absolutely 
have to attend the first commencement of the University under Carroll D. 
Wright.^ Of course, do not treat this as an absolute promise, but I shall do 
my best to come. Sincerely yours 

3012 • TO BENJAMIN FRANKLm TRACY Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 23, 1904 

My dear General: I thank you for your very kind letter, and I shall act upon 
your advice and have the full information sent, presumably to Congress. 
You probably know that all we did was to take the existing rulings of the 
Department, which established 75 and 65 as the ages at which veterans re- 
ceived $12 and $6 pensions, and changed them to 70 and 62, stating that the 
age should be considered as establishing a presumption of disability — a pre- 
sumption which can, of course, be overthrown by the presentation of proper 
facts.^ 

With renewed thanks, Sincerely yours 

3013 'TO ELiHu ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, March 24, 1904 

Dear Elihu: All right, dine with us Saturday, April 2nd; and I will get Taft 
and the Lodges also. When you find out the time you will get here let me 
know whether you will also be on hand for lunch, together with Mrs. Root, 
and whether you will be able to ride in the afternoon, or will only try it on 
Sunday. 

Yes, Akela has lost his teeth and his spring, and the new leader of the 
pack wished to worry him to death in the open with everybody looking on. 
Fortunately there were several Mowglis who were able to persuade both 
combatants that a less tempestuous course was advisable. 

As you once said, Platt never in the days of his power has aroused as 
disinterested or generous a sentiment of loyalty as in the day of his decline. 

Someone told me the other day that it was the temporary and not the 
permanent rhairman of the National Convention who made the real address. 

^Wright had earlier accepted an offer to be the first president of Oark T^iiversity 
in Worcester, Massachusetts. He was inaugurated in 19^5 held the omce until 
his death in 1909. Hoar, who had helped to found Clark in his home city, was one 
of the first trustees of the new institution. 

^The pension order of March 15 became a political issue. On April 9, W. Bourke 
Cockran, in a speech in the House, condemned it as an executive u^rpatjon of con^ 
gressional powers. The Democrats in the coming campaign used dm speech to sup- 
port their claims that the President was intent on depriving tlte House of its just 
powers; the Republicans used it to suggest that their opponents, unlike the President, 
were not interested in the veteran. 


763 



If this is so we must have you for temporary chairman. There is no particu- 
lar point in acting as presiding officer during the two or three days of the 
convention. The point is to deliver the big speech which is to go forth as 
setting the note of the convention and the campaign. Ever yours 


3014 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 24, 1904 

Dear Knox: Senator Penrose has been speaking to me about a couple of 
planks on the merger suit and the anthracite coal strike settlement for the 
Pennsylvania convention on April 6th. I think it is a first-class thing to have 
these two planks put in. Won’t you draw a rough draft and bring it over to 
me .5 We will then submit it to Senator Penrose. Sincerely yours 

3015 ■ TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 24, 1904 

My dear Mr. Attorney General: Apparently from the enclosed newspaper 
clipping Interstate Commerce Commissioner Prouty has been acting like a 
fool. Is it worth while taking any action about it? I doubt if Prouty intends 
to be a fool, but he evidently is one.^ Sincerely yours 

3016 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP RoOSeVOlt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 25, 1904 

My dear Bishop: I saw Parsons an hour or two after having had a talk with 
O’Brien, in which O’Brien let it be very plainly seen that he and his people 
believed that I had only gone through the form of supporting him, and had 
really intended to throw him over and put in you. I got the same idea from 
a letter from the Governor. O’Brien iso said that he had talked to you 
freely about his case, and had never learned from you that you were a possi- 

^The Interstate Commerce Commission and the Department of Justice had anti- 
thetical views on the advisability of prosecuting the anthracite coal combination 
under the Sherman Act. Commissioner Charles Azro Prouty had been the leading 
spirit in an investigation of the combination begun by the I.C.C. in April 1903. 
Impeded by the re&sal of the Temple Iron Company to produce relevant informa- 
tion, the LC.C. had petitioned the circuit court to force the defendants to comply 
with its requests. When this petition was denied, the LC.C. appealed to the Supreme 
Court, which in April 1904, decided for the LC.C. While the Supreme Court was 
considering the case, Prouty planned definite antitrust action. Knox, however, felt 
that sufficient evidence for a successful prosecution was lacking (sec No. 3045). 
Nevertheless, armed with authority after the Supreme Court ruling, the LC.C. 
began another investigation. This dragged on through 1906 without result. For a 
full discussion of these proceedings against the anthracite roads and of later prose- 
cutions under the Sherman and Hepburn acts, see Jones, The Anthracite Coal Cm>j~ 
bination, ch. viii, 

764 



ble candidate.^ Under the circumstances I felt, as I found Parsons felt and 
Burr also, that it would be very unwise, not only from my standpoint but 
from yours and the Commission’s, to give the idea at the outset that there 
had been double-dealing in an effort of mine by underhanded means to get 
a personal friend in as secretary. Parsons has told you, I suppose, what his 
subsequent plans are. I hope to see you soon, and can then tell the whole 
matter in detail. Faithfully yours 

3017 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 26, 1904 

Aiy dear Mr. Attorney General: Would not it be well to have some state- 
ment made as to what has been done about the beef trust, so that people 
will be advised? Sometimes things of this kind ought to be hammered in. 
Sincerely yours 

3018 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX KnOX MSS.^ 

Washington, March 28, 1904 

Dear Knox^ Three cheers for you again! Instead of congratulating the P. O. 
Dep’t this time, how would it do for me to send a formal message of joy to 
the Senate? ^ Yours 

3019 • TO THOMAS RAYNESFORD LOUNSBURY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 29, 1904 

My dear Mr. Lounsbury: Good for the split infinitive! ^ Here have I been 
laboriously trying to avoid using it in a vain desire to look cultured; and 
now I shall give unbridled rein to my passions in the matter. Always yours 

3020 • TO JOSEPH BENSON FORAKER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, March 30, 1904 

My dear Sejiator: Cannot you get a rider on one of the pending bills authori^- 
ing the President to designate the Department Avhich shall supervise or as- 
sume headship over all our island possessions? It is my experience that the 
lack of some supervising power in the Cabinet over our island possessions 
works ill. It is a disadvantage to me that I have not Porto Rico, for instance, 

^For over a year Bishop devoted unremitting, unbecoming energy to securing the 
position of secretary to the Canal Commission. After the cominission was reorgan- 
jzed, this consuming ambition was satisfied in September 1905. 

' ^ Senator Burton of Kansas had been convicted in his postal fraud case. 

^Thomas Raynesford Lounsbury, *“To’ and the Infinitive,” Harpefs Monthly ^ 
108:728-734 (AprH 1904). 



under the Secretary of War. Guam and Tutuila should also be under him. 
Panama will be put in, I suppose, m the pending bill. If I had the authority 
I should like to put Hawaii under the War Department. I feel that this is an 
important thing if it can be done, and Taft feels as strongly about it as I do.^ 
Faithfully yours 

3021 - TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washmgton, April i, 1904 

My dear Moody: I have just read through Sims’ letter with keen interest, 
and return it herewith.^ \^at a useful man he is! May I ask that you will 
get reports from him on the two suggestions which 1 have penciled — the 
one about the gminer and similar officers, and the one about the sights? As 
regards the first suggestion I would, however, like to have considered, and 
would like to have Sims report on, the question whether we can afford so 
to specialize our gunnery ofiicers as to make the ship helpless with her 
weapons if any considerable slaughter is made among them. How far is it 
safe to go in such specialization? Faithfully yours 

302a • TO WILLIAM SHEFFIELD COWLES RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, April i, 1904 

Dear Will: 1 have fully understood the anxiety and strain you have been 
under, but I did not think it was well for me to write you until the case was 
all over, because it was always possible that I might have to pass upon it.^ 
Personally, I feel, as I find Secretary Moody, Admiral Dewey and Admiral 
Taylor feel, that the court consciously or unconsciously used language 
which conveyed an entirely wrong impression, and that they laid equal 
stress upon the unimportant point in which they deemed you fell short as 
on the important point in which tliey claimed you did right. But I think the 
letters of the Secretary and Admiral Dewey put the case as it should be and 

^Because Congress was clearly indisposed to consider such a proposal, no effort to 
accomplish the President’s objective was made. 

^ Sims, then inspector of target practice, had sent Moody a report of the preliminary 
target practice m March 1904. In his letter he stated (a) his belief that certain officers 
should specialize exclusively in gunnery as a means of increasing efficiency and (b) 
his certainty that the present service sights were grossly inadequate. In response to 
the request made in this letter, Sims wrote a report on me defects of existing sights. 
This report expedited the work already goM forward on the resighting of the naval 
guns over the opposition of the Bureau of Ordnance. 

^ Cowles was commanding officer of the Missouri when she collided with the Illinois 
on maneuvers. His ship had broken down, had been rapidly repaired through his 
decisive action, and had again broken down just before the collision. A Navy court 
exonerated both Cowles and Bradford, commanding officer of the Illinois; but the 
court pointed out that Cowles had not acted as effectively after the second break- 
down as he had after the first. 







enabled us to close it. It has been very hard for Anna too. Of course, the 
fact that you are my brother-in-law makes people on the alert to criticize 
anything you do. If you will let me suggest one thing, I should say that if 
you come either to New York or Norfolk I would stay pretty steadily with 
the ship and not come up to Washington, and would so far as possible avoid 
giving any excuse for people saying that you were having overmuch social 
entertainment on board the ship. Until the election is over there will be in 
a lesser degree the same necessity for caution on your part as on mine; and 
for steady remembrance not only that we must both do absolutely what is 
right, but that we must both refrain from giving fools and knaves a chance 
to think we are falling short in any way. Ever yours 

3023 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSeVClt Mss. 

Personal Washington, April 3, 1904 

Dear Moody: I enclose two clippings about the Cowles’ Court of Inquiry. 
It seems to me that the Army and Navy Journal should be asked categori- 
cally what it means by these two dispatches. Do you think there are any 
such dispatches in existence? Will you return the clippings to me when you 
are through with them? ^ Sincerely yours 

3024 • TO CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 4, 1904 

My dear Mr. Eliot: I have recently been reading Hadley’s admirable volume 
on Freedom and Responsibility;^ and I have also recently seen the petition 
signed by a number of very high-minded citizens, including you, which I 
am informed it is the intention to present to the conventions of both parties 
next June; this petition being that the United States shall pledge itself to give 
political independence to the Philippines sometime in the future. Now it 
seems to me that if the signers of tto petition, or rather those among them 
for whose opinions I had the real respect that I have for yours, either appre- 
ciated the common sense doctrines laid down by Hadley in the volume I 
have referred to, or knew by correspondence, (say with Taft or with Luke 
Wright — or with almost any other man who was really fit to speak on the 
subject) what the actual facts in the matter were, they would not sign such 
a petition. I do not believe the petition will have much effect; but so far as 

^The Army and Ntray Journal had charged that a member of the naval court of 
inquiry investigating the collision between the Missouri and Illinois had received 
two telegrams from a “high authority” in Washington. The obvious inference was 
that someone was tampering to save the President’s brother-in-law. Even the World 
refused to make anything of this obvious fiction. 

‘Ardiur Twinir^ Hadley, The Relations between Freedom and Responsibility in 
the Evolution of Democratic (Government (New York, 1903). 

767 


there is any effect at all it will be purely mischievous. The Republican con- 
vention will of course not consider it, for the Republican administration is 
practically endeavoring to better conditions in the Philippines and has met 
with great success in its efforts, and therefore, cannot afford to set back this 
particular work by doing something which would be worse than foolish. 
The Democrats may very possibly adopt the program, for they may think 
that they will get some votes by it; and they will be wholly indifferent to 
the damage done either to the Philippines or the United States, provided that 
damage does not unfavorably affect their chances in the election. To anyone 
not acquainted with the vagaries of human nature it would seem incredible 
that the southern Democrats in Congress, who include all the Democratic 
leaders, should be willing to prate about the doctrines contained in the 
Declaration of Independence, as applied to brown men in the Philippines, 
when they themselves owe their political existence, their presence in Con- 
gress, their influence in the nation, solely to the fact diat they embody a 
living negation of those doctrines so far as they concern the black man at 
home. It is perhaps even more singular that this incongruity of attitude never 
seems to strike the conscientious allies of these men in the north. Senator 
Hoar for instance is to a certain degree logical in demanding for the Filipino 
and for the negro alike what he does demand. But there is no southern 
Democrat of any prominence who at this time can keep his place in his party 
save by brutal insistence upon the evasion and violation of law, upon depriv- 
ing the negro of the rights which he is constitutionally guaranteed; and tliere 
is no one of these southern Democrats who talks about the “consent of the 
governed” in the Philippines whose hypocrisy is not so apparent as to justly 
entitle him to the scorn and distrust of honest-minded men. I am not now 
discussing the attitude of the southerner to the negro; but his relative atti- 
tudes to the negro and Filipino. If your petition is favorably acted upon by 
the Democratic National Convention it will be, and can be, only because the 
southerners who determine the action of that convention believe that an 
attitude of cynical hypocrisy on their part in this matter may gain them the 
votes of certain people in the north. 

It is, however, only of tliese people of the north that I intend to speak. It 
seems to me that very many men who sincerely feel that they are conscien- 
tious have in this matter of the Philippines acted much as those ancient 
anchorites and hermits acted, who left society, and ceased to try to do good 
to their fellow men, because they became absorbed in tlie essentially morbid 
and essentially selfish task of sacrificing all duty to others to the business of 
trying to save their own souls. The easy thing, the cheap thing, to do is to 
sign a petition or make a speech in favor of our abandoning a difiicult and 
doubtful task, washing our hands of all responsibility in the matter, and 
leaving the Filipinos to the impossible task of working out their own salva- 
tion. The hard thing, the wise and brave thing, is to keep on doing the work 
which Taft and Luke Wright and their fellows have been doing with such 





astonishing success; that is the task of working for the actual betterment, 
moral, industrial, social, and political, of the Filipinos; the task of laying the 
foundations of a growth which we believe will in the end fit them for inde- 
pendence. The task is in many respects like that of Cromer in Egypt; though 
it is greater. You may possibly remember that at one time Cromer suffered 
a very serious setback because it became widely spread about that the British 
intended to surrender the government of Egypt; and a period of utter 
demoralization among the natives followed. So it is now in the Philippines. 
When Bryan or General Miles or any other man, for political or sentimental 
reasons, excites false hopes of independence among the Filipinos, it invariably 
and immediately produces a certain amount of demoralization and gives a 
certain setback to the effort for their betterment; and just such demoraliza- 
tion, just such damage, to the Filipinos themselves, will be caused by the 
present effort of which I am speaking if it achieves prominence enough to be 
known in the islands at all. The natives will not and cannot be under the 
control of two sets of ideas at once. Either they will turn their attention to 
working by practical methods for their own betterment under existing con- 
ditions, or they will turn their attention to scheming and planning for what 
can be done when they are independent. They certainly will not be fit for 
independence in the next half dozen or dozen years, probably not in the next 
score or tw'o score years. Further than this we cannot say. Therefore any 
promise of independence, any expression by us of our belief tiiat they will 
ultimately get their independence (though personally this is my belief) 
means an expression on our part of the belief of what will happen in a future 
too remote to entitie it to any weight among those working to solve the 
problems of the actual present; therefore, any such expression as that which 
your petition calls for would be either misleading (for of course a promise 
of independence to the Filipinos means to them a promise of independence 
in a reasonably near future) or else would be a promise to do them the 
utmost damage vre can do — for this is precisely and exacdy w'hat granting 
them their independence in the near future would mean. We are far more 
necessary to the Filipinos than the Filipinos are to us. 

As Hadley has well said, freedom does not mean absence of all restraint. 
It merely means the substitution of self-restraint for external restraint, and 
therefore, it can be used only by people capable of self-restraint; and they 
alone can keep it, or are ethically entitled to it. It is not a matter to be deter- 
mined by reading Rousseau in the closet, but by studying the needs In each 
individual case. There are nationalities and tribes wholly unfit for self- 
government; there are others singularly fitted for it; there are many between 
the two extremes. Cuba we believed to be fit for it, provided we threw 
certain safeguards around her, and gave her a short preliminary training. 
The event has admirably justified our belief. At the time many unwise 
people wished us to turn Cuba adrift at once, to her own irreparable damage. 
This we declined to do. We kept her for four years and then gave her inde- 


pendence under certain qualifications. She is now more prosperous than any 
other Spanish-Anierican republic of approximately the same size. In Santo 
Domingo a hundred years of freedom, so far from teaching the Santo Do- 
mingans how to enjoy freedom and turn it to good account, has resulted so 
badly that society is on the point of dissolution; and I am now obliged to use 
every expedient to avert the necessity, or at least to stave off the necessity, 
of American interference in the island. If I acted purely in accordance with 
the spirit of altruistic humanitarian duty, I would grant the prayers of the 
best people of the island and take partial possession of it tomorrow. I do not 
do this, chiefly because if I did many honest people would misunderstand 
my purposes and motives; and so I feel obliged to put off the action tmtil 
the necessity becomes so clear that even the blindest can see it — exactly as 
because of the shortsightedness of our people we had to put off turning Spain 
out of Cuba, although the delay meant the sacrifice of hundreds of thousands 
of lives and the creation of untold misery in the island, until at last the public 
sentiment became so aroused as to sustain a righteous war. 

Now in the Philippines the questions we have to decide are not in the 
least theoretical. They are entirely practical, and can only be decided if 
there is knowledge of the facts. The Filipinos are not fit to govern them- 
selves. They are better off in every way now than they ever have been 
before. They are being given a larger measure of self-government than they 
ever had before, or than any other Asiatic people except Japan now enjoys. 
They have immeasurably more individual freedom than they ever enjoyed 
under Spain, or than they ever could have under Aguinaldo or any other 
despot — for of course I suppose no one seriously believes that if the Filipinos 
were free at present their government would represent anything except a 
vibration between despotism and anarchy. They may, and I personally be- 
lieve that they will, ultimately become fit for a measure of independence 
something Hite that of Cuba; but the surest way to prevent them from so 
fitting themselves would be to promise them this independence now. Such a 
promise would mean nothing to them unless it meant independence in a 
comparatively short time; it would be taken by them to mean this, and this 
only; and if they afterwards found that it meant something else they would 
become convinced that we were treacherous and had broken faith. Mean- 
while, they would cease from all effort to build themselves up under existing 
conditions, and would restlessly plot as to what would happen in the future. 
The result would be somewhat as if a similar course were taken as regards 
India, Egypt, Algiers or Turkestan. 

Don’t you think you could come on and see Taft.> A more high-minded 
and disinterested man does not live; and he represents as high-minded and 
disinterested, aye, and as successful, an effort to help a people as any re- 
corded in history. To mar his work now would be a calamity.® Very sin- 
cerely yours 

•This letter was not sent; see No. 30*7. 


3025 • TO THOMAS JASPER AKINS RoOSBVelt lUsS. 

Confidential Washington, April 5, 1904 

Aly dear Sir: ^ Please treat this letter as confidential. Of course I do not wish 
in any way to seem to dictate in the State policy of the Republican Party in 
iMissouri. I would like, however, to make certain suggestions to you merely 
for your personal consideration. Apparently Mr. Folk will be nominated by 
the democrats. This represents a complete destroying of the old corrupt 
machine, and the success of the movement for honesty and decency. It seems 
to me that from every standpoint, if Folk is nominated it would be better 
for the republicans to endorse his nomination instead of making any nomi- 
nation against him. In the first place, Folk stands in a pre-eminent degree for 
those principles of honesty and decency in public service which underlie all 
good citizenship, and go far deeper than any party differences. I feel that 
the republicans of Missouri would be acting in a spirit of true citizenship if 
under existing conditions they turned in and gave Folk a support which 
would make his victory far more than a mere party success. In the next 
place; it would seem to me to be wise policy on our part. It is unlikely that 
any man we could nominate would be able to make headway in a fight 
against Folk, and therefore it would be better for us not to oppose Folk, and 
to eliminate him as an issue by nominating no one against him, and then 
trying for victory as regards the national, congressional, and legislative 
tickets, claiming, as we legitimately could, that the national administration 
stands for the very forces in administrative matters which Folk himself 
typifies. I know there will be some republicans who will sulk over being 
required to support a democrat, but it seems to me that even more will be 
angered if we fail to support Folk.^ 

With regard, Sincerely yours 

3026 • TO CHARLES EMORY SMITH RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, April 5, 1904 

My dear Mr. Smith: Root absolutely cannot take the chairmanship.^ So that 
matter is at an end. 

Now, don’t you think you could prepare a first draft of the platform? I 
know this is asking a good deal of you, but it would be an admirable thing 
if you could do it, for I know no one whose rough draft would less likely be 
altered in the final draft. When Congress adjourns, about the ist of May, I 

^ Akins had recently been re-clected chairman of the Republican State Committee of 
Missouri. 

*The Missouri Republicans nominated Cyrus Packard Walbridge for governor. 
A wealthy merchant, he had been mayor of St. Louis, 1893-1897, and vice-president 
of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, 1904. Folk defeated him decisively as over 
30,000 pro-Roosevelt voters ^lit their tickets to vote for the Democrat for governor. 

^The chairmanship of the National Committee, vacant since Hanna’s death. 


should like to take up the question of platform, and it would help me greatly 
if I had a rough draft from you to work upon. 

Hoping I am not trespassing too much on your good nature, I am. Faith- 
fully yours 


3027 ■ TO ARTHUR TWINING HADLEY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Strictly personal Washington, April 6 , 1904 

My dear Presidetit Hadley; In strict confidence and only for your own eye, 
I send you the enclosed. It is the draft of a letter I had prepared to send a 
certain friend of ours. After consultation with Root and Moody I come to 
the conclusion that it would not be worth while to send it. I thought you 
might be amused to glance at it. Faithfully yours 


3028 • TO WILLIAM EMLEN ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 9, 1904 

Dear Emlen: The ideal man for chairman is Root, but his engagements are 
such that he cannot take the place. John Kean is against Murphy.^ Of course 
if the choice of Murphy would jeopardize John’s chances in any way, 
nobody would think of it. But, in strict confidence, we do not know quite 
whom to choose. Murray Crane is, I fear, too sick to take it. 

We have been so concerned over poor Jack. 

With love to Christine and Aunt Lizzie, Ever yours 


3029 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSBVelt MsS. 

Washington, April 9, 1904 

Dear Kemiit: I was very glad to get your letter. David Gray, the author of 
Qallops has been here. Aunty Bye and Mr. Bob Fergy dined here tonight. 
Mother and I had a lovely ride together this afternoon. The bloodroot and 
hepaticas are out and spring has really come. Archie has celebrated his tenth 
birthday today. Mother gave him a tool chest, and at supper he was as 
cunning as possible with his ten-candle cake. 

It is awfully hard work keeping one’s temper in public life. Such in- 
famous lies are told. The World and Journal try to get pictures of poor sister 
when she is at the races; and the Army and Navy Jotamd, which ought to be 

terms of Senator John Reazi and Governor Franklin Mttrphy expired. 
According to the New Jersey constitution, Murphy could not succeed himself. 
Kean, considering Mu^hy a rival for his senatorial seat, did not want Murphy 
appointed national chairman. 


772 



a reputable paper, has made as foul and dirty, and as false, an attack on Uncle 
Will as ever was made by any dog in human form. Continually I am goaded 
so that I almost lose my temper. But of course my one safety at present and 
for the next seven months is to refuse to be drawn into any personal con- 
troversy or betray any irritation, under no matter what provocation. 

Today mother and I went to lunch on the Mayfio'iver with good Captain 
Gleaves. Mother looked so young and pretty in her blue dress and I felt as 
proud of her as possible. Last night I had to spank Quentin for having taken 
something that did not belong to him and then not telling the truth about it, 
Ethel and Mother acted respectively as accuser and court of first resort, and 
then brought him solemnly in to me for sentence and punishment — both 
retiring much agitated w hen the final catastrophe became imminent. Today 
Quentin has been as cunning as possible. He perfectly understood that he 
had brought his fate on himself. Your loving father 

P. S. Good Heavens! The new^s has just come about your having the 
mumps. Mother is just starting for Groton to be with you, for I am afraid 
we cannot get you down here. It was the most unexpected stroke imagin- 
able. How I wish we had kept you! 


3030 • TO ELMER DOVER Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, April 14, 1904 

Dear Mr. Dover: ^ I w’ant you particularly to see Dr, Formaneck,^ I feel he 
could be of immense assistance among the Bohemians, perhaps especially in 
Illinois, but also elsewhere through the country: Dr. Formaneck is a man of 
means and high standing, who wants nothing from us, who has been of great 
service in the past; and though his business is such that he cannot spend as 
much time for us this year, he is yet willing to spend some time to supervise 
the translation of documents into Bohemian, and give his advice as to what 
documents should be translated; and he would also furnish Bohemian speak- 
ers, etc. 

Will you see him and talk over the matter with him, and if he misses you 
today, will you get in communication with him and arrange things so that 
when the campaign comes on his services will be utilized? 

Dr. Formaneck’s address in Chicago is 612 Throop Street. He expects to 
leave Chicago about the ist of May, to be gone a month, so that it would be 
well for you to communicate with him as soon as possible after your return 
to Washington. Sincerely yours 

^ Elmer Dover, then secretary of the Republican National Committee, formerly per- 
sonal secretary to Mark Hanna. 

^Frederick Formaneck, druggist and wholesale patent medicine dealer, was a leader 
of the Bohemian community in Chicago. 

773 



3031 * TO WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, April 14, 1904 

My dem‘ Colonel Hepburn: I hope you will be able to put through the 
Panama legislation.^ It seems to me absolutely necessary that we should have 
something of the kind. What are the chances in the matter? 

With great regard, Smcerely yours 


3032 • TO NELSON WILMARTH ALDRICH RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 16, 1904 

My dear Senator Aldrich: Do not forget to have action on the Crum case. I 
feel not only that Crum is entitled to confirmation, but that politically it 
would be a bad thing for the Senate to refuse to vote one way or the other 
upon his nomination. Already we are being taunted with insincerity and 
timidity in the matter. If Senator Tillman is not well enough to talk, then 
let him depute to someone else the task of objection. His friends are openly 
boasting that he is merely doing this as a bit of filibustering. Always yours 


3033 • TO CHARLES WILLIAM FREDERICK DICK RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 16, 1904 

My dear Senator Dick: I need not point out to you how extremely embar- 
rassing and unpleasant the enclosed clippings are to me, and the false atti- 
tude they put me in with reference to Senator Foraker and to the entire 
Sandusky situation. In view of them, and especially in view of the fact that 
all my inquiries tend to show that Judson is a man of excellent character, 
I shall feel obliged to send in his name for collector.^ I have explained to Mr. 
Jackson® that I do not desire to reappoint the present postmaster, and on his 
recommendation will send in the name of Mr. James E. Melville instead.® 
Sincerely yours 

* A bill, passed later in the month, to provide for the temporary government of the 
Canal Zone. 


* Edward C. Zurhorst, collector of customs at Sandusky, a Hanna man, after being 
charged by the Treasury Department with misconduct in office, had resigned at 
Roosevelt’s insistence. For his place Foraker recommended Charles A. Judson, who 
was ultimately appointed. Zurhorst claimed that Foraker and Roosevelt had arranged 
this change for political purposes, a contention publicized in the Cincinnati Coin- 
merciul Tribune on April 10, 1^4. See Walters, Foraker^ p. 208. 

* Amos Henry Jackson, Republican congressman from Ohio, 1903-1905. 

* Melville was appointed postmaster at Sandusky. 


774 


3034 • TO CORNELIUS NEWTON BLISS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 16, 1904 

My dear Air. Bliss: Entirely at your convenience during the next two or 
three weeks could you come on here to take either lunch or dinner? I should 
like to go over with you together with say Senators Aldrich and Spooner 
the question of the chairmanship of the National Committee. I hope I am 
not troubling you too much. Sincerely yours 


3035 • TO JOHN FLETCHER LACEY RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 21, 1904 

Dear Mr. Lacey: ^ Cannot we get that Alaska legislation through? It does 
seem to me to be very important that this republican Congress should show 
its genuine care for the welfare of Alaska. Senator Beveridge carefully went 
over all the Alaska legislation and knows about it personally. Senators Nelson 
and Dillingham® drew the bills. It seems to me with these three Senators as 
guarantors we are pretty safe on the legislation, and I do think that if pos- 
sible it should be passed. Sincerely yours 

3036 • TO JOSEPH BENSON FORAKER RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 21, 1904 

My dear Senator Foraker: I am very sorry you are out of town. I wanted not 
only to talk over certain Ohio matters, but Porto Rican matters, for as Hunt 
has accepted the judgeship it is necessary to send in the name of the Gov- 
ernor as soon as possible. Four of the present officials in Porto Rico have been 
recommended to me for Governor — Hartzell, Elliott, Sweet, and Post. 
Post is the man whom I personally think most fit, but I am convinced that to 
promote him at present would cause much heartburning and dissatisfaction 
among the others, and for various reasons I am not willing to promote any 
of the other three. The man whom I desire to put in is Beekman Winthrop. 
He is recommended for the position by Taft; and before Root went out he 
Spoke to me also about him, and I know him well personally. He has been 
Secretary to the Philippine Commission for several years and is now serving 
as a judge in the Philippine Islands. I think he is a better man than any now 
in the Island, and in any event I would not, under existing conditions, be 
willing to promote anyone on the Island. 

’■John Fletcher Lacey, Republican representative from Iowa, 1889-1891, 1893-1907. 
Lacey, at this time, was a member of the Committee on Public Lands and the Com- 
mittee on Indian Affairs. 

’William Paul Dillingham, Republican Governor of Vermont, 1888-1890; United 
States Senator, 1900-1923; chairman. United States Immigration Commission, 1907- 
1910. 


775 


I had desired to say this to you personally because it is much to be hoped 
that Winthrop can be appointed and confirmed before Congress adjourns.^ 
Sincerely yours 

3037 • TO GEORGE MEADE BOWERS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, April 21, 1904 

My dear Mr. Bowers: ^ I have just learned, through Mr. Stewart Edward 
White, of the number of golden trout in Volcano Creek, which flows from 
Mount Whitney, California. These form a singularly beautiful and distinc- 
tive species of exceedingly local habitat. As there is always a chance of theu' 
being fished out there, I would like to guard against this chance. Can the 
Fish Commission take measures to distribute and propagate these golden 
trout in the different, or some of the different. United States Fish Hatcheries? 
May I ask that you will communicate with Mr. Stewart Edward White, at 
Santa Barbara, California? I am very anxious that this should be done, and 
I will be obliged if you will let me know from time to time what progress is 
being made in the matter. Sincerely yours 

3038 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 21, 1904 

T 0 the Secretary of the Navy: What steps have been talten to secure good 
marksmanship among our cruisers? And are the battieships on the Asiatic 
Station doing as well as the battleships elsewhere in marksmanship? It is the 
cruisers that would have to do most against torpedo boats, and I am particu- 
larly anxious to know how they are doing with guns of six-inch calibre 
or less. 

3039 • TO WILLIAM ALFORD RICHARDS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washmgton, April 21, 1904 

My dear Governor Richards: What has been done about the matters we 
talked over with White^ the other evening? In the northern division of the 
Sierra Forest Reserve, can’t the f8oo appropriation made for trail tools, -wire 
fencing and the like be sent out at once? You, of course, know better llian I 
that it is absolutely useless to hold this appropriation up for six or eight 
months pending an investigation by a supervisor. Send it out to some local 
man, notif3dng him that he will be held responsible for it, and then investi- 

‘Windirop’s appointment was confirmed on April 27. 

* Georoe Meade Bowers, United States Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries, 1898- 
1913, Republican congressman from West Virginia, 1916-1923. 

^ Stewart Edward White. 

776 


gate afterwards to see what he has done wdth it. But get the eight hundred 
dollars out there by the middle of May, not by the middle of November, 
W'hen all chance of using it will have gone. If, in order to do this you have 
to strain the feelings of a few bureaucrats, why let them strain. If there is 
any human being in this country with whom I do not sympathize, it is the 
type of official individual who has a roll of red tape in place of a gizzard. So 
as far as you can, handle this whole reserve business on just the lines I have 
indicated above. 

Stir up Newhall ® on the cattle question. The fact that eighteen cattle 
owners yelled on being required to be decent and conform to regulations is 
of no earthly consequence. Let them yell and make them conform to the 
regulations. 

Refuse absolutely to appoint, for Senators or anyone else, any super- 
visors W'ho are not A-i men; and where we have good men in the service 
who can be promoted to these positions, promote them. Can’t a foreman at 
a slightly increased salary be created to do Newhall’s forest work, and let 
Newhall simply do the paper work? Can’t some steps be taken toward giving 
more power to the rangers locally, having some kind of supervision or in- 
spection to see how they have handled this power? If the man is fit to be a 
ranger at all it is a great deal better that he should do as much as possible on 
his own responsibility, without having to refer to Washington the question 
whether a settler can or cannot take fifty dollars’ worth of dead timber for 
firewood. Sincerely yours 

3040 • TO KENTARO KANEKO RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, April 23, 1904 

My dear Baron Kaneko: ^ I have read your article and like it much. More- 
over, I have enjoyed to the full the books which you and Mr. Takahira® 
were kind enough to send me, and two or three others which, on your rec- 
ommendation, I have secured. Perhaps I was most impressed by the litde 
volume on Bushido. 

It seems to me, my dear Baron, that Japan has much to teach the nations 
of the Occident, just as she has somethffig to learn from idiem. I have long 
felt that Japan’s entrance into the circle of the great civilized powers was of 
good omen for all the world. I am not a utopian — at least not for the near 
future; and I emphatically believe that no nation is worthy of respect unless 
its sons possess a high and fine national loyally, and the courage, hardihood 

* Charles S. Newhall, forest superiatendent at Fresno, California. 

’ Baron Kentaro Kalnelco was in New York to present the case for Japan publicly 
in a more favorable l^ht. Roosevelt had known him while at Harvard. Kaneko’s 
article and his friendsh^) with the President are discusMd in Dennett, Roosevelt ani 
the Russo-Japanese War, pp. 34-36. 

* Baron Kogoro Takahira, then Japanese Minister to the Umted States. 

777 


and mental and physical address which make this loyalty effective. But I also 
believe that on the whole it is growing more and more possible, and in the 
long run it will, I hope, become completely possible for nations to live to- 
gether in peace and friendship, just as individuals now live together in civ- 
ilized countries; and in such companionship each nation can teach and each 
can learn. Certainly I myself hope that I have learned not a little from what 
I have read of the fine Samurai spirit, and from the way in which that spirit 
has been and is being transformed to meet the needs of modern life. All of 
us who sincerely wish weU to our several countries, and also to all mankind, 
have much seriously to think over as we front the great spiritual, social and 
industrial problems of our age; and each, if he is wise, will, without losing 
his own self-reliance and capacity for self-help, yet welcome gladly the 
lessons he can learn and the aid he can get from the men of other countries; 
for each country can do its special part in the common uplifting of all. 

Pray let me know when you next come to Washit^ton. I should like to 
talk over with you and with Mr. Takahira, more at length, these matters. 

With regard. Sincerely yows 

3041 • MEMORANDUM Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, AprE 25, 1904 

Senator Proctor called on me today and demanded the reinstatement of 
Converse Smith in the Treasury Department.^ He said he was persecuted by 
Shaw, and that he (Proctor) would expose Shaw if Shaw did not reinstate 
him, because to Proctor’s knowledge Shaw had behaved worse than Smith 
had. I asked him what he meant, and after a good deal of hesitation he showed 
me what purported to be a copy of a letter from Shaw in which Shaw asked 
a Vermont Treasury official (I think a collector of customs) whether he 
was intending to invest in farm mortgages in Iowa, and advised him if this 
was the case to make the investment through the firm of which Shaw was 
still a member; stating that though he (Shaw) was not now taking an active 
part, yet his finn was still doing business at the same old stand. After showing 
me the letter Proctor at once took it back, and I can remember only the gen- 
eral purport of it. He stated that he had been preventing the person to whom 
the letter was written from making it public, but that unless Converse Smith 
were reinstated he would have it made public, and that the result would be 
the ruin of Shaw. I said to him that if I understood him correctly his propo- 
sition was that Converse Smith, whom the Treasury Department had de- 
clared unfit for the public service and who had accordingly left the service, 
should forthwith be declared fit and be reinstated, or else Mr. Proctor would 
publish, or procure or permit the publication of, a letter which he asserted 
would show die unfitness of Shaw, and which he had in his possession, or 

' Converse Johnson Smith, New Hampshire Republican, had been a special agent at 

Boston. 


778 



had known of, for many months; but that if Converse Smith was forthwith 
reinstated nothing would be done about the letter. I told Senator Proctor that 
I should not for the moment comment further on the proposition than to 
say that I felt he should lay before me any information that he had now, and 
should take any action he intended to take at once, without reference to the 
case of Converse Smith. I added that, disregarding all questions of morality, 
it was a matter of party loyalty that he should not let the administration go 
into the campaign on the chance of anything of this sort happening. I had 
of course no means of knowing whether the copy of the letter was genuine 
or not. 

As soon as Senator Proctor left I telephoned to Secretary Shaw to come 
in this evening to the White House. He told me Senator Proctor had seen 
him, but had refused to tell him whom the letter w^as addressed to. I told 
him what the purport of the letter was. He told me that he had no recollec- 
tion of ever having written such a letter, but that he could not be certain 
that he had not; but that he was certain that if he did write it, he did not 
know that the man to whom he wrote was a federal official under him.® 


3042 • TO CORNELIUS NEWTON BLISS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 25, 1904 

My dear Mr. Bliss: I saw the Governor today and had a very satisfactory 
talk with him. I told him of our talk about the national chairman, and that 
you felt, as I felt, that it should be someone either from New York or the 
neighborhood, or who thoroughly understood New York City conditions. 
Have you any suggestions to make about this, or will you wait until you 
come on here and talk it over? Always yours 


3043 • TO JANIES GIBBONS Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, April 26, 1904 

My dear Cardinal: I have seen Mr. Waring, but I do not wish to recommend 
him to the Commission until I find out if they act favorably upon my recom- 
mendation of Mr. Dominic I. Murphy.^ I might easily wear my welcome out. 

Will you permit me to say one thing referring to our recent correspond- 
ence concerning Bishop Hendrick’s appeal?® You have recently signed a 

* See also Numbers 3041; and 3049. 

^ Ignatius Murphy, pronunent Catholic publicist and philanthropist; Com- 

missioner of Pensions, 1896-1897; in 1904 appointed first secretary of the Isthmian 
Canal Commission; later consul at Bordeaux, 1905-1909. 

•Bishop Hendrick wanted the United States Government to force the transfer of 
church properties held by the Aglipayans to the Roman Catholic priests. See also 
NunAers 3047 and 3050. 


779 


petition asking that we shall promise ultimate independence to the Filipinos. 
Of course, the promise of ultimate independence would mean nothing to the 
Filipinos unless they construed it, as they certainly would, to mean inde- 
pendence within a very few years. If such a promise was made by us one of 
the first consequences would be that the position of Bishop Hendrick and the 
other American Bishops would grow literally intolerable. The agitation of 
the petition for ultimate independence is playing directly into the hands 
of the men who are intriguing against Bishop Hendrick and the other 
Bishops, and renders just so much more difficult the task of Governor Luke 
Wright and the Government behind Luke Wright in trying to protect 
Bishop Hendrick and his colleagues. Sincerely yours 


3044 • TO REDFIELD PROCTOR RoOSeVClt MsS, 

Washington, April 26, 1904 

My dear Senator Proctor: I deem it best to answer in writing your request in 
our interview of yesterday morning. 

You requested me to direct the reinstatement of Converse J. Smith in 
the Government service, stating that if Mr. Smith was not reinstated a letter 
from Secretary Shaw, which, you asserted, showed him in a damaging light, 
and over the publication of which you asserted that you had control, would 
be published. Mr. Converse J. Smith was thoroughly investigated by the 
Treasury Department, and the Department became convinced that he was 
inefficient, and he was accordingly separated from the service. What my 
feelings might have been as to Meeting a reinvestigation concerning Mr. 
Smith had the request been made uncoupled with any intimation, direct or 
indirect, as to the effect upon Secretary Shaw and the administration of a 
refusal to comply with the request, is not a matter that I need now consider. 
Under ti.ie circumstances of the request as you actually made it, coupled 
as it was with the statement that this alleged damaging letter from Mr. Shaw 
would be published in the event of failure to grant the request, I am obliged 
to state that I cannot permit the case to be reopened or the question of Mr. 
Smith’s reinstatement to be considered by the Treasury Department. 

You showed me, but did not leave with me, what purported to be a copy 
of the letter from Secretary Shaw. Secretary Shaw tells me that he has no 
recollection of having written any such letter. I feel that I have the right to 
ask that you lay before me the original letter in question, which you say you 
control, and anything else which you have reflecting in any way upon the 
conduct of Secretary Shaw, and this wholly without regard to his attitude 
in the Converse J. Smith case, with which this matter has no connection 
whatever. I hope to hear from you as soon as convenient. Yours truly 

780 


3045 * TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER ROOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 28, 1904 

Dear Murray: Will you show the enclosed to Bishop? It is of course for 
private use. By it you will see that Judge Gray advised us emphatically 
against bringing the coal companies suit until the Strike Commission had 
reported. Before the report was made the Interstate Commerce Commission 
brought its suit. Since then we have wished to wait until we could obtain all 
that was available from the Interstate Commerce proceeding. As a matter of 
fact, Knox does not believe that we could win out on the evidence we have. 
Sincerely yours 


3046 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, April 29, 1904 

My dear Murray: I have had another flare up about O’Brien. I am sorry to 
say that I believe it would be a serious damage to have Bishop appointed. It 
would inevitably cause a widespread belief that I have not acted in good 
faith by O’Brien. I do not think that under the circumstances the Commis- 
sion should turn him down for one who is well known as my close and inti- 
mate friend. I think that such an appointment at this time would cause real 
and grave trouble. 

By the w^ay, I find there is a good deal of uneasiness lest Barclay Parsons 
may unconsciously be influenced through the Reform Club and John Mc- 
Donald, and therefore, ultimately, by August Belmont, in contracting mat- 
ters. I hope he will keep his eyes very wide open indeed.^ 

I hate to have to write as I do about Bishop. If I am re-elected I shall do 
my best to get Bishop anything that I can get him and that he wants. But I 
think at this time and under these peculiar circumstances it would give an 
impression of bad faith upon my part — an impression that could not well 
be eradicated, (no matter how unjustifiable), — if Bishop were appointed 
secretary of the Commission, Sincerely yours 

3047 • TO WILLIAAt HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, April 29, 1904 

My dear Secretary Taft: Suppose you write me a pretty stiff reply to this 
letter of Bishop Hendrick’s. I am going to write him a stiff one on my own 

* William Barclay Parsons (whose appointment to the Canal Commission had been 
decided upon) had, while chief engineer of the New York City Rapid Transit 
Commission, let building contracts to John B. McDonald, a friend of August Bel- 
mont. Belmont, the American representative of the Rothschilds, possessed large New 
York City utility holdings and a quiet influence in Democratic councils, 

. 781 


hook/ and I can enclose yours. I do not like the tone of part of his letter. I 
shall explain to him that the Aglipay people are encouraged by the prelates 
of his own church who, in this country, sign petitions for the independence 
of the Filipinos, and that if he would endeavor to keep them straight he 
would be employing his time to much better advantage than in whining to 
me. I shall put this more diplomatically! Sincerely yours 


3048 'TO ROBERT GRANT ' RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, April 30, 1904 

Dear Bob: I learn indirectly through Frank Lowell that Lodge’s name will 
be up for a degree this year. I do not suppose that there will be great opposL 
tion to him, but of course there may be. Would you mind looking after 
things? All I am afraid is lest he may be beaten because nobody makes any 
fight for him.^ 

It was delightful having you at lunch the other day. Sincerely yours 

3049 • TO REDFIELD PROCTOR RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, May 2, 1904 

My dear Senator Proctor: Since writing you my last letter I have received 
from Secretary Shaw the following: 

To the President. 

This is a copy of the much talked of letter to O. Merrill who happens to be 
Collector of Customs at the port of Burlington, Vermont, as well as President of 
the Enosburg Falls Savings Bank & Trust Co.: 

“Treasury Department, 

Office of the Secretary, 
Washington, April 20, 1903. 

My dear Sir: 

My partner writes me that you are thinking of taking some loans of our 
firm at Denison, Iowa. You will pardon me if I suggest that in my judgment 
this is a wise move. I do not know that I need to say more than to refer to the 
record we have made, I am stiU interested in the old stand, though I am not 
personally doing business there. 

I am, 

Very sincerely yours, 

L. M. Shaw, 


’^No. 3050. 

* Roosevelt wrote similar letters to Bishop Lawrence and General William A. Ban- 
croft. In June Lodge received an LLD. from Harvard. President Eliot’s enthusiasm 
for the award and its recipient was carefully measured. The velvet grace of the 
president’s citation did not conceal the irony beneath: “Henjy Cabot Lodge, essay- 
ist» biographer, jurist, member of Congress at thirty-seven, now already Senator 
from Massachusetts for eleven years, with long vistas of generous service still in- 
vitmg him.” 


782 



Mr. O. Merrill, Pres., 

Enosburg Falls Savings Bank 
& Trust Company, 

Enosburg Falls, Vermont.” 

If I had known that Mr. Merrill of Enosburg Falls was also Collector of Cus- 
toms at Burlington, I should not have written the letter; or writing it, I certainly 
should have addressed him at Burlington and as Hon. 

Respectfully, 

L. M. Shaw.” 

This shows conclusively that Secretary Shaw was actii^ in entire good 
faith. I have seen the original letter from his partner, and it is evident that 
neither his partner nor Secretary Shaw knew that the Merrill who was 
President of the Enosburg Falls Savings Bank was the Merrill who was Col- 
lector of Customs at Burlington. As far as I am concerned, I have not the 
slightest objection to this correspondence (including my two letters) being 
published. There is not a shadow of a reflection upon Mr. Shaw’s conduct in 
the matter. Very truly yours 

3050 • TO THOMAS AUGUSTINE HENDRICK RooSevelt MsS. 

L. M. Shaw. 

My dear Bishop Hendrick: I have just received your letter, which a little 
disturbs me. I do not quite understand what you mean; and moreover, my 
dear Bishop, I am afraid you do not yourself quite understand the situation. 
The United States has not merely in the letter, but in the spirit, and with 
ample generosity, fulfilled every promise made in her treaty with Spain, or 
in any other manner, as regards the Philippines and those who dwell therein. 
The Government has shown in striking fashion its friendliness to the people 
of the islands, and to the church in which they believe. As regards the Agli- 
pay movement, and the questions of church property ownership, which 
have been brought up, my understanding is that these are being settled at 
present in proper judicial fashion by the properly constituted authorities of 
the Philippine Government. I take it for granted you are in close touch with 
men like Governor Luke Wright and Commissioner Smith — the latter, by 
the way, belonging to your church. Have you brought these matters before 
them directly? What do they say? To what is it you specifically object? 

So far as I can gather from your letter, you feel that at present there is 
improper leniency shown to Aglipay and his followers. Of course you know 
that if the Filipinos were now given independence the Aglipay movement 
and all that it implies would assume irresistible impetus in the islands, and 
that you and all that you champion would be swept out of existence. Yet 
many bishops and other high prelates of your own church here in the 
United States are at this moment signing petitions requesting that independ- 
ence be promised to the Filipinos. I recently received a Catholic paper. — 

783 


and indeed from time to time I see many of your church papers — in which 
one of the arguments advanced against the continuance of this administra- 
tion in power is that we do not now give or promise to give the Filipinos 
independence. Yet at the same time you write me that the fault of the Philip- 
pine Government is in showing too much favor to the Aglipayans, who wish 
to establish an independent Filipino church as a corollary to the independent, 
Filipino State. Now, the two positions are not compatible one with the other. 
If these prelates who have thus signed the declaration for Philippine inde- 
pendence are right; if the papers of which I speak are right, in attacking this 
administration for not giving or promising to give such independence, then 
you and your colleagues have no place in the Philippines, and everything 
should be turned over to the Aglipayans. It seems to me that your protests 
should be sent elsewhere, and not to the oflSicers of the Government, who, in 
a very difficult situation, and being subject to the attacks of the extremists 
on both sides, are yet striving with what I believe to be a very unusual meas- 
ure of success to do fair and even justice, and to secure the well-being of the 
islands. 

In any event, pray let me know whether you have seen General Wright 
and Commissioner Smith, and what it is specifically that you object to in the 
Philippine Government at the present time. Fery truly yours 

P. S. I enclose herewith a copy of a letter from Governor Taft, which 
explains itself.^ 


3051 * TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 3, 1904 

Dear Murray; I think from your letter of the 2d that you do not understand 
the situation. There is no possible thought of “giving the other man the 
place.” When O’Brien declined the mission to Santo Domingo I told him 
definitely that to my certain knowledge he would not be made secretary. I 
have so told Governor Odell, ^ Senator Platt, and Secretary of State O’Brien. 
Under these circumstances you may rest assured that there is no ground for 
your fear that my letter of the 29th “means the success of the first step of 
the carefully organized attempt by powerful forces here to obtain control 
of the administrative and legal staff of the Canal Commission, for the pur- 

‘ Taft’s letter denied Hendrick’s allegation that Aglipay followers had been specially 
favored by Taft. The letter also charged that the Church’s irritation over the land 
question arose from liie Church’s wish to avoid necessary judicial procedures and 
to rely on executive action for the return of its lands, a method that was clearly 
illegal. 

* Odell had discussed New York politics with Roosevelt in Washington. The Presi- 
' dent had sugg^ed Francis Hendricks, who was in 1904 one of his most reliable 
agents, for national committeeman, and WjUiam N* Cohen, a friend of Butler and 
a former state supreme court justice, for the Committee on Resolutions. Neither 
received consideration. 


vS/i 


pose of steering the vast amounts of money to be expended into friendly 
chaimels.” 

You further add, “It seems pretty hard, therefore, that simply because 
a man is a personal friend he is obliged to suffer, while personal antagonists 
of the most extreme sort will thereby creep into power under the cover of 
political influence.” Of course there is not the slightest chance of these “per- 
sonal antagonists of the most extreme sort creeping into power under the 
cover of” any influence, unless Burr and Parsons and the other commission- 
ers are a thoroughly bad lot — for there certainly has not been and will not 
be one shred of influence exerted by me of the kind you seem to fear. As far 
as I am concerned my position is so simple that until I read your letter I 
could hardly conceive that it could be misunderstood. If, after what I have 
done on behalf of O’Brien (this being done on the recommendation of Hihu 
Root, John Proctor Qarke, the representatives of the great steamship com- 
panies, etc.), and after he has been definitely turned down, a close personal 
friend of mine should be put in, in a way that gives ground for the charge 
that it has been done by my connivance, there will undoubtedly be suspicion 
of bad faith on my part. If you do not believe that such suspicion will 
“expose me to criticism,” why all I can say is that I think you are mistaken. 
As for the course I have followed “exposing me to worse attack," again I 
can only say that I disagree with you. If Bishop had made the slightest sug- 
gestion to me in time as to his wish for flie secretaryship, I should as a matter 
of course have backed him with the utmost heartiness; but surely you are 
aware of the fact that in public life it is not a good thing to place oneself in 
such a position that even though in fact there has been no double-dealing, 
the charge of double-dealing can plausibly be brought against one. 

I enclose you copies of my correspondence with the Maritime Exchange, 
which will explain the position I have taken right along to all people speak- 
ing to me. 

As far as the Commission is concerned, my intention is not again to speak 
to them on the subject — certainly not unless they speak to me. 

Odell did not think well of either of the propositions concerning Hen- 
dricks and Cohen. I think it would be an excellent thing fox you to write 
him. I wish he would take kindly to the Hendricks idea. Faithfully yours 


3052 • TO CORNELIUS NEWTON BLISS Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 6, 1904 

My dear Mr. Bliss: I have just received your letter and read it to Cortelyou 
and Payne, both of whom will see you tomorrow or the next day. I also 
showed it to ex-Postmaster General Smith. 

Now, my dear Mr. Bliss, I most eamesdy hope, for the sake of the party 
and the country — not to speak of my own sake — that you will make up 

785 


your mind to the sacrifice and will accept. If you do not I am not sure that 
there is anyone who can with advantage take the place, and I am sure there 
is no one who can begin to fill it as you will. You were in McKinley’s Cabi- 
net; you were Hanna’s right-hand man; you are known all over the country 
as a public servant of marked ability and the highest probity; you are known 
to the business world as a representative businessman; you have the confi- 
dence of the people as no one else whom we could choose for die place 
could have it. You will not only render a great service by your work in the 
campaign, but from your position you would become of right one of the 
trusted and intimate advisers in all matters before the administration for 
the next four years, if we were successful. This would mean that your influ- 
ence would be exerted as it could be in no other way. If you do not take the 
position you will nevertheless work almost as hard during the campaign, but 
your work will then redound very much less to your credit, and very, very 
much less to my advantage. You will have an executive committee and an 
advisory committee practically of your own choice; a vice-chairman of the 
East; a treasurer of your own choice, and a vice-chairman of the West who 
will deal with the West. Your chief care will be New York State, and in 
New York State Odell as Chairman of the State Committee will take an 
immense amount of tiie burden off your hands. Spealdng quite truly, I be- 
lieve the work will not be anydiing like the work of the ordinary chairman 
has of necessity been, and that it will not be a very serious drain upon you. 
I know that there will be a certain amount of wear and worry, and I appreci- 
ate fully how much I am asking of you; but I sincerely believe that the 
burden will not be overpowering, and I know that the service you can 
render will be literally inestimable. I appeal to you as strongly as I can to 
say “Yes." Very faithfully yours 

3053 • TO WILLIAM HOWASD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, May 9, 1904 

Sir: By the Act of Congress, approved June z8, 1902, tiie President of the 
United States is authorized to acquire for, and on behalf of, the United 
States, all the rights, privileges, franchises, concessions, grants of lands, rights 
of way, unfinished work, plants, shares of the capital stock of the Panama 
Railway, owned by or held for the use of the new Panama Canal Company, 
and any other property, real, personal, and mixed of any name or nature 
owned by the said new Panama Canal Company situated on the Isthmus of 
Panama. The President is by the same Act also authorized to acquire for, and 
on behalf of the United States, perpetual control of a strip of land on die 
Istiimus of Panama, not less than six miles in width, extending from the 
Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and the right to excavate, construct and 
maintain perpetually, operate and protect thereon, a ship canal of certain 
specified capacity and also the right to perpetually to operate the Panama 


Railroad. Having acquired such rights, franchises, propertj' and control, the 
President is, by the same Act, required to excavate, construct and complete 
a ship canal from the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and to enable him 
to carry forward and complete this work, he is authorized to appoint, by 
and with the consent of the Senate, an Isthmian Canal Commission of seven 
members, who are to be in all matters subject to his direction and control. 

By the terms of the Canal Convention between the United States and 
the Republic of Panama, entered into in pursuance of the said act of Coi^ress 
approved June 28, 1902, the ratifications of which were exchanged on the 
26th day of February, 1904, the Republic of Panama granted to the United 
States; 

First, the perpetual use, occupation and control of a certain zone of land, 
land under wkter including islands within said zone, at the Isthmus of Pmama, 
all to be utilized in the construction, maintenance and operation, sanitation 
and protection of the ship canal, of the width of ten miles extending to the 
distance of five miles on each side of the central line of the route of the canal, 
and the use, occupation and control of other lands and waters outside of the 
zone above described which may be necessary and convenient for the con- 
struction, maintenance, operation, sanitation and protection of said canal or 
of any auxiliary canals or other works necessary and convenient for the same 
purpose; also the islands of Perico, Naos, Culebra and Flamenico, situated in 
the Bay of Panama, and 

Second, All the rights, powera and authority within the zone, auxiliary 
lands and lands under water, which the United States would posse® and 
exercise if it were the sovereign of the territory granted, to the entire ex- 
clusion of the exercise by the Republic of Panama of any such sovereign 

rights, power and authority. . 

By the Act of Congre® approved April 28, 1904, tiie President is authorized, 
upon acquisition of the property of the new Panama C^al Company, and 
the payment to the RepubUc of Panama of the price for compensation agreed 
upon in the said Canal Convention, to take po®ession of, and occupy on 
behalf of the United States, the zone of land, and land under water, including 
islands within said zone at the Isthmus of Panama of the width of ^ ten miles 
extending to the distance of five miles on each side of the central line of the 
route of the canal to be constructed thereon, including the islands of Perico, 
Naos, Culebra and Flamenico, and from time to time as may be nece®ary 
and convenient certain auxiliary lands and waters outside the said zone for 
the purpose of constructing, maintaining, operating, sanitating and protect- 
ing the ship canal, the use, occupation and control whereof were granted to 
the United States by the Republic of Panama in the said Canal Couveritiott. 

By the same act, the President is authorized, for the purpose of providing 
temporarily for the maintenance of order in the Canal zone and for maint^- 
ms and protecting the inhabitants thereof in the free oijojrment of thm 
liberty, property and religion, to delegate to such person or persons as he 



may designate and to control the manner of their exercise, all the military, 
civil and judicial powers as well as the power to make all needful rules and 
regulations for the Government of the canal zone and all the rights, powers 
and authority granted by the said Canal Convention to the United States, 
until the close of the 58th Congress. 

Payments of the authorized purchase price of $40,000,000 to the new 
Panama Canal Company for the property of that corporation on the Isthmus, 
including the shares of railway stock, and for the records in Paris, and of 
the sum of f 10,000,000, as stipulated in the Canal Convention, to the Republic 
of Panama for the rights, powers and privileges granted to the United States 
by the terms of the said Convention, have been made and proper instruments 
of transfer have been executed by the Panama Canal Company. The members 
of the Isthmian Canal Commission have been appointed. They have organized 
the Commission and entered upon their duties. I have token possession of and 
now occupy, on behalf of the United States, the Canal zone and public land 
ceded by the Republic of Panama. 

It becomes my duty, under the statutes above referred to, to secure the 
active prosecution of the work of construction of the canal and its auxiliary 
works, through the Isthmian Canal Commission, and in connection with 
such work and in aid thereof to organize and conduct a temporajy govern- 
ment of the zone, so as to maintain and protect the inhabitants thereof in 
the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and religion. 

Inasmuch as it is impracticable for the President, with his other public 
duties, to give to the work of supervising the Commission’s construction of 
the canal and government of the Zone She personal attention which seems 
proper and necessary, and inasmuch as the War Department is the depart- 
ment which has always supervised the construction of the great civil works 
for improving the Rivers and Harbors of the country and the extended 
military works of public defence, and as the said department has from time 
to time been charged with the supervision of the government of all the Island 
possessions of the United States, and continues to supervise the government 
of the Philppine Islands, I direct that all the work of the Commission done 
by virtue of powers vested in me by the act of Congress approved June 28 th, 
1902, in the digging, construction and completion of the canal, and all the 
govemmentol power in and over said canal zone and its appurtenant territory, 
which by virtue of the act of Congres approved April 28th, 1904, and these 
instructions, shall be vested in said Istiunian Canal Commission, shall be car- 
ried on or exercised under your supervision and direction as Secretary of 
War. 

Subject to the limitations of law and the conditions herein contained, the 
Isthmian Canal Commission are authorized and directed: 

I. To make all needful rules and regulations for the government of the 
Zone and for the correct administration of the military, civil and judicial 
affairs of its possessions, until the dose of the 58th session of Congress. 



2. To establish a civil service for the government of the strip and con- 
struction of the canal, appointments to which shall be secured as nearly as 
practicable by a merit system. 

3. To make or cause to be made all needful surveys, borings, designs, 
plans and specifications of the engineering, hydraulic and sanitary works 
required and to supervise the execution of the same. 

4. To make and cause to be executed after due advertisement all necessary 
contracts for any and all kinds of engineering and construction works. 

5. To acquire by purchase or through proper and uniform expropriation 
proceedings, to be prescribed by the Commission, any private lands or other 
real property whose ownership by the United States is essential to the ex- 
cavation and completion of the canal. 

6. To make all needful rules and regulations respecting an economical and 
correct disbursement and an accounting for all funds that may be appropri- 
ated by Congress for the construction of the canal, its auxiliary works, and 
the government of the Canal Zone; and also to establish a proper and com- 
prehensive system of bookkeeping showing the state of the work, the ex- 
penditures by classes and the amounts still available. 

7. To make requisition on the Secretary of War for funds needed from 
time to time in the proper prosecution of the work and to designate the 
disbursing officers authorized to receipt for the same. 

The inhabitants of the Isthmian Canal Zone are entitled to security in 
their persons, property and religion and in all their private rights and rela- 
tions. They should be so informed by public announcement. The people 
should be disturbed as little as possible in their customs and avocations that 
are in harmony with principles of well-ordered and decent living. 

The municipal laws of the canal zone are to be administered by the or- 
dinary tribunals substantially as they were before the change. Police magis- 
trates and Justices of the Peace and other officers discharging duties usually 
devolving upon these officers of the law, •wiU be continued m office if they 
are suitable persons. The Governor of the zone subject to approval of the 
Commission is authorized to appoint temporarily a judge for the canal zone, 
who shall have the authority equivalent to that usually exercised in Latin 
countries by a Judge of a Coturt of Fust Instance, but the Isthmian Canal 
Commission shall fix his salary and may legislate respecting his powers and 
authority, increasing or diminishing them in their discretion, and also making 
provision for additional or appellate judges, should the public interest require. 

The law of ffie land, with which the inhabitants are familiar, and which 
were in force on February 2<Sth, 1904, wiU continue in force in the canal zone 
and in other places on the Isthmus, over which the United States has juris- 
diction until altered or annulled by the said Commission, but there are certain 
great principles of govermnent which have been made the basis of an exist- 
ence as a nation wUch we deem essential to the rule of law and the mainte- 

789 



nance of order, and which shall have force in said zone. The principles 
referred to may be generally stated as follows: 

That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use with- 
out just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 
enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to 
have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have 
the assistance of counsel for his defence; that excessive bail shall not be re- 
quired nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel or unusual punishment inflicted; 
that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offence, or be com- 
pelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be 
secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; that 
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except as a punishment 
for crime, that no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no 
law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the 
rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the government for a 
redress of grievances; that no law shaU be made respecting the establishment 
of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Provided, however, that 
the Commission shall have power to exclude from time to time from the canal 
zone and other places on the Isthmus, over which the United States has ju- 
risdiction, persons of the following classes who were not actually domiciled 
within die zone on the zdtli day of February, 1904, viz: idiots, the insane, 
epileptics, paupers, criminals, professional beggars, persons afflicted with 
loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases; those who have been convicted 
of felony, anarchists, those whose purpose it is to incite insurrection and 
others whose presence it is believed by the Commission would tend to create 
public disorder, endanger the public health, or in any manner impede the 
prosecution of the work of opening the canal; and may cause any and all such 
newly arrived persons or those alien to the zone to be expelled and deported 
from the territory controlled by the United States, and the Commission may 
defray from the canal appropriation the cost of such deportation, as necessary 
expenses of the sanitation, the police protection of the canal route and the 
preservation of good order among the inhabitants. 

The Commission may legislate on all rightful subjects of legislation not 
inconsistent with the laws and treaties of the United States so far as they 
apply to said zone and other places; and the said power shaU include the 
enactment of the sanitary ordinances of a preventive or curative character to 
be enforced in the cities of Colon and Panama and which are contemplated 
and authorized by Article seven of said canal Convention. Such legislative 
power shaU also include the power to raise and appropriate revenues in said 
zone; and aU taxes, juffleial fines, customs duties and other revenues levied and 
coUected in said zone by or under the authority of said Commission shaU be 


790 



retained, accounted for and disbursed by said Commission for its proper pur- 
poses. The members of said Commission to the number of four or more shall 
constitute a legislative quorum and all rules and regulations passed and enacted 
by said Commission shall have set forth as a caption that they are enacted by 
the Isthmian Canal Commission “By authority of the President of the United 
States.” 

The Commission shall hold its regular quarterly meetings at the office 
of the Commission either in Panama or at a branch office in Washington, and 
special meetings may be held at the pleasure of the Commission. 

All laws, rules and regulations of a governmental character enacted by 
the Commission hereunder shall be submitted to you for your approval and 
should your approval be vdthheld from any such law, rule or regulation, 
then from that time the law, rule or regulation shall thereafter have no force 
or effect. 

Major General George W. Davis, U. S. A. (Retired), a member of the 
Canal Commission, is hereby appointed Governor of the Isthmian Canal Zone. 
He will proceed at once to the Isthmus of Panama. He will in my name, as 
the chief executive in the Canal Zone, for and on behalf of the United States, 
see that the laws are faithfully executed and will maintain possession of said 
territory, including the public lands therein and the property real and 
movable on the Isthmus of Panama, except that of die Pana m a Railroad, that 
has recently been acquired from the Republic of Panama. He is hereby vested 
with the power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the rules, 
regulations and laws in force by virtue of action of the Commission or by 
virtue of the clause hereof continuing in force the laws of Panama. In case 
of his disability or absence from the Canal Zone at any time, the Isthmian 
Canal Commission is empowered to designate the person or persons to act as 
Governor during such absence or disability. Except as herein prescribed the 
duties of the Governor shall be fixed by legislation of the Canal Commission. 

For the preservation of order and protecting the property of the United 
States, within or without said laws as provided by Article seven of the Canal 
Convention, an adequate police force shall be maintained. If at any time there 
shall arise necessity for military or naval assistance, the Governor shall, if 
possible, promptly notify you, and in the event of a sudden exigency, the 
Governor may c^ upon any available military or naval force of the United 
States to render assistance, and the same shall be immediately furnished. 

It is a matter of first importance that the most approved and effective 
methods and measures known to sanitary science, be adopted in order that 
the healdi conditions on the Isthmus may be improved. It is the belief of those 
who have noted the successful results secured by our Army in Cuba in the 
obliteration of yellow fever in that Island that it is entirely feasible to banish 
the diseases that have heretofore caused most mortality on the Isthmus, or at 
least to improve as greatly the health conditions there as in Cuba and Porto 


791 



Rico. I desire that every possible effort be made to protect our officers and 
workmen from the dangers of tropical and other diseases, which in the past 
have been so prevalent and destructive in Panama. 

Rear Admiral John G. Walker, U. S. N. (Retired) and Colonel Frank J. 
Hecker, members of the Isthmian Canal Commission, are hereby designated 
as members of the joint Commission provided for by Articles six and fifteen 
of the Canal Convention. The moiety of the necessary expenses of the Com- 
mission to be created in pursuance of Article six and fifteen of the above cited 
Canal Convention will be defrayed from the appropriation applicable to the 
ship canal to connect the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. 

The Isthmian Canal Commission will prepare for Congress and place in 
your hands on or before December ist of each year a full and complete 
report of all their acts and of the operations conducted by them in respect 
to the canal construction and the government of the canal zone. These re- 
ports will contain a detailed account of aE moneys received and disbursed 
in the performance of their duties and of the progress made in the construc- 
tion of the Canal. 

The necessary expenses incurred by the Commission in carrying on the 
government of the Canal Zone wEl be defrayed from the local revenues so 
far as the said revenues may be sufficient and the remainder wEl be met 
from the appropriation made by the 5th section of the Act of Congress ap- 
proved June 28, 1902. An estimate of the proposed expenditures and rev- 
enues for each year in carrying on the government of the Zone will be 
submitted to Congress at the beginning of each annual session. 

By virtue of tlie ownership by the United States of about sixty-nine 
seventieths of the shares of the capital stock of the Panama Railroad the 
general policy of the managers of said road will be controlled by the United 
States. As soon as practicable I desire that all the members of the Isthmian 
Canal Commission be elected to the Board of Directors of the road and that 
the policy of the road be completely harmonized with the policy of the 
government of making it an adjunct to the construction of the canal, at the 
same time folfillmg the purpose for which it was constructed as a route of 
commercial movement across the Isthmus of Panama. If any contracts or 
other obligations now subsist between the Railway Company and other 
transportation companies that are not in accord with sound public policy, 
then such contracts must be terminated as soon as it is possible to effect that 
object. 

No salary or per diem allowance of compensation in addition to the 
stated salary and per diem allowance of the membere of the Isthmian Canal 
Commission will be allowed to any member of the Commission by reason of 
his services in connection with the civil government of the Canal Zone, or 
his membership of any board or commission concerned in or connected with 
the construction of the canal or by reason of his services as an officer or 
Director of the Panama Railroad. 



If there now be in force within the Canal Zone any franchise granting to 
any person or persons a privilege to maintain lotteries or hold lottery draw- 
ings or other gambling methods and devices of a character forbidden by the 
laws of the United States, or if the grantee of any such privilege has now 
the right to sell lottery tickets or similar devices to facilitate the business of 
the concessionaire, the Commission shall enact laws annulling the privileges 
or concessions and punishing future exercise of the same by imprisonment or 
fine, or both. 

These instructions may be modified and supplemented as occasion shall 
arise. Very respectfully 


3054 • TO BOOKER TALIAFERRO WASHINGTON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, May 9, 1904 

My dear Mr. Washington: My attention has already been attracted to the 
situation set forth by you in your memorandum to Mr. Leupp. In view of 
the contest between the two delegations I do not think it would be well for 
me to reappoint Mr. Cohen and Mr. Lewis^ now — at least not until after the 
convention meets. You will notice that all of the federal officeholders voted 
against the so-called “Lily White” movement. I trust that they were not 
properly reported in the reasons they gave. Mr. Williams has sent me up 
violent complaints of the fealty of Cohen and his adherents, who he insists 
have helped the Democrats in the last election.® Sincerely yours 

3055 • TO WILLUM HENRY MOODY RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, May 10, 1904 

The Secretary of the Navy: There must of course be no decrease in the 
practice for rapidity of fire. We cannot do well in battle unless we practice 
in peace. The test is not the number of ill-aimed shots, nor the percentage of 
hits among shots fired slowly, but the number of shots that hit in a given 
time.^ 

I should like to see the full report on the Missouri explosion. Also, I 
should like to know whether I could not issue an order or send a letter to the 

* James Lewis, a Negro, United States surveyor general at New Orleans. 

* On May 3, the long developing schism in the Republican party in Louisiana was 
completed. Williams and Cohen, heading die rival Lily White and Black and Tan 
delegadons, at once began their campaigns of mutual recriminadon. 

‘ This statement insured continued improvement hi fleet gunne^. exponents of the 
training system introduced by Sims claimed that the Missouri explodon had been 
caused by the rapid, and therefore careless, acdon . of pointers trying to make a 
record. Roosevelt, supporting rapidity of fire, insisted that changes in diip design 
should be made to reduce the dangers of flarebacks and esqilosions. The eaplosion 
on the Missouri, while she was at target practice April 13, had been caused by a 
flareback which sent a shower of burning powder grains down into the handling 
room. Thirty-diree men were killed. 


793 



Admiral, using this report as a basis to show my high approbation both of the 
gallantry, coolness and efficiency displayed by everybody, from the captain 
down, on the Missovri after the accident, and my appreciation of the immedi- 
ate resumption and excellence of the target practice. 

3056 • TO HENRY CLAY PAYNE Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May to, 1904 

My dear Mr. Payne: Congressman Metcalf,^ who is a very good fellow, says 
that E. S. Pilsbury, the counsel for the Santa Fe, should be put on the 
advisory committee. He says Pilsbury is a first-class man, and that his belief 
is that through Pilsbury the people in California can raise all the necessary 
money for the legitimate campaign expenses of California and Nevada. 

Would not Cousins® of Iowa be a good man to have second my nomina- 
tion? 

Should we have a colored man? If so, I think he should come from 
Alabama. Perhaps you might have two from Georgia, in which case Judson 
Lyons could speak. Or would it do to have Crum make a short speech?® Sin- 
cerely yowrs 

3057 • TO JACOB AUGUST RHS Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 10, 1904 

Dear Jake: Once more, old fellow, let me thank you. It seems to me your 
letter to the Snn^ makes the most admirable campaign document, and I may 
use it as such. 

Now, a word about the pension order. I had hoped to see you to explain 
it in person. The question of pensions has given me great concern. On the 
one hand there is the ignorant and unreasoning or demagogic demand for 
excessive and improper amounts. On the other hand there are very many 
excellent people who have lived softly, and who have no idea of what it is 
all one’s life to earn one’s living by toil, and then, wMiout having been able to 
save, to face failing strength at the end of one’s days. After much thought, 
and following the precedent set a number of years ago by Mr. Cleveland, I 
came to the conclusion that, as in Congress we would either have no legisla- 

‘ Victor Howard Metcalf, Republican congressman from California, 1899-1904; 
Roosevelt’s Secretary of Commerce and Labor, 1904-1906; Secretary of the Navy, 
1906-1908. 

* Robert Gordon Cousins, Republican congressman from Iowa, 1893-1909, one of 
the more flamboyant orators of his day. 

•The Negro who made the seconding speech was Harry Smythe Cummings of 
Baltimore. Cummings, the first of his race ever to hold elective office in Ma^land, 
was an acknowledged leader of the Negro community, a friend of B. T. Washington, 
and a sponsor of Washington’s views on Negro education. 

‘New York Sim, Aday 7, 1904. 


794 



tion or else improper legislation, the way out was to recognize certain ages 
as being presumptive, though rebuttable, evidence of certain amounts of 
physical failing. We took 62 (the age at which men are retired on this very 
ground from die regular army) and treated it as being presumptive evidence 
that a man had lost half his ability in the field of manual labor. We did this 
not at random, but after careful inquiry which satisfied us that in most great 
manufacturing and railroad establishments new men of the age of 62 who 
might apply for work were peremptorily refused on the ground of age alone, 
and after finding that a very, very small proportion of men at 62 in manual 
occupations were able to earn what they once had earned, or to do work 
which in efficiency was more than half as good as the work they had done in 
their prime. There are exceptions, of course, but the average toiler, the 
average wageworker, whose work is physical, has at 62 lost half his capacity 
to do his work. In New Zealand, at 65 such a man, even if a civilian, is given 
an old-age pension, larger in amount by over one-half than the amount we 
thus allow. What I have done is to say that the presumption shall be that a 
veteran of the Qvil War shall have such an old-age pension, because the 
presumption is that he needs it. I very earnestly believe that my position was 
right. I know that under the actual conditions it was a necessity to take it. 

With love to your dear wife, believe me. Ever yours 


3058 • TO BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 11, 1904 

My dear President Wheeler: Speaking from the standpoint of utterly super- 
ficial knowledge, I had come to just the conclusion that you had about the 
Berard,^ excepting that I think it perfectly possible that the Greek poet or 
poets had used Phoenician recitals of trading voyages, or explorations in 
search of trade, as giving material for the framework of certain incidents. 

Your speaking of relaxing yourself by reading pliilological works suggests 
that I have been reading to interesting Italian book on the Indo-Europeans 
recently by de Michelis.^ As I have never studied Italian I have read it very 
slowly, and in some cases imperfectly. But I have been much impressed with 
it, owing to the clear grasp by the author of the (conditions) . . . and re- 
lationships between languages and races — his understanding, for instance, 
that Aryan is a linguistic and not a biological term. 

As for the other matter, I do not think it well that I should suggest, and 
I never have expressed any preference for any Senator anywhere! 

With great regard, Sincerely yoters 

‘Victor B&ard, Les PherMens et VOdyssSe (Palis, 1902-1903). 

*E. de Midielis, UOri^ne degli Indo~Eiiropei (Turin, 1903). 


795 



3059 ■ TO CHARLES SPENCER FRANCIS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 1 1, 1904 

My dear Mr. Francis: ^ I have your letter of the 9th. That is first-class. If you 
will accept the work for the State dailies and begin it when you come back 
from Europe in the middle of July, I shall feel thoroughly at ease. Mean- 
while, do not come down a week from Saturday unless it is entirely con- 
venient. If you do come down, I shall talk purely about the national field. 
With hearty regard, Faithfully yours 


3060 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May ii, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Would it not be well to put in the platform about the protective 
tariff a sentence to the effect that “the minimum duty must always be that 
which will cover the difference in labor cost here and abroad, because under 
no circumstances must the standard of living of the American workingmen 
be brought down?” It seems to me that this is a very important thing to put in. 
Always yours 


3061 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 12, 1904 

Dear Elihu: I am glad to learn that you are to be over here next week; tlien we 
can discuss that judgeship. Have you been in communication with Dryden^ 
and Kean? Of course what we want is a man who will be absolutely fair and 
square as between the public on one hand and both the Harriman and the 
Moj^an interests on the other, and as between the Harriman and Morgan 
interests. Next in importance to having him this, comes having him such a 
man that the public will recognize that he is this. Have you made any prog- 
ress in the matter yet?® Always yours 

‘Charles Spencer Francis, a champion sculler, able amateur naturalist, and ardent 
Republican, had been minister to Greece, Roumania, and Serbia, 1900-1902. Since 
1897 the owner and editor of the Troy Times, he had given that paper’s influential 
support to Governor Black, President McKiifley, and President Roosevelt succes- 
sively. For his work in the campaign of 1904 he was rewarded by Roosevelt in 1906 
with an appointment as ambassador to Austria-Hungary, a post his father had once 
held. 

‘ John Fairfield Dryden, Republican senator from New Jersey, 1901-1907, founder, 
187 s, and president, 1881-1911, of the Prudential Insurance Company of America. 
*The appointment as United States district judge in New Jersey went to William 
Mershon Lanning, R^blican congressman from Trenton, vdio resmed to accept 
the judgeship. 


796 



3062 • TO CORNELIUS NEWTOX BLISS RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 12, 1904 

Dear Mr, Bliss: Of course I am disappointed, and equally, of course, I recog- 
nize that your decision is right and proper. I am very grateful that you will 
accept the treasurership. You can select your own assistant treasurer, and 
Duel! would seem to be the exact man.^ Strictly between ourselves, I think 
the best plan is to have Cortelyou resign for the purpose of becoming Chair- 
man .2 If I lose my election, then he goes out of office eight months sooner 
than he otherwise would. If I gain, of course he will come back into the 
Cabinet. It represents a certain financial loss to him, but I do not believe he 
would entertain the idea of any reimbursement. It seems to me that Blythe 
will probably be the best Vice-Chairman for Chicago;® but all of this must be 
kept undecided and absolutely secret for the time being. 

With hearty regard, Faithfully yours 


3063 • TO ALBERT JEREMIAH BEVERIDGE Roosevelt MsS* 

Personal Washington, May 13, 1904 

My dear Senator: Apparently Senator Fairbanks does not intend to allow his 
name to go before the Convention.^ If it does go before the Convention I 
suppose you would present it. If it does not, could not you second my nomi- 
nation? You know how pleasant this would be to me.^ Sincerely yours 

^Charles Holland Duell, New York City lawyer, United States Commissioner of 
Patents, 1898-1901, was assistant treasurer of the Republican National Committee in 
1904. After the election Roosevelt made him an Associate Justice of the Court of 
Appeals in the District of Columbia, Later, in 1912, Duell was chairman of the New 
York City Roosevelt Committee. 

® The selection of Cortelyou as the Administration’s candidate for national chairman 
had been prcdicted by the New York Press on May 9. A number of Republican 
leaders, as Roosevelt’s continuing correspondence on the subject indicates, approved 
of this choice after Bliss declined the post. Anticipating opposition from those who 
had not been consulted, Roosevelt wished to keep the decision secret until he could 
personally inform all those with a legitimate interest. On the 17th, however, the 
New York Herald announced that Coxcetyou was the President’s candidate. Many 
national committeemen were not pleased. Professional polidciam resented the eleva- 
tion of a nonprofessional, buc Roosevelt succeeded in placating the disaffected. At 
Chicago Cortelyou was elected chairman without difficulty. 

® Joseph William Blythe, Iowa Republican national committeeman, general counsel 
for the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad, was named vice-chairman for 
Chicago. 

^ Fairbanks, then generally considered the probable Vice-Presidential nominee, was, 
in the great tradition of candidates for that office, busily denying his interest in it. 
Roosevelt took these denials more seriously than did the press. 

“Beveridge had hoped to be temporary chairman of the convention. Denied that 
opportunity and cool, as always, toward Fairbanks, he made the first seconding 
speech for Robsevelt. 


797 



3064 • TO THOMAS WILLIAM SYMONS 


Roosevelt Mss, 
Washington, May 14, 1904 

My dear Colonel Sy?/zons; I have been informed that there has been some talk 
of cutting down the beautiful old elm, sometimes called the Andrew Jackson 
elm, at the comer of Lafayette Park just opposite the Cosmos Qub, in order 
to make room for the Pulaski statue. This elm is under no circumstances to 
be touched, and I wish a memorandum made to this effect so that your suc- 
cessor shall understand. The Pulaski statue can be put not on the comer, but 
a little to the west of the comer, without interfering with the elm in question. 
In any event, the elm is not to be touched. Sincerely yours 

3065 • TO HENRY CLAY PAYNE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 14, 1904 

My dear Mr. Payne: It might be a good thing to have Bradley second my 
nomination too.^ This is in addition to the colored delegate from Kentucky, 
if Lyons thinks the latter can make a speech. Let me know your views, with 
return of Governor Bradley’s letter. Sincerely yours 

3066 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JLTNIOR RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, May 14, 1904 

Dear Ted: This week I took a couple of scrambles down Rock Creek, and I 
now include what may be called the “Ted path,” across that rock where 
Gordon Russell fell into the creek, as a part of the regular itinerary. My first 
walk was with Garfield, Pinchot and Cooley, who of course went everywhere 
that I did. Yesterday I took an Ambassadorial walk with Speck and Sir Mor- 
timer Durand. Speck was in fine trim and went across and up all the rocks 
with me, but Sir Mortimer proved a bad walker and wholly unable to climb. 
He could not go up or over even the simpler rocks, and got all done out be- 
fore the walk was through. 

I have also been riding with Senator Lodge. The other day I tried Rusty 
for the first time over a good-sized fence, and he went with entire willing- 
ness. I am so heavy for him that I should not like to try him over a really high 
fence. 

Strictly between ourselves, I very earnestly hope that Mr, Hitt will be 
nominated for Vice-President with me.^ He would be an excellent candidate, 

^William O’Connell Bradley, Republican Governor of Kentucky, j895-r899, senator, 
1909-1914, a leader of the party in. his state, made one of the seconding speeches. 

‘Roosevelt’s preference for Robert R. Hitt was not long concealed. The favored 
son of Illinois, after Cannon eliminated himself, Hitt enjoyed also the support of 
Roosevelt’s agents at Chicago — Secretary Shaw and Senator Lodge. Certain party 
leaders, however, still unhappy over the selection of Cortelyou as national chairman, 
made their contkmkg influence felt in securing the nomination of Fairbanks. 



Drawing the Line in Mississippi 



Roosevelt and John Muir 

man who loves . . , the wild things, ... a dauntless soul. 







and if I should be elected he would be of all men the pleasantest to work with. 

I believe I shall get the right man for the chair m anship of the National 
Committee. Times are dull and will be dull through the summer, and this fact 
will count against our side. Here and there, moreover, we have ugly political 
squabbles on hand. On the other hand, the Democrats have lots of trouble of 
their own; and as regards my administration, I have nothing to apologize for 
and am prepared to make an aggressive fight. Of course nobody can foretell 
the result. 

I sincerely pity you and Kermit in connection with my impending visit! 
Ever yours 

3067 • TO NICHOLAS MtnURAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal: Private Washington, May 17, 1904 

Dear Murray: I am immensely interested in the clipping from the Chicago 
Record-Herald that you sent, particularly in the marked portions, but not for 
the reason you would suppose. The editorial states that CuUom and Hopkins 
have been using the federal patronage, and have dangled before the eyes 
of Yates and his followers everything from an ambassadorship down. The 
reason that the word “ambassadorship” was used may interest you. The 
editor of the Chicago Record-Herald came on to Washington last week, 
called on me in the evening, and asked me if I would not allow him to promise 
an ambassadorship to Yates if Yates would turn his forces over to Deneen; and 
if an ambassadorship was too much, if I would not give him a good minister- 
ship. This is the only proposition of any kind or sort that has been made to 
me by anyone with the view of a promise of federal appointment in connection 
with the nomination for Governor; and of course / have made no promise 
at all. Of course every human being knows that in every State in the Union 
the appointees such as postmasters, etc., are in the great majority of cases the 
allies and friends of the Senators and Cor^ressmen. The people of the Record- 
Herald and Chicago Tribune accept this as a matter of course, save where it 
suits their game either to lie about it or to express an entirely perfunctory and 
hypocritical surprise about it. 

I am of course greatly concerned over the situation in Illinois, where the 
only good thing seems to have been putting forward Hitt for the Vice- 
Presidency. No doubt the machine has done much for which it should be 
blamed, but as regards this present contest — between you and me and not 
for publication — I will say I think that the Chicago machine leaders shine 
by comparison with the so-called antimachine people, who find expression 
through the papers I have mentioned. Originally the editors of these papers 
and the antimachine people told me that the one thing to do was to beat 
Yates; that he was the one man who must be defeated. At that time they 
thought Cullom, Hopkins, Lorimer, etc., would be for Yates. If Lowden had 
happened to be put forward by one of Aeir own number, and had been op- 


<700 



posed by Hopkins and Lorimer, they would now have been supporting him 
with the same frantic enthusiasm they show in attacking him. They took up 
Deneen when the Hopkins-Lorimer people took up Lowden. Deneen has 
been until recently a Lorimer man. No doubt he is a very good fellow; but 
the sole reason why many of his present supporters are back of him is because 
he and Lorimer have quarreled.^ 

Well, it is an ugly fight, and in my opinion reflects the gravest discredit 
upon all those engaged in it, and most of all upon the so-called independent 
crowd who have done everything they can to jeopardize even the electoral 
ticket and gratify their own factional feeling. The Chicago Tribune people 
have been wiring me apparently to try to get me to interfere against Lowden. 
Of course I cannot interfere for or against any candidate. It is a most un- 
fortunate contest. I believe that underneath these utterly foolish and senseless 
squabblers there is a mass of decent Republicans who are disgusted with them 
all, and who intend to carry Illinois for the national ticket; but it is dishearten- 
ing to see in Chicago the two factions repeating the worst antics of the New 
York machine and the New York mugwumps. Sincerely yours 


3068 • TO BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 19, 1904 

My dear President Wheeler: Treat this of course as in strict confidence. 
Cortelyou will take the Chairmanship of the National Committee. I am think- 
ing of putting Metcalf in his place. He is the only Californian whom as yet I 
have seen, whom I feel I would like to put in the Cabinet. Will you wire me 
how you thmk the nomination would be received in California, if Metcalf 
were willing to accept? I have spoken to you of this before. I understand that 
he is very well thought of. Of course I may not appoint him. Sincerely yours 


3069 • TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washmgton, May 19, 1904 

My dear Governor Odell: When you have rested from the thirty-day bills, I 
wonder if it will be possible for you to come down here for a night. I would 
like to have Cortelyou come around and meet you and go over various ques- 
tions concerning the campaign, and also the Chicago Convention. Perhaps you 
could stop either going or returning from that southern trip I see you are 
announced to take. On May 24th (& 25th until the evening) I shall be away 

^Deneen was elected. He served as governor tmdl 1913. 

800 



at Groton, and on the 30th at Gettysburg. Fd like to discuss the National 
Committeeman with you. Faithfully yours 

3070 • TO ELiHu ROOT Printed^ 

Washington, May 20, 1904 

My dear Mr, Root: Through you I want to send my heartiest greetings to 
those gathered to celebrate the second anniversary of the Republic of Cuba. 
I wish that it were possible to be present with you in person. I rejoice in 
what Cuba has done and especially in the way in which for the last two years 
her people have shown their desire and ability to accept in a serious spirit 
the responsibilities that accompany freedom. Such determination is vital, for 
those unable or unwilling to shoulder the responsibility of using their liberty 
aright can never in the long run preserve such liberty. 

As for the United States, it must ever be a source of joy and gratification 
to good American citizens that they were enabled to play the part they did 
as regards Cuba. We freed Cuba from tyranny; we then stayed in the island 
until wo had established civil order and laid the foundations for self-govern- 
ment and prosperity; we then made the island independent, and have since 
benefited her inhabitants by making closer the commercial relations between 
us. I hail what had been done in Cuba not merely for its own sake, but as 
showing the purpose and desire of this nation toward all the nations south 
of us. It is not true that the United States has any land hunger or entertains 
any projects as regards other nations, save such as are for their welfare. 

All that we desire is to see all neighboring countries stable, orderly and 
prosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count 
upon our hearty friendliness. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with 
decency in industrial and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its 
obligations, then it need fear no interference from the United States. Brutal 
wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties 
of civilized society, may finally require intervention by some civilized nation, 
and in the Western Hemisphere the United States cannot ignore this duty; 
but it remains true that our interests, and those of our southern neighbors, 
are in reality identical. All that we ask is that they shall govern themselves 
well, and be prosperous and orderly. Where this is the case they will find 
only helpfulness from us. 

To-night you are gathered together to greet a young nation which has 
shown hitherto just these needed qualities; and I congratulate not only Cuba 
but also the United States upon the showing w^hich Cuba has made 2 Sin- 
cerely yours 

^ New York May 21, 1904. . • 

*R6ot read this letter at a Cuban anniversary dinner in New York on May 20. It is 
the first specific statement by Roosevelt of his corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. 
Widespread crHctoi resulted. The New York World called the letter "a flagrant 

801 



3071 • TO NICHOLAS MtJRRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 21, 1904 

Dear Murray: I have your letter of the 19th, and am greatly interested about 
what you say on more than one point. Shall I ask Jimmy Speyer to come 
down here a little later and talk over Mexico and Cuba? You know that it is 
a little doubtful to send Catholics to certain Catholic countries, and the cleri- 
cals have had great difficulty with the Government in Mexico, 

I absolutely agree with you that the party machine people are growing 
more and more out of touch with the people. The same thing has happened 
in Chicago that happened in New York some time ago; but I am more con- 
cerned over certain popular movements. Thus there is no doubt that in 
Massachusetts, for instance, and also in Iowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota, 
there has been a hardening against tariff revision by a majority of the party, 
and an increase of fervor in favor of tariff revision in a minority of the party. 

I agree with you absolutely that the Wisconsin situation is very, very 
ugly. I am at my wits’ end how to keep out of it. In my judgment you read 
La Follette exactly right when you compare him to Pingree.^ Airways yours 


3072 ' TO ELiHu ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 21, 1904 

Dear Elihu: If there is any hitch about Black showing you his speech, or if 
there is anything in the speech which you thinlc ought to be changed and 
he does not change it, please let me know at once. I was not pleased with his 
interview immediately after leaving the White House, or just before getting 
there, in which he gave the chance to the Evening Post and its style to assert 

exhibition of jingoism.” Anti-imperialists agreed that Roosevelt’s “policy of bossing 
the world, while possibly attractive to the Indians of the Rocky Mountains, hardly 
comports with the ideas of the fathers of the Republic, the civilized statesmanship 
of modem times or the best interests of our people.” The Wall Street Journal, on 
the other hand, supported Roosevelt’s policy, considering intervention in the West- 
ern Hemisphere a “national duty.” 

^ The ugly Wisconsin situation had been caused by the open warfare between the 
La Follette and Stalwart groups of state Republicanism* Unable to obtain from 
the state convention in 1904 the nomination of their candidates for state office, the 
Stalwarts, led by Spooner, Quarles, Payne, and Rosenberry, called a convention of 
their own. Thus two Republican slates were put in the field. Likewise two state 
delegations were designated by the separate conventions to attend the National Re- 
publican Convention. Roosevelt was, naturally, deeply concerned. When in June 
after some indecision he supported the Spooner-Payne group, the La Follette dele- 
gates were rejected by the Committee on Credentials, A different view of the case 
was taken by the Supreme Court of Wisconsin, which ruled that the La Follette 
candidates for state offices were the legitimate representatives of the party in Wis- 
consin. 


802 



that he was not only a spoilsman but a sneerer at all social and civic morality.^ 
Black has Tom Reed’s failing of revolting against hypocrisy to the point of 
always seeming to talk ’worse than he is; but we cannot afford to have him 
put any such talk in any speech nominating me. 

It w^as delightful having you on for those two nights, Alnjuays yours 


3073 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevelt MSS» 

Washington, May 23, 1904 

Dear Cabot: There seems to be a good deal of uneasiness as to saying any- 
thing about immigration this year. It is not believed it would help us to getting 
legislation. There is no question but that there will be a sharp lookout kept to 
see if they cannot catch us tripping on it. Will you send me a copy of the 
platform? Of course, unless we are sure that there is some good from any 
plank, it is better not to put it in. 

We miss you and Nannie frightfully. You would have been pleased, by 
the way, by an expression in a letter from a very good fellow, Ned Brande- 
gee, of Utica, who has just written me. I had spoken to him about idealists, 
and he answered me, “The idealists are more often, I fear, self-complacent 
than the well-meaning.” This is just exactly true. Our anti-imperialist and 
mugwump creatures are not really so well-meaning as they are self-com- 
placent. 

Give my love to Nannie, and believe me, Always yours 
P. S. About the immigration, I am quite clear that there is no unrest about 
the subject at present. It is of course perfectly true that we wish to honestly 
enforce our laws, but w^e are doing that anyhow\ We also wish to get better 
laws; but the place to show their need is in a President’s message, and not 
in a platform. If we say anything on the subject at all, I think it might be 
limited to a very brief ampliJScation of the statement that we cannot have too 
many immigrants of the right kind, and should not have any at all of the 
wrong kind. Probably it would be better not to make any allusion to the 
matter at all.^ 

^ Black, referring to the New York reformers and such city officials as District At- 
torney Jerome, had said; “To war against vice has come to be a fad. The agents of 
the reformers are fierce in their efforts to run down some fellow who is guilty of 
taking a bet on a horse race or to hurry to prison some unfortunate woman who is 
suspected of being other than what she ought to be. Meanwhile criminals who have 
committed deeds of far more heinous character are overlooked. . . . The whole 
thing reeks of hypocrisy. , . (New York JSvewing Post, May 19, 1904). The Post 
editorial on May 20, contending that Roosevelt had selected Black to make the 
nominating speech because Black was approved by the New York Republican 
organization, suggested that the President shared Black’s “political manners and 
morals.” 

* The 01^ mention of immigration in the platform was tiie approval of the exclu- 
sion of Chinese labor. 


803 


I 



3074 ■ TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, May 23, 1904 

My dear Senator Platt: Naturally, your letter has caused me concern and 
disappointment. I was much bothered about the announcement as to Mr. 
Cortelyou coming when it did, as it gave me no chance to write to you. 
Senator Dryden, Senator Aldrich, and a number of odiers whom I had 
wanted to consult. It came out through a gentleman who had seen Cornelius 
Bliss to endeavor to get him to take it, and had been told by Mr. Bliss of 
correspondence he and I had over Mr. Cortelyou — Mr. Bliss feeling very 
strongly that Mr. Cortelyou was the strongest man for the position. After 
looking over the situation carefully I had become convinced to the same 
effect. It is a great sacrifice to Mr. Cortelyou to take it, and even yet if I 
could find a man whom I thought as good, Mr. Cortelyou would be only too 
glad to have him put in; but as a matter of fact I think Cortelyou by far the 
strongest man for the situation as it actually is. There is no need whatever, 
however, that he should be made National Committeeman from New York. 
When Hanna was chairman he was not on the National Committee at all. It 
never has been necessary that the Chairman should be on the National Com- 
mittee. 

Let me repeat my regret that you should feel as you do about Mr. Cor- 
telyou talcing the position. Sincerely yours 

3075 • TO WINTHROP MURRAY CRANE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 23, 1904 

My dear Governor: I am very glad you approve of Cortelyou’s choice. Nei- 
ther Platt nor Odell likes it, but I don’t see how I can help that. 

With warm regards. Sincerely yours 

3076 • TO ORVILLE HITCHCOCK PLATT RooSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 25, 1904 

Dear Senator: I thank you for your letter of the 23d instant. I agree abso- 
lutely with what you say, but how in Heaven can I make the newspapers 
take that view? Surely you cannot imagine that I have been anything but 
displeased — and of course a little amused — at the statement that I wanted 
to run the campaign myself. Of course I am most anxious that the truth 
should be told — namely, that Cortelyou has been chosen because he seemed 
to possess the requisite capacity and integrity to make him direct a strong, 
square campaign. I felt, with him at the head of the Committee, I would be 
sure that everything that could properly be done would be done, and that 
under no consideration would anything improper be done. Now, my dear 
Senator, if you would have an interview in which you would ridicule as it 





deserves the idea that Mr. Cortelyou was to be appointed for any reason 
except his capacity, integrity and courage; and if you would state therein 
that as a close friend of the President’s, and one who knew him well, you 
knew that the President would confine his attention to his duties as President 
and would leave the campaign entirely to Mr. Cortelyou, who was so com- 
petent to run it — why, I think you would be doing verj’- effective work in 
undoing the false impression. Sincerely yours 


3077 • TO WILLIAM EDWARD CRAMER RoOSeVClt MSS. 

Personal Washington, May 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cramer: ^ Just yesterday I saw Senator Spooner. He was most 
earnest and emphatic in insisting that the only course for me to take was to 
decline to interfere on one side or the other in Wisconsin. The contested 
delegation in Wisconsin is not the only one. There will be a contested dele- 
gation from Delaware, and from certain Congressional districts in the North 
and South. It would be entirely improper for me to interfere in the work of 
the National Committee in any of these contests on one side or the other. 

Believe me, I need not say how grieved I am at what has gone on in Wis- 
consin. Sincerely yours 

3078 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, May 27, 1904 

My deter Mr. Speaker: I have your letter, which seems to me to be full of the 
right kind of philosophy. Ray Patterson^ is away from town. I shall of course 
put your letter before him as soon as he comes back. I enclose you two letters 
I have written to those whom I understand you sometimes allude to as the 
“Heavenly Twins.” 

Now win you let me make a suggestion? I think these people are very 
sensitive about anything that looks like interference from me — in fact I 
know they are, because I have had letter after letter on behalf both of Yates 
and Deneen protesting against the action of federal officeholders, and against 
what I was ^eged to think or do. But I know no one among those whom 
they are pleased to regard as making up the machine who carries the weight 
with them that you do. Can you not go directly yourself to one or two of 
those people? Cyrus McCormick^ is a good fellow and I think has good 
sense. I believe that he would take what you said in exactly the right spirit. 

’'William Edward Cramer, editor of the Evening Wisconsin, a liberal Republican 
Milwaukee newspaper. 

’Raymond Albert Patterson, ance 1894 Washington correspondent of the Chicago 
Tribune, brother of Robert Wilson Patterson. 

•Cyrus Hall McCormick, son of the inventor of the reaper; since 1902 president of 
■die International Harvester Company. 

805 



Why can’t you get hold of Ray Patterson and have him come out to Illinois 
to see you? You can do the thing better by personal interview on the ground 
than by writing. My steady sermon to all who have spoken to me has been 
that they must not permit the spirit of factionalism to drive them into action 
which would jeopardize the standing of the Republican party in Illinois. 

With high regard, Always yours 

{Handwritten] Of course keep the enclosed copies of letters purely to 
yourself. 


3079 • TO GEORGE OTTO TREVELYAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 28, 1904 

My dear Sir Qeorge: My blunder in my last letter brought me a better re- 
ward than I deserved, because owing to it I have read your son’s Age of 
Wy cliff e^ with great pleasure. Pray congratulate him from me upon all that 
he is doing. 

I find reading a great comfort. People often say to me that they do not see 
how I find time for it, to which I answer them (much more truthfully than 
they believe) that to me it is a dissipation, which I have sometimes to try to 
avoid, instead of an irlcsome duty. Of course I have been so busy for the last 
ten years, so absorbed in political work, that I have simply given up reading 
any book that I do not find interesting. But there are a great many books 
which ordinarily pass for “dry” which to me do possess much interest — 
notably history and anthropology; and these give me ease and relaxation that 
I can get in no other way, not even on horseback! 

The Presidential campaign is now opening. Apparently I shall be nomi- 
nated widiout opposition at the Republican Convention. Whom the Demo- 
crats will put up I do not know, and of course no one can forecast the results 
of the contest at this time. There is one point of inferiority in our system to 
yours which has been very little touched on, and that is the way in which 
the Presidential ofiice tends to put a premium upon a man’s keeping out of 
trouble rather than upon his accomplishing results. If a man has a very de- 
cided character, has a strongly accentuated career, it is normally the case of 
course that he makes ardent friends and bitter enemies; and unfortunately 
human nature is such that more enemies will leave tiheir party because of 
enmity to its head than friends will come in from the opposite party because 
they think well of tihat same head. In consequence, the dark horse, the 
neutral-tinted individual, is very apt to win against the man of pronounced 
views and active life. The electorate is very apt to vote with its back to the 
future! Now all this does not apply to the same extent with your Prime 
Minister. It is not possible for the politicians to throw over the real party 
leader and put up a dummy or some gray-tinted person under your lystem; 

‘ George Macaulay Trevelyan, Englmd in the Age of Wy cliff e (London, 1899). 




or at least, though perhaps it is possible, the opportunity and the temptation 
are much less. 

In my own case, for instance, I believe that most of my policies have com- 
manded the support of a great majority of my fellow-countrymen, but in 
each case I have made a certain number of determined foes. Thus, on Panama 
I had an overwhelming majority of the country with me; but whereas I am 
not at aU sure that any Democrat will vote for me because of my attitude on 
Panama, there are a certain number of mugwuimps who will undoubtedly 
vote against me because of it. So as regards Cuban reciprocity. The country 
backed me up in the matter, but there is not a Democrat who will vote for 
me because I got Cuban reciprocity, while there are not a few beet sugar 
men who will vote against me because of it. In the same way the whole coun- 
try breathed freer, and felt as if a nightmare had been lifted, when I settled 
the anthracite coal strike; but the number of votes I shall gain thereby will 
be small indeed, while the interests to which I gave mortal offense will make 
their we%ht felt as of real moment. Thus I could go on indefinitely. How- 
ever, I certainly would not be willing to hold the Presidency at the cost of 
failing to do the things which make the real reason why I care to hold it at 
all. I had much rather be a real President for three years and a half than a 
figurehead for seven years and a half. I think I can truthfully say that I now 
have to my credit a sum of substantial achievement — and the rest must take 
care of itself. 

With renewed regard. Sincerely yours 

3080 • TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT, JtJNIOR RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, May 28, 1904 

Dear Ted: That was a first-class victory! I am extremely pleased that Groton 
won and I am very glad too that George did so well. It was a real pleasure to 
be at Groton, although I had not looked forward to it as such. 

I am having a reasonable amount of work and rather more than a reason- 
able amount of worry. But after all life is lovely here. The country is beauti- 
ful and I do not think that any two people ever got more enjoyment out of 
the White House than Mother and 1 . We love the House itself without and 
within, for its associations, for its stateliness and its simplicity. We love the 
garden. And we like Washington. We almost always take our breakfast on 
die south portico now. Mother looking very pretty and dainty in her summer 
dresses. Then we stroll about the garden for fifteen or twenty minutes look- 
ing at the flowers and the fountain and admiring the trees. Then I work until 
between four and five, usually having some ofiicial people to lunch — now a 
couple of Senators, now a couple of Ambassadors, now a literary man, now 
a capitalist or a labor leader, or a scientist, or a big-game hunter. If Mother 
wants to ride, we then spend a couple of hours on horseback. We had a 
lovely ride up on the Virginia shore since I came back, and yesterday went 

807 



up Rock Creek and swung back home by the roads where the locust trees 
were most numerous — for they are now white with blossoms. It is the last 
great burst of woodland bloom wliich we shall see this year except the laurels. 
But there are plenty of flowers in bloom or just coming out, the honeysuckles 
most conspicuously. The south portico is fragrant with them now. The jas- 
mine will be out later. If we don’t ride I walk or play tennis. But I am afraid 
Ted has gotten out of his father’s class in tennis! Ever yours 

3081 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 28, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Your letter did me good. I miss you and Nannie horribly, and 
you must excuse my sending you all kinds of puzzhng things — I verily must 
have someone to whom I can unburden myself at times. I am not in the least 
wmrried about the discontent on the part of some of the political leaders with 
Cortelyou. As Murray Crane and Root could not take it Cortelyou was the 
man of all others to have it, and these people will in the end find out that 
this is so. He will manage the canvass on a capable and also on an absolutely 
clean basis, and my canvass cannot be managed on any other lines either with 
propriety or with advantage. If I win at all this year it will be because tibe 
bulk of the people believe I am a straightforward, decent and efficient man, 
upon whose courage and common sense no less than upon whose honesty 
and energy they can depend. I agree with you entirely that the danger lies 
in the labor situation. If we have bad crops, and if the dullness in business 
becomes stagnation so that many laboring men are out of employment, while 
the farmers are anxious and profits generally reduced, then we shall suffer 
from the usual desire of humanity to hold somebody accountable for all mis- 
fortunes. But all we can do is to go ahead our own way. I believe Cortelyou 
win fight just as hard as he knows how for victory, and all of our men must 
strain every nerve. 

I wish it were possible for you to stop and see me on your way to or from 
Chicago; but at any rate do have a full talk with Cortelyou and stir everyone 
up to activity. Your platform now seems to me admirable in every way. 

Love to Nannie. Ever yours 

3082 • TO FREDERICK WALLINGFORD WHITRIDGE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 28, 1904 

My dear Whiiridge: In addition to the documents which Mr. Loeb has sent 
you I think I shall write you also so that you may know exactly the facts 
about the pension order. There were two sides to the matter. The first was 
the situation I had to face as regards the party in Congress. The second was 
the moral justification for what was actuafly done. 

The first you can only have for your own use and not to make public. 

808 



When Congress met I found that the feeling was overwhelmingly for a full 
service pension — that is twelve dollars a month beginning at the age of 62. 
This was the pension granted by President Cleveland and a Democratic 
House to the Mexican War veterans thirty-nine years after the close of the 
Mexican War, and the argument by analogy seemed very strong, namely, 
that if men, many of whom afterwards served against the Union, were en- 
titled to twelve dollars a month at the age of 62, thirty-nine years after the 
close of the Mexican War, then thirty-nine years after the close of an in- 
finitely greater and more rightous war the union veterans were entitled to 
the same privilege. Moreover, I soon found that Congress was nearly a unit 
for the service pension bill. If allowed to get under way unchecked the bill 
would undoubtedly have passed both houses %vith substantial unanimity, and 
if I had vetoed it I could not have rallied more than a tenth of the House nor 
more than a fifth of the members of the Senate to my support; and I should 
have hated to veto it. I should have preferred to have let them pass a bill 
authorizing me to do exactly what I did by Executive order; for the bill 
would in my judgment have been just. But without exception the responsi- 
ble leaders of both houses assured me that it was out of the question to pre- 
vent any such bill from being so amended as to carry some fifty millions a 
year, instead of the five millions which will actually be carried by what was 
done. Under these circumstances I set about seeing if it would not be possible 
to forestall and prevent radical and excessive action in Congress by some 
action of my own which I could persuade the reasonable members of Con- 
gress to accept and stand by. I found that President Cleveland had established 
the rule Sept. 2, «i893», that a man who was 75 years old should be treated 
as by that fact having reached the stage of complete disability, and being 
therefore entided to twelve dollars a month pension. I found that Pension 
Commissioner H. Qay Evans, under President McKinley, had by rule July 7, 
1897, established the age of 65 as similarly entitling a veteran to six doHars 
a month on the ground that he was similarly disabled to the extent of one- 
half from earning his living. What I did was to take these two rates and make 
the limit 62 and 70 years respectively instead of 65 and 75, which they actu- 
ally were — treating each age as an evidential fact, as a rebuttable presump- 
tion of half or complete physical disability. Inasmuch as nearly So^i of the 
veterans are already pensioned, and as I was establishii^ not twelve dollars 
but six dollars, this meant an increase of but one-tenth of what the proposed 
service pension bfll would have cost. It did not establish any new principle; 
it simply took the existing principle established by Cleveland and McKM^ 
and reduced the half-rate limit by three years and the full-rate limit by five 
years. Of course if it was legal and constitutional under Cleveland and 
McKinley then it was legal and constitutional under me, and if it was proper 
for Cleveland to give a larger pension after thirty-nine years to the veterans 
of the Mexican War, then it was proper for the lesser pension to be given 
after thirty-nine j>ears to the veterans of the Gvil War, who on the average 

809 



fought for a longer time, fought harder and of course fought for an infinitely 
greater cause. 

So much for the technical argument. I do not, however, rest the case on 
this. I hold that the ruling was absolutely right and proper. Most of our 
friends who live softly do not understand that the great majority of people 
who live by hard manual labor have begun to find their wage-earning capac- 
ity seriously impaired by the time they are sixty. The man of sixty-two has 
on the average great difficulty in getting a new job anywhere if he is de- 
pendent upon the labor of his hands. Where there are old-age pensions, as in 
New Zealand for instance, some such age as in New Zealand, sixty-five is 
usually selected as the age when a man’s physical ability to earn a livelihood 
is supposed to have ceased, and he receives the full old-age pension, which in 
New Zealand corresponds almost exactly to our twelve dollars. It is I think 
an understatement to say that the average man of sixty-two has lost his ca- 
pacity to do manual labor to the extent of one-half of what he did in his 
prime. At seventy on the average it has stopped entirely. Of course there are 
men at sixty-two to seventy who are all right; but there are a much greater 
number who before these ages have become half or entirely crippled so far 
as doing manual labor is concerned. As a matter of fact, in the Departments 
in Washington we find this is true, not merely of physical labor but of cleri- 
cal labor. It is the rarest thing in the world for us to have a clerk over sixty 
whose usefulness is not greatly impaired, and by seventy he is as a rule kept 
merely from motives of mercy. Now the average wageworker does not lay 
by enough money to keep him in his old age, and when he has fought in the 
Civil War I am entirely willing that he shall be cared for to the extent in- 
dicated in my order. Personally I believe that this order will remove the 
necessity for any further pension legislation, and I have so treated it. 

Now is diere anything you would like to question me about concerning 
this pension order or anything else, my dear fellow? Of course write me 
freely.^ Fmthfidly yours 


3083 - TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 2, 1904 

Dear Elihu: I suppose all the Cabinet officers have written you. I hope that 
you can make some allusion to the action taken as regards KishenefT and the 
Jew passports. We can hardly put this in our platform, but it will be a good 
thing to recite what has been done in the Kisheneff matter, and the steady 
and unwearied efforts of the State Department to secure passports from Rus- 
sia for all well-behaved Americans, whether Jew or Gentile. 

You have been so intimately connected with everything I have done here 

‘Whittidge incorpoiated the contents of this letter into his campaign pamphlet 
RooseveU or Parker (New York, 1904), pp. 20-26. 

8rn 



as President that there is probably no point I am about to make which you 
will not already have thought of. But here goes: 

P. O. Dept. Energetic and successful prosecution of the wrongdoers. Six 
convictions already; of both parties .... it. This .... honesty .... 

Panama in all its details. 

Anthracite coal strike. 

Northern Securities suit. 

The Miller case in the Printing Office. This you will need to handle very 
carefully, and perhaps, instead of making any direct allusion to it as a sepa- 
rate item, it could simply be referred to generally, exactly as the Northern 
Securities suit could be referred to generally, naming neither, but showing 
that corporation and labor union alike have been protected when they have 
been within the law, and yet have been held to a rigid accountability to the 
law, and that equal justice has been dealt to aU men — and this not as a figure 
of speech, but in actual fact. 

Cuban reciprocity. 

Alaskan boundary. 

Independence of Cuba actually given. 

Successful administration of the Philippines. 

Building up of the navy. 

Proper organization of the army and the national guard. 

Irrigation and forestry. A work of more far-reaching benefit to the Great 
West than any other national work which could be undertaken. 

Most efficient and most thoroughgoing work as regards civil service re- 
form or the merit system, and the consequent steady rise of the tone of the 
governmental service generally. 

Scrupulous care to make as high-grade appointments in the South as in 
the North. Offhand, I would suggest ffiat the race question be treated simply 
incidentally by an allusion to show that I have set the same standard for black 
man and for white, just as for wageworker and capitalist, for Jew and Gen- 
tile, for Catholic and Protestant. 

Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor, udth the 
Bureau of Corporations under it. In its promise for the future this has always 
seemed to me a noteworthy bit of business. It means that we have actually 
begun to put into effect the theory of preparing the way for suitable pub- 
licity with regard to corporations. 

The steady effort for the “Open door” in China, — the way we have 
taken the lead in the endeavor to secure the peaceful expansion of trade and 
civilization in the Orient. 

The Venezuelan business. The striking enforcement of the Monroe Doc- 
trine and its acquiescence in by great foreign powers, while at the same time 
a great step forward was taken in the cause of international peace by securing 
The Hague Tribunal as the arbitrator. 

Mejdco; — our arbitrating before The Hague, for the first time that any 

8ii 



case was brought before that court, an issue with Mexico. Both Mexico and 
Cuba offer the best possible examples of our steady policy of justice towards 
neighboring States who themselves enable us by their conduct to treat them 
with {justice) generosity. 

Indians. Steady policy of safeguarding the Indian in his rights, securing 
to him land on which he can develop into a good citizen, while throwing 
open to actual homemakers for settlement the surplus land in the Indian 
reservations. By tlie way, show that our irrigation policy, forestry policy, 
and policy as regards the surplus Indian lands, are all based upon the encour- 
agement of the actual homemaker in the western States; that we are doing 
everything for him so as to secure to him and his children, in perpetuity, the 
full benefit of the land upon which he settles, and not permitting the land to 
be gathered into great quantities and distributed in large holdings, often to 
absentees. 

Alaska. For the first time Alaska is receiving its proper share of legisla- 
tion and administrative attention. The following laws about Alaska were 
passed at the session that has just closed, and the administration is consistently 
endeavoring not only to aid the miners, but to secure the building of roads, 
the proper administration of justice, the conservation of the fisheries, and the 
encouragement of agriculture: 

An Act for the relief of the Western Alaska Construction Company’s Railroad 
(PubHc No. 95). 

An Act to authorize the appointment of road overseers and to create road dis- 
tricts in the district of Alaska, and for otlier purposes (Public No. i88). 

An Act to amend an Act entitled “An Act to extend tire coal-land laws to the 
district of Alaska, approved June sixth, nineteen hundred (Public No. 204). 
An Act supplemental to and amendatory of an Act entitled “An Act making fur- 
ther provision for a civil goverranent for Alaska, and for other purposes,” 
approved June sixth, nineteen hundred (Public No. 205). 

An Act to amend and codify the kws relating to municipal corporations in the 
district of Alaska (Public No. 210). 

An Act providing for the removal of the port of entry in the customs collection 
district in Alaska from Sitka, Alaska, to Juneau, Alaska (Public No. 239). 

Treasury. Here again you know what was done, and how the financial 
system has been handled under Shaw, especially in times of stress. Do you 
think it well to use what we did about the tariff on anthracite coal and the 
Cuban reciprocity business to show that the attitude of the administration 
has steadfastly been — as is also indicated by its general tone on the reci- 
procity business — that while firmly protectionist, it has not the slightest 
hesitation in recommending changes in particular schedules when these 
changes are shown by the course of events to be in the interest of the people 
at large; and to urge reciprocity, either legislative or by treaty, when it seems 
evident that good will result to the public at large thereby? This whole ques- 
tion of the tariff I suppose you will find one of the most difficult parts of 
yom: address. I find that it needs more careful handling than anything else, 

812 


because I do not want to promise the impossible, and I have to recognize the 
rather ugly fact that t\vo opposite tendencies have been visible in the Repub- 
lican party, namely, a tendency in the majority to “stand pat,” while in a 
large and fervent minority there is a growing insistence upon a reduction of 
duties in many cases, and upon an increased application of the reciprocity 
system. Personally I think that the last is the proper tendency, and if re- 
elected my present purpose is to try to give effect to it; but in all such cases 
I must of course reckon with the temper of the party as a whole — not the 
temper as it should be, but the temper as it is. Ohio, West Virginia, Cali- 
fornia and Pennsylvania must be considered no less than New York and 
Massachusetts on the one hand, and Iowa and Minnesota on the other. 

There; I do not suppose I have given you a single hint, but I have enu- 
merated everything about which I can at present think. As regards our pen- 
sion acts, I enclose you a circular of Ware’s and a letter of Whitridge’s, 
which you may possibly find suggestive.^ Always yoicrs 


3084 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevdt MsS. 

personal Washington, June 2, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I enclose you this letter from Cohen. I think that the slip which 
he inserts is good, and saves us from making any direct allusion to either the 
Kisheneff massacre or the passport business.^ 

Whitridge has developed into a positive partisan. He is a strong champion 
of my pension order. 

Of course, if it were possible, I do wish I could see you on your way to or 
from Chicago. 

Naturally, from now on there will be rumors of trouble everywhere. In 
New York, New Jersey, Delaware, West Virginia, Illinois, Wisconsin, Colo- 
rado, Utah, Idaho and Washington, each and all, there are local troubles 
more or less serious. In some cases I suppose they are bound to result badly, 
but I hope we shall get enough of them straightened out to prevent the net 
result being unfavorable. 

Moody is uneasy over the tariff situation. He thinks, and I find, that there 
is a strong northwestern sentiment for tariff revision, and that though the 
bulk of the party is resolute on the protective idea, there is a strong minority 
which is much disaffected and which is inclined to feel that we ought to have 
a revision. Warn me if any Boston reciprocity people are coming on here. 
Moody is much impressed by the Massachusetts reciprocity movement. 

‘For Root’s speech, vhich contained much of what Roosevelt suggested, see the 
New York Tribune, June 1904, or the Republicm Campaign Textbook, 1904 
(Milwaukee, 1904), pp. 466-478. 

‘Judge Waiam NadiM Cohen had, at Roosevelt’s request, furnished the statement 
on ‘TroKction of CSdzens Abroad” in the Republican platform of 1904. 

813 



I hope you liked my Gettysburg speech. It is my last speech until elec- 
tion, save a brief address to the committee who tell me of my nomination. 

With love to Nannie, Always yours 

[Handwritten] Warren of Wyoming has just been in. He thinks Colo- 
rado will be all right — I doubt it. He says Patterson supported Wolcott in 
the Springer fight for the Denver Mayoralty, and that the opposition, Repub- 
lican and Democratic, united under the banner of “down with Wolcott and 
Patterson.” ^ 


3085 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 3, 1904 

Dear Murray: Can you come on here on Monday, the 13th, to spend the 
night? 

I know Calhoun well and esteem him highly. I wish to Heaven he could 
be nominated for Governor in Illinois! 

Of course it would be out of the question for me to make such an an- 
nouncement as Mr. Nortoni desires at present. 

Now, about the enclosed clipping from Colliefs Weekly,^ which I sup- 
pose was written by Hapgood.® You say it is kindly in tone. I do not think 
anything kindly which is wholly untruthful. I had seen the extracts in ques- 
tion, and on account of my pleasant acquaintance with Hapgood had at first 
supposed, as you do, that they must have been written in a spirit which, if 
not friendly, was at least meant to be impartial; and when people are honestly 
in error, or are honestly seeking to find out the truth, I am only too glad to 
answer them in full and give them any information. But on reading over 
these extracts carefully, I came to the conclusion that the writer either did 
not care to be informed, or deliberately refused to know the facts. I find out 

"In die Denver mayoralty election of 1904 party lines had tangled. The city’s Re- 
publican “boss,” William G. Evans, at odds with the state organization and un- 
friendly to his party’s reform candidate, John Wallace Springer, supported the Dem- 
ocratic machine candidate, Robert W. Speer. Senator Patterson, on the other hand, 
then fighting the local Democracy, gave his support to Springer. Judge Ben B. 
Lindsey, already prominent nationally as a result of his reforms in dealing with 
juvenile delinquents, wisely procured the endorsement of both parties in his cam- 
paign for re-election. Speer and Lindsey were elected. The confusion in Denver and 
the growing labor disturbances in the state made the political situation in Colorado 
even more unpredictdile than it had been. For detailed accounts of the mayoralty 
campaign and its political significance, see Ellis, Teller, pp. 364-366; Lincoln Steffens, 
UpbuiQers (New York, 1909), pp. *36-243; Ben B. Lindsey and Harvey J. O’Higgins, 
The Beast (Garden City, New York, 1911), pp. 162-169. 

^ “A Bit of History,” Collier’s, 33: ^ (May 28, 1904). 

* Norman Hapgood, since 1903 editor of Collier’s Weekly, later editor of Harper’s 
Weekly, 1913-1916, and Hearsfs International Magazine, 1923-1925; biographer, suc- 
cessively, of Webster, lincoln, Washington, and A 1 SmiA; a liberal Democrat whom 
Whson rewarded in 1919 with an appointment as minister to Denmark. 


from Jim Garfield that Collier's has been making various similar misstate- 
ments of facts recently, attacking Cortelyou and the other men in charge of 
the work of the new Department of Commerce and Labor, in wholly silly 
fashion, taking preposterous grounds about the admission of the territories 
to statehood, and in other ways acting so as to make it seem likely that they 
are of set purpose endeavoring to appear impartial in the way peculiar to 
men who are either ignorant or malicious — that is, by attacking the good 
and the bad indifferently. This being the case, it does not seem to me advis- 
able to write to Hapgood any more tha n to write to Harper's Weekly, for 
instance, in reference to the attacks it makes, these being made not because 
of the writer’s belief that he has good cause, but because he intends to make 
the attack anyhow, and if forced to abandon one perversion of the truth, 
will merely take up another. 

Now, take the first paragraph, on my attitude toward the architect of the 
Capitol. Whoever inspired this paragraph, for I do not doubt that Hapgood 
wrote it at the mstigation of somebody else, has inspired it with deliberate 
dishonesty of purpose. He is attempting to show that from the beginning 
the Presidents have had to oppose Congress as regards the capitol, and that 
I am the first President who has yielded. Both statements are false in fact and 
in implication. Both Washington and Jefferson, and the Congresses of their 
day, worked in entire harmony. Jefferson never “upheld the prerogative” 
against the House of Representatives, and never fought them, either. All he 
did was to turn out Washington’s architect promptly and to put his own 
architect in; and then to interfere with him when he had him in. He “upheld 
his prerogative” against the architect, not against Congress. 

Washington’s architect, by the way, was an amateur, not a professional 
architect, and was an admirable man. So was Jefferson’s architect, and in spite 
of Jefferson’s occasional interference they got on well together. Jefferson 
did not “save the architect Thornton’s plans from serious change at the hands 
of the committee.” If the writer of the article cared to quote truthfully he 
would have said that Jefferson saved them from “the hands of zealous super- 
intendents” — that is, professional architects who had found fault with the 
plans of the amateur. Dr. Thornton, and eagerly desired to change them. 
The substitution of the word “committee” here for “superintendent” im- 
plies, in my judgment, a deliberate purpose on the part of die writer in 
Collier's Weekly to falsify the facts. Again let me repeat that when he says, 
“Mr. Roosevelt was the first to yield the right” (of this prerogative as against 
the House of Representatives), the writer deliberately states an untruth. I 
did not yield any right, and as far as I can find none of my predecessors had 
any issue with Congress over the matter — certainly neither Washington nor 
Jefferson did, and certainly Fillmore did not, the statement in the article to 
the contrary being false. Congress passed an act, in accordance with which 
Fillmore acted. A Senate committee at the same time started to act on its 
own account, without any authority of law. Fillmore of course, ob^ed the 


Q T - 



law, and was sustained by Congress in so doing. Under the two succeeding 
Presidents, Pierce and Buchanan, the architect Walter was interfered with 
(and by President Andrew Johnson); but the interference was not by Con- 
gress, but by the President, who put him under the War Department, with 
the result that a long controversy ensued between Walter and Meigs, the 
engineer officer, with about equal merit on both sides, Walter having un- 
doubtedly the artistic sense, while Meigs was unquestionably right as regards 
the questions of acoustics, heating, and other necessary conveniences. Thus 
in every important statement about the architects of the capitol, the writer in 
Collier’s Weekly perverts the facts, and I firmly believe deliberately and not 
by accident. The same thing is time when he deals with my own action in the 
premises. In short, the latter statement is a simple lie. The man called architect 
of the capitol, when I came into office, was not a professional architect any 
more than the present superintendent. He had served for over thirty years, 
and during the last six years he was incapacitated from duty and all the work 
had been done by his assistant, the present superintendent, the man whom I 
appointed, Mr. Elliott Woods. What I did was to appoint to the vacancy 
caused by the death of the man who was in office, that man’s assistant, who 
for six years had been doing all the work, and who was asked for, without 
regard to party, by every member of the Senate and House of both parties 
who took any intere.st in the question at all. Mr. Cannon, so far as I am aware, 
had little or no concern in the matter, save in one respect which I will men- 
tion later. He did not “pick out a clerk who happened to be a friend of his.” 
Mr. Cannon had nothing to do with the appropriation in question, which was 
done under the supervision of the Committee on Rules of the two houses, 
Mr. Cannon not being a member of either of these committees; and the work 
alluded to in the Colliefs article was actually done imder the personal super- 
intendence of my appointee, during the two years prior to the time I ap- 
pointed him, when die other man was still nominally in power. 

The office pays $4500. It is not properly an office for an architect at all, 
but for a superintendent of the capitol building. It was clearly shown that the 
duties of the man in question were not those of an architect but of a superin- 
tendent; and at ray suggestion, as well as I remember — or possibly at the 
suggestion of Mr, Cannon, who made no other suggestion at all in the matter, 
so far as I am aware — the tide was changed to conform to the duties of the 
position. No first-class architect could be obtained for the salary paid the 
superintendent, and as a matter of fact, the Superintendent now in office 
appointed consulting architects (Carrie & Hastings) to perform the archi- 
tect’s work that is required. ' 

So much for the story in Collier's Weekly, It is a malicious fabrication. 
If Collieris Weekly desired, not to be friendly but to be fair, in stating what 
I have done from the arqhitect’s standpoint, it would mention that at the very 
time in question I was endeavoring to secure the proper handling of the 
White House from the architectural standpoint. I got in McKim, and through 



AlcKim, Glen Brown. The architectural results have been wonderful. No 
harm whatever has been done architecturally to the capitol by the appoint- 
ment of Elliott Woods; and infinite benefit was done by the appointment of 
McKim to remodel and restore the White House, because the real architec- 
tural work has been done in connection wfith the White House and not the 
capitol. At the time I got not the slightest assistance from the newspapers 
which counted in either matter, and the fact that I employed good architects 
for the White House is one of the chief crimes alleged against me by the 
Democrats. In ColUefs, for instance, there has recently been an article — per- 
haps more than one article — praising Williams, of Mississippi, the Demo- 
cratic leader. Williams has been one of the very men who have been yelling 
about the reckless extravagance of having reputable architects do the work 
on the White House as it should be done; and praise of Williams is encour- 
agement for just this kind of cheap demagogy. Of course Williams is from 
every standpoint of decency contemptible. He is one of those who prattle 
about the Declaration of Independence, and “the consent of the governed” 
in the Philippines, while their owm political existence depends upon the abso- 
lute negation of all these principles in their own districts. He represents the 
machine of Governor Vardaman in Mississippi, and Governor Vardaman is 
a man whose infamy protects him from description precisely as Macaulay 
said that Bar^e was protected from historians. Every encouragement given 
to a man like Williams is of course by just so much an attack on decent gov- 
ernment. It happens also to be an encouragement to the men who, like Wil- 
liams, seek to make political capital out of the fact that in the White House, 
and in Washington generally, I have made a resolute effort to give profes- 
sional architects and landscape men due recognition. Thus, this year I have 
forced the erection of the new buildings of the Agricultural Department in 
accordance with the plan known as the McMillan plan, preserving the lo-foot 
mall from the capitol to the Monument. Congress did not do this. I did it; 
just as I got the White House handled from the artistic standpoint. I never 
expected any praise for either bit of work; for when educated journalists 
praise a man like Williams it is not to be expected that any very resolute 
effort wiU be made to understand what the situation really is; but it is bra- 
zenly dishonest to make an attack which implies that under my administra- 
tion there has been retrogression instead of marked progress in handling 
Washington from the aesthetic standpoint. 

Now, as to the second editorial, where it is alleged that my late appoint- 
ments have raised in many minds the fear that politics were getting a little 
the better of my larger judgment because of my following the arguments of 
expediency in favor of compromises; instancing Jamieson as a case in point. 
The place to which Jamieson was appointed was that of naval officer of the 
port — an appointment of a kind less important, for instance, than that of 
internal revenue collector. There are many internal revenue collectors, and 
a number of naval officers, scattered throughout the country. It is out of the 


8i7 



question for me to know anything about the men appointed, save at second 
or tliird hand, for they are appointments sought after by men whom, for in- 
stance, you, would never know personally, and whom I would know per- 
sonally simply if I happened to meet them in conventions. My uniform rule 
as regards all of them is to take the man suggested by the Senators, if he is a 
decent and capable man. Usually I take the say-so of the Senators. Some- 
times, as in this case, I require the testimony of reputable businessmen. It is 
the kind of appointment I make from time to time, now at the suggestion of 
Beveridge, now at the suggestion of Penrose, now at the suggestion of Alli- 
son or Spooner; and in making them I follow exactly the same course that 
Lincoln and all other Presidents have followed since these appointments came 
into existence. 1 had never heard of Jamieson, but as I knew that the situation 
was complicated in Chicago I asked some good recommendations of him by 
businessmen. I got them. They included strong statements in his favor from 
e.x-Comptroller Eckels; from ex-Comptroller Dawes; from President Harper 
of the University of Chicago;® Paul Morton, Vice-President of the Santa Fe 
Railroad; from Judge Grosscup; Mr. J. C. Shaffer, the proprietor of the 
Chicago Evening Fast, which I had understood to be rather a mugwump 
sheet; from Bank Presidents Black, Mitchell, Blount, and so forth and so 
forth. It seems to me simply nonsense to say tliat I did not have a right to 
suppose tliat these men were recommending to me a good man; and as a mat- 
ter of fact I am strongly inclined to the belief that Jamieson is a competent 
and honest man, although a machine politician, and tliat the opposition to 
him is purely factional and not based on grounds properly to be considered 
from the standpoint of tlie public service. But be this as it may, the appoint- 
ment was wholly unimportant, and like dozens of others which I was making 
at the same time. It was not made from any desire to “compromise” or follow 
“expediency” on my part, because I had nothing to compromise or be ex- 
pedient about. It was at the end of the session. All legislation that I cared for 
was through, and no action I took could have any possible effect upon the 
delegates from Chicago or Illinois. I simply appointed him as a matter of 
course in accordance with the rule upon which I had acted, and upon which, 
from Lincoln to Qeveland and McKinley, all Presidents had as a matter of 
course acted in all such cases; the only difference being that I have certainly 
required a much more exact compliance with what I deemed proper than any 
preceding President of whom I have knowledge. At the same time I sent in 
a number of appointments of real importance. After nearly nine months’ 
struggle I succeeded in wringing a reluctant consent from the Illinois Sena- 
tors to the confirmation of Lawrence Murray as Assistant Secretary of Com- 
merce and Labor. This was an appointment of real importance — of far more 
importance than all the “naval officers of the port” in the country put to- 

* William Rainey Harper, an ims«inative scholar, inspiring teacher, and adminis- 
trator of great force and greater vision. He was the first president of the University 
of Chicago, 1891-1906. 



gether. At the same time I appointed the Panama Canal Commissioners, whose 
positions in point of importance rank well up with those of Cabinet Ministers 
and Justices of the Supreme Court. I am inclined to think that of the seven 
commissioners, four and perhaps five are Democrats. All I was concerned 
with was getting the very best men I could get — and I got them. Surely it 
does not show a good sense of perspective to take up one trivial appointment 
in which it is claimed — and I think with injustice — that error was shown, 
and forget the dozens of appointments of real importance which were made 
at the same time and which reach a literally ideal standard. From the political 
standpoint, in view of the bitter faction fight in Chicago, it has turned out 
that Jamieson’s appointment was probably a mistake; just as the New York 
naval ofiicer, Sharkey’s, appointment would have been a mistake in the bitter- 
ness of the Mayoralty campaign of ’97; whereas when actually made it passed 
unheeded. But the mistake is one of political expediency; not one of morals. 
Jamieson is as good a man as Sharkey, to whom Collier's Weekly would 
never dream of objecting. 

As for compromise, of course I have to compromise now and then; but 
I have to do astonishingly litde of it. Lincoln lived in such times that it was 
his duty to compromise a hundredfold more than I have ever found it neces- 
sary to; and he did. The whole history of his relations with Simon Cameron, 
for instance, implies a greater amount of compromise on his part than all the 
compromises that I have ever had to make or shall have to make put to- 
gether. As I say, this was because the terrible situation he faced demanded it; 
and of course it is absurd to compare anything I have had to face with even 
an ordinary everyday tribulation of Lincoln’s, so that it is small credit indeed 
to say, what is I believe the absolute truth, that I have been able to shape my 
course far more nearly in accordance with the idealistic view than he was 
able to shape his. 

In short, to compare very small things with very big ones, Hapgood’s 
article to which you refer stands exactly on a par with Carl Schurz’s letter to 
Lincoln, to which Lincoln sent his famous rejoinder. If Hapgood were as 
honest, as sincere, as truthful, and as resolute to do decent work in his line 
as I am in mine, he would no more w'rite such articles as he is writing than I 
would condone corruption in one of my subordinates. I would write to Hap- 
good himself, if I were confident that he is honestly in error; but I begin to 
be afraid that he is no more sincere than, for instance, the Evening Post 
peo'ple when they criticised my telegram to Mrs. Quay, apparently on the 
theory that with Quay lying unburied my duty was to insult his widow. 
When this is his attitude, I think that it is far better for me to pay no heed to 
him; to go on about my work, trusting to the work itself for the ultimate 
vindication, if there is vindication, and if there is none, then abiding by the 
result without complaint. But with you it is different. As you think it worth 
while to send on the editorials, and apparently think them fair, I wanted you 
to know the exact facts. Ever yarns 

819 



3o86 ■ TO LEONARD WOOD Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 4, 1904 

Dear Leonard: I fed the greatest interest in what you are doing with the 
Moros. You have what is to my mind the most exciting as well as the most im- 
portant task at present open to any of our major generals. It is very irritating, 
of course, but as far as I can see you have handled it in exactly the right 
luanner. 

I had a desperate fight getting Mills confirmed, or ratlier trying to get 
him confirmed. The Committee reported him out by the same vote that they 
reported you, but his opponents were able to stave off a vote in the Senate. 
I have given him a recess commission, and I think he will be confirmed next 
winter. But it is evident that I shall now for some little time have to pay more 
heed to seniority, simply as a matter of expediency; and my next brigadier 
general must be chosen from among the colonels or those who by seniority 
should be colonels. The trouble is that the public naturally cannot know who 
the best officer is, and all the mutton heads in the army equally naturally 
object to anything resembling promotion by merit. 

Taft is taking hold in great shape; although naturally at first he will have 
his hands full with the political campaign, with Philippine business, and 
Panama canal business. I think in a short time, however, he will become as 
absoi'bed in the military side of his duties as Root was. He is, of course, the 
greatest imaginable comfort to me here, and I think the only man in the 
country who could have taken Root’s place. 

Well, the campaign is on. I suppose I shall be nominated three weeks from 
now, and then, as Moody said to me this morning, he hopes that until after 
election my family will refrain from reading the papers. You have had a fair 
experience of abuse yourself, but of course all the abuse you have received 
will sound almost like praise compared with the way in which the democratic 
press, and such papers as the Sun and Evening Post, will talk of me during 
the next five months. The exasperating thing is the way in which people 
who, if they were true to their professions, would believe in you and stand 
by you, as a matter of fact turn and assail you, and the ready credence which 
every foul slander seems to have. There is a great temptation to keep denying 
things — a temptation to which I have sternly refused to allow myself to 
yield. 

Word was brought us that in a fencing bout with McCoy, he did some- 
thing to you which kept you in bed for a week. Root and I thought of get- 
ting up a round robin letter of congratulation to McCoy, but feared that if 
we did so you might administer the water cure to him! Give him my good 
wishes instead. I have done a good deal of Japanese wrestling this winter, 
which was most interesting, and have also walked and ridden. Just yesterday, 
Crozier and I had a three hours’ scramble. But I am sorry to say that I have 
had a good deal of rheumatism this winter, and have been obliged to, admit 



that I was at the least middle-aged and that probably “elderly” would more 
nearly describe my status. 

Give my warm regards to Mrs. Wood. It was the greatest pleasure having 
her here this winter. Always yours 

3087 • TO THEODORE RoosEV'ELT, JUNIOR Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. Mss.° 

Washington, June 5, 1904 

Dear Ted, Renown is dead; I have never had any hope for him. 

We are puzzled about Kermit’s going to St. Louis, as Cousin Emlen is 
afraid to have Phil go with him alone. We have thought of getting Gordon 
or Alec Russell to go, if one of them was willing, we paying his e.xpenses; I 
think this would convert the trip into a spree. 

When we all get home I shall propose to all the junior Roosevelts, down 
to & including Archie, a “point-to-point” walk, w^hich shall be taken so as 
to necessitate swimming across Fleet Pond, wading Eel Creek marsh on the 
return etc; I may get you & George to come along to help me swim the small 
folks over the pond. 

It is hot now. Mother and I have just had a lovely ride on the Virginia 
side. Next time we go out I think I shall put her on Rusty. Your loving father 

3088 • TO MARVIN HUGHITT ROOSevelt MsS, 

Personal . Washington, June 6 , 1904 

My dear Mr. Hugbitt: This letter is confidential. I have asked Mr. H^rimra 
to write you and find out if you know anything about Metcalf of California. 

I think of putting him in Cortelyou’s place when Cortelyou accepts the 
Chairmanship. Cortelyou would not return to the place in any event, but I 
do not t-hinV that if elected I should keep Metcalf permanently there, as 
there is another Cabinet position where I think he would do better work. 
Paul Morton can teU you about him. I am inclined to think him a very excel- 
lent fellow. Sincerely yours 

3089 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roos&velt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 7, 1904 

Dear Elihu: The enclosed from John Hay, and editorial of the London 
Times, may interest you. I was rather amused at the yell about my letter 
I am tempted to call it our joint letto— which you read at the Cuban 
dinner. Of coiuse, what I wrote is the simplest common sense, and only the 
fool or the coward can treat it as aught else. If we are wilfing to let Germany 
or England act as the policeman of the Caribbean, then we can afford^ not to 
interfere when gross wrongdoing occurs. But if we intend to say Hands 
off” to the powers of Europe, then sooner or later we must keep order our- 

821 



selves. What a queer set of (absent-) evil-minded creatures, mixed with 
honest people of preposterous shortness of vision, our opponents are! 

A bit of information purely for yourself, which I think will amuse you. 
I have just heard from Wood, a sixteen-page letter, not of gratitude and 
relief that he was confirmed as major general, but of wild protest that he 
is not to be put in command of the Philippines to succeed Wade, and that 
Corbin is thought of as following the latter! 

A suggestion about your speech, which you will probably already have 
thought of, or which you may not deem wise, but which I shall make any- 
how. Would it not be well to lay special stress from the standpoint of good 
government, upon the need of preventing a change in the work that I have 
started on Panama and that I have conducted in the Philippines? Not only 
scandal, but far-reaching disaster, would follow a lowering of the standard 
established by the men and methods now characteristic of the work in the 
Philippines and in Panama. For the democracy to come in under no matter 
what President would mean terrific pressure for change, and any change 
would be infinitely for the worse. In Panama, for instance, we have put the 
highest grade of commission in charge, this commission in the highest sense 
nonpartisan. No more efficient and upright body of men could be gathered 
together. They have taken Wallace of Illinois as chief engineer, probably 
the best man they could get in the country. They have taken Dominic 
Murphy, Cleveland’s former Pension Commissioner and a man of the highest 
integrity, as good a man as they could possibly get, for secretary. They have 
begun their work with great intelligence and energy and exacdy as the work 
should be begun. It is of national interest not to run the risk of a change in 
this work. 

So with the Philippines. Apart from any sentimental consideration, people 
must realize that we shall not relax our hold on the Philippines. If the demo- 
crats came in under any half promise of independence, it would merely mean 
that they would have aroused false hopes which would cause turmoil and 
bloodshed and bitter heartburning when they were frustrated. We now have 
the very highest grade of public service that we can get out there. There 
should be no chance of upsetting this system. 

It seems to me that one of the points to be made is the very high character 
of public service tibat we now have, and the relentlessness with which we 
have punished wrongdoers, as shown in connection with the post-office 
frauds on the one hand, and matched by the way in which at the most vital 
points, as in the Philippines and Panama, we have in appointments set the 
very highest standard. I am anxious that our campaign shall in no way pro- 
ceed on the theory of defense or apology. I feel that what the republican 
party has done justifies it in challenging the support of all good Americans 
as of right, bedause on all the important policies we have really been an all- 
American rather than a republican party. I «think» we shall uttack the do- 

822 



nothings and the barren critics; honestly I do not see that we have anything 
to defend. Ever yours 


3090 ‘ TO JAxMES BRANDER MATTHEWS 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, June 7, 1904 


Dear Brander: I simply must send you this choice bit of \^isdom from a Brit- 
ish brother. It comes in a letter of Mrs. Edith Wharton’s^ to young Lodge: 


“I sat last night next to a Mr. Fildes, Lord Saye and Sele’s son who 
had been all over the South African War and was very keen about mili- 
tary matters. We talked about Conan Doyle’s book, and then I asked 
him if he had ever read Sir George Trevelyan’s history of the American 
Revolution. No, he hadn’t, but w’ould make a note of it. Capital book, 
eh? I said the descriptions of the fights were wonderful; that I had told 
Sir G. T. that I thought his battle of Bunker Hill was the best battle 
picture I knew and he had answered that Lord Wolseley had told him 
the same thing. 

“Mr. Fildes (keenly interested) ‘Oh, really? I must read that. Tre- 
velyan’s an army man himself, I suppose?’ 

“Me. ‘No, I think not. You know' he "was — ’ 

“Mr. Fildes. ‘Oh, of course. Out there as a correspondent, I sup- 


Is not this really too good to be true! Smcerely yours 


3091 • TO HARRY STILLAVELL EDWARDS RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 8, 1904 

My dear Mr. Edwards: I think that yours is an admirable speech; but will 
you pardon me for what may seem ungracious when I say that I do not 
think it is quite the speech for one who is seconding a nomination in a repub- 
lican national convention? The exact way of treating the South, the exact 
attitude that the South should assume, and the relations between the races, 
are questions so large that they should be treated at length in speeches delib- 
erately prepared to that end and before bodies gathered together to hear 
such discussions- That convention will want to hear you nominate me, in a 
short speech which shall consist, not of argument, but of affirmation. I hate 
to bother you, but I wish you could come up here again and let me go over 
the speech with you; a new speech — keep this one for a better occasion. 
I think you can make the points you are striving to make by reciting what 
has been done, by saying what my attitude is now and has been toward the 

^ Edith Wharton, die impeccable chronicler of the age of lost innocence in Amer- 
ica. 


823 



South, and saying why the South should support the republican party — 
because among other things its industrial welfare is bound up with the wel- 
fare of the party. Speak of the fact that I have been the President of the 
whole nation; that my greatest policies — for instance, that of Panama — 
have been especially in dhe interest of the South, although in the interest of 
the whole country too; that in the Philippines again I have represented the 
whole country; that Blount and Jenkins of Georgia, one a democrat and one 
a republican, hold important commissions as judges out there; that my stand- 
ard of appointments to office in Georgia has been as high as in New York; 
that I have insisted upon efficiency and integrity as the chief tests for office 
in South and North alike; that the character of these appointments in the 
South as well as my whole policy has been such as to show the wicked ab- 
surdity of the cry with which designing knaves have deceived some honest 
people to the effect that I have acted otherwise than as one who abhors stir- 
ring up strife of race against race as much as he would abhor stirring up 
strife of creed against creed, or section against section; that my motto has 
been simply to do justice as between man and man under all circumstances, 
and to give each man a square deal, no more and no less. Point to the fact 
that the South has benefited immensely by the eight years of republican 
rule; that there is no shadow of justification at this moment for any alarm in 
the South anywhere over what is being done by the republican party, and 
that if the republican party continues in power, all that die South has to 
look forward to is that it will share fully in the benefit of, the republican 
policies, which are designed to help the whole nation. 

I do not think it would do at all to go into particulars as to the exact 
ways in which the republican party should be built up in the South. With 
almost all that you say I entirely agree, but there are one or two things that 
I would express differently, and one or two other things which would lend 
themselves to misconstruction if said at all in such a speech. Sincerely yours 

[Handwritten] Please return me Mr. Payne’s letter. The first three pages 
of your speech are all right; then I think it should be changed so as to be a 
much shorter speech seconding a nomination. 

3092 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 8, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I am very glad to get your letter. I regard the Illinois outcome 
as excellent. We carried Oregon by 20,000, which shows that we are stronger 
than ever before on the Pacific slope. Now, when you see Hall ^ be sure that 
you make him have the reciprocity people present the petition to me in 
person. I can handle the business all right, and can show that the Adminis- 
tration and the Senators and Representatives from Massachusetts are in entire 

‘Prescott Farnsworth Hall, Republican lawyer from Boston, a founder, 1894, and 

, the secretary of the Imnrigration Restriction League, 1896-191 j . 



harmony in their purposes and desires. I will have John Hay over with me 
while I speak; but make Hall understand that the delegation must see me 
personally and have the talk with me as well as with Hay. Always yours 

[Handwritten] You are all right about the platform — tariff, immigra- 
tion, passports, everything. 

3093 • TO BOOKER TALIAFERRO WASHINGTON RoOSevelt MSS. 

Personal Washington, June 8, 1904 

My dear Air. Washington: I think that the circular you enclose is simply 
designed to do mischief to the Republican party. I know that the alleged 
quotations given in the circular are some of them absolutely false — die 
alleged interview with Frank Williams for instance. The whole account of 
the so-caUed Lily White convention is false. The convention elected four 
delegates at large who were white men, but the convention which elected 
them contained a number of negro delegates. A vigorous fight was made to 
exclude them but they were recognized and the motion to exclude them was 
defeated by 381 to 43. Negroes had been sent as delegates from district con- 
ventions and had not been excluded from any convention. Moreover, I find 
now that the Cohen faction has put up no candidates for Governor, for Con- 
gress, or for other offices of recent years, but has confined itself to antagoniz- 
ing the Republicans who were put up, and has openly or covertly supported 
the Democrats. All that the faction represented by Mr. Cohen has done has 
been to hold a convention once every four years and go through the form 
of a contest for delegates «and» to hold offices. 

My dear Mr. Washington, you have your troubles just as I have mine 
and you have to get along with people who are pushing you askew just as 
I have to. But it seems to me that it is preposterous in Louisiana to back the 
same old Republican gang which made the Republican party a byword and 
which certainly failed to accomplish one thing ^that was» good for the 
negro in the State. I think that the people who are pressing you to take part 
in the Louisiana fight are blind to the real welfare of both the white man 
and the colored man in the South. It is out of the question ever to hope to do 
anything in Louisiana by a party as Mr. Cohen would like to have it, and I 
say this in spite of the fact that chiefly on your account I have concluded to 
keep Mr. Cohen in office. The safety for the colored man in Louisiana is to 
have a white man’s party which shall be responsible and honest, in which the 
colored man shall have representation but in which he shall not be the domi- 
nant force — a party in which, as is now the case in the Federal service 
under me, he shall hold a percentage of the offices but in which a majority 
of the offices shall be given to white men of high character who will protect 
the negro before the law. I am convinced that most of the information you 
get as to the so-caUed Lily White party in Louisiana is simply slmder. I 
know it is slander about Willianas and Qarke and it speaks ill for Cohen that 

825 



he should have anything to do with such slander. Let me repeat — and I am 
only saying to you what you have always said to me — that I think it is not 
to the interest of the negro, and that even if it were to the interest of the 
negro it would be attempting the impossible, to try to put a negro party in 
control in Louisiana, and that it is even worse to try to put in control a negro 
party led by a few whites like Wimberly. The administration has followed 
exactly and precisely the right course in Louisiana. Have you forgotten that 
we have the same number of negro federal officeholders in Louisiana now 
that we had in McKinley’s time? There has been no change in the propor- 
tion of negro to white officeholders. The change has been in the direction of 
raising the character of the officeholders — black and white. Tire Williams 
and Clarke people feel, as I think with entire propriety, and as I certainly 
have always understood that you believe, that it is out of the question in this 
stage of growth in Louisiana for the negroes to be dominant. The effort to 
bring about such a state of things would be as disastrous for them as for 
the whites. So far as the Republican party has power, they are given a num- 
ber of offices, every effort is made to protect them in all their rights, they 
attend all the conventions and they go as delegates to national, state and 
Congressional conventions. Sincerely yours 

3094 • TO LEONARD WOOD Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal: Private Washington, June 8, 1904 

Dear Leonard: Your letter, which was received just after I had written one 
to you, has given me concern. I hardly know how to answer it, for on the 
one hand I do not want to say anything which might hurt your feelings, and 
on the other hand I think I had better write as frankly as you do. I went 
over the subject matter of your letter at full length with Secretary Taft. He 
feels as strongly as I do, and as strongly as Root felt before he went out, 
that it would be a good thing for the army and a good thing for you if 
Corbin should succeed Wade and you stay where you are and ultimately 
succeed Corbin. When you went to the Philippines, I expected speedily to 
put you in the place now held by Wade. Root had acquiesced in this view. 
But Root speedily became convinced, and after a while I also became con- 
vinced, that to put you up would be a disadvantage to the army and prob- 
ably a disadvantage to you. We both of us grew to take the view held by 
Taft that the important task was the task which you are now doing; that 
there was very litde to be done by the general nominally chief over the 
Islands inasmuch as the civil authority is supreme, and that accordingly the 
best chance for real service was in the position you now hold; while the titu- 
lar headship should with propriety go to some man who is your superior in 
rank and length of service, as is the case with Corbin. Of course, I do not 
know that Corbin will be sent out. I do not even know whether he wants 
to be sent out But my present judgment is that it is better that he should go, 


unless he presents strong reasons to the contrary of which I know nothing. 

I do not think you understand the depth and the character of Ae oppo- 
sition to your promotion. I think that its virulent form was due to the violent 
and interested hostility of Rathbone, General Wilson, Senator Haima, and 
others. But they were able to work up the feeling Aey did, only because 
there was a widespread and but partially latent hostility to your promotion 
already existing among Ae people and in Ae army, due to entirely Afferent 
reasons. Root and I were astounded to find how overwhelming this senti- 
ment against you was, both among the people at large, so far as they Aought 
of it at all, and among Ae army. I would not say what I have said w'ere it 
not that I Aink in view of your letter you ought to realize the truth; but it 
is a simple fact Aat your confirmation was due only to Ae straining of every 
nerve by the Administration to the putting forth of our strengA in a W’ay 
in which it had been put forA only for one or two great causes since I have 
been President, and never in behalf of any other individual. In the Senate, 
Senator Alger was zealously and enthusiastically for you. There were a few 
other Senators like Lodge, Foraker and Cockrell, who were genuinely glad 
to help confirm you; Aough each one of them got shaky at times, and 
though, I think, all of them would have been relieved if Ae fight had not 
been made. The oAer Senators who ultimately voted for you did so only 
because of as hard fighting as we have ever had to put up to carry any Ad- 
ministration measure Arough. The newspapers which supported you, wiA 
but a very few exceptions. Ad so only because Aey felt they must support 
Ae Admimstration. Such papers as the New York Tribune and Philadelphia 
fresS) such papers as the Outlook and the Review of Reviews, Arough their 
eAtors, endeavored to get me not to try to put you in, and championed you 
finally oAy because of indefatigable work in the way of correspondence, 
private conversation, and oAer efforts by eiAer Root or myself. Remem- 
bering as I did not only your wonderful work in Cuba, but Ae way that you 
were received by our people because of what you had thus done in Cuba, 
it was to me an astounAng fact that Acre should be, so far as Acre was 
popular interest at all, a popular feeling Aat you were being promoted with 
improper rapiAty through personal favoritism and at the expense of better 
men, and that it -was due to your own seeking after high positions; yet this 
feeling certainly not oAy existed but was widely diffused. So great was Ae 
irritation Aat finally getting you through left a very bitter feeling in the 
Senate, for which Mills paid the penalty. There would have been no opposi- 
tion whatever to Mills had his name been sent in before yours, or at least 
such opposition would have been no more effective than in the cases of 
Bliss and Carter. But Ae result of Ae fight over your nomination has been 
to cause such discontent, of what I regard as an unreasoning and improper 
kind, Aat it is evident I will have to, if I expect my nominations to be con- 
firmed and expect to avoid highly undesirable friction, pay more heed to 
semority for Ae time being Aan I have hitherto done. 



Moreover, one of the accusations which made most lodgment in the 
minds of the people concerning you was that you were not content to serve, 
taking your chances exactly as Bell, for instance, has taken his, going wher- 
ever you were sent without request or protest or comment, but that you 
always wanted to get some special task or jump over someone’s head. If 
Corbin, for instance, would like to go to the Philippines in command, and 
you were nevertheless put in command, it would be generally felt that you 
were having another piece of improper favoritism shown you at the expense 
of one of your seniors who was entitled to what was given to you. I think 
that in your own interest it is most important that you should right along 
make it evident that you do not ask anything but to do the best work pos- 
sible wherever your military superiors think that you can best do it. It 
would, of course, in my view, be nonsense to think that there is any slight 
in not giving you a position which is taken by a man standing ahead of you 
on the list, that is, by one of your seniors; and of course it would be equally 
absurd to say that the failure to put you over the head of one of your seniors 
into such a position is in any shape or way to approve charges against you as 
to which the Department has through Mr. Root expressed its disapproval 
and which I had disapproved in the most effectual of all ways, by fighting 
through your confirmation. In the army and in the minds of the public it 
would have a very unfortunate effect, both upon the army itself, which I 
must first regard, and in the next place upon you, to give the slightest war- 
rant for the belief that you were being advanced out of your turn, or that 
special favor was being shown to you, or that you were making demands or 
seeking anything save to do your duty in the position to which it was 
thought best to assign you. Sincerely yours 

3095 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June ii, 1904 

My dear Senator: I hate to use the new title;’- and, thank Heaven, it won’t be 
really your title until next December when the Senate meets. I think you can 
hardly imagine the real self-sacrifice it meant, as far as I was concerned, to 
acquiesce in your leaving the Cabinet. You will do much, very much, in the 
Senate. You will be a great force for constructive statesmanship; and if I am 
elected President during the next four years you and I can work together 
to carry much further toward completion the policy which you have begun 
as Attorney General; and, moreover, my dear fellow, I shall continue to lean 
upon you in every way and to get your advice and aid as much as if you 
were still in the ^binet; but, after all, you won’t be in the Cabinet and I 
won’t be able to call upon you, not now and then but always, as I have done 
in the past, and I shall feel as if the staunchest of props had suddenly been 

*Enox had resigned as Attorney General to become United States Senator from 

Pennsylvania in place of Quay, who had died. 


o..a 



taken away from me. We have never had an Attorney General who has set 
so high a standard as you have set, and it will be many a long day before we 
can find anyone who can come up to it. Nowadays it will always be pecul- 
iarly difficult to get the ideal Attorney General, because the greatest lawyers 
must inevitably serve the great corporations, the great private men of wealth, 
and therefore, save in wholly exceptional cases, must graduaEy tend to unfit 
themselves for dealing as public men should deal ■with the great problems in 
which wealth is a factor and in which men of wealth represent one party 
only. Yours has been the wholly exceptional case. To the ability, natur^ and 
trained, of the profound jurist you have added the keen insight, the resolute 
fairness, and the statesmanlike grasp which comes as a rule only to the public 
man whose devotion to the public welfare as a whole enables him to keep 
a certain sense of aloofness from any merely private interest. No Attorney 
General before you has ever made his office of anything like the importance 
that you have made yours. What you have achieved is shown by the way in 
which the whole country has watched your elevation to the Senate. It is felt 
to be an affair which concerns not merely Pennsylvania but all the land. 

. With the heartiest good will, and with the warmest appreciation of all 
that you have done for the public, and of all that you have been to me per- 
sonally, believe me. Ever yomr friend 

[Handvoritten] Next Wednesday evening, remember, you are to dine 
witih me. 


3096 • TO CEaL ARTHtnt SPRING RICE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal — Be very careful that no one gets a chance to see this. 

Washington, June 13, 1904 

Dear Cecil: Like everyone else I, of course, continue to be immensely inter- 
ested in the war in the East. Do you recollect some of the letters I have writ- 
ten you in the past about Russia? I never anticipated in the least such a 
rise as this of Japan’s, but I have never been able to make myself afraid of 
Russia in the present. I like the Russian people and believe in them. I earnestly 
hope that after the fiery ordeal through which they are now passing they 
wffi come forth faced in the right -way for doing weE m the future. But I 
see nothing of permanent good that can come to Russia, either for herself 
or for the rest of the world, until her people begin to tread the path of 
orderly freedom, of civil liberty, and of a measure of self-government. What- 
ever may be the theoretical advantages of a despotism, they are incompatible 
with the growth of intelligence and individuality in a civilized people. 
Bather there must be sts^nation in the Russian people, or there must be what 
I should hope would be a gradual, but a very real, growth of govrammental 
institutions to meet the gro'Wth in, and the capacity and need for, liberty. 

The other day the Japanese Minister here and Baron Kaneko, a Harvard 



graduate, lunched with me and we had a most interesting talk. I told them 
that I thought their chief danger was lest Japan might get the “big head” 
and enter into a general career of insolence and aggression; that such a career 
would undoubtedly be temporarily very unpleasant to the rest of the world, 
but that it would in the end be still more unpleasant for Japan. I added that 
though I felt there was a possibility of this happening, I did not thinlc it 
probable, because I was a firm believer in the Japanese people, and that I 
most earnestly hoped as well as believed that Japan would simply take her 
place from now on among the great civilized nations, with, like each of these 
nations, something to teach others as well as something to learn from them; 
with, of course, a paramount interest in what surrounds the Yellow Sea, just 
as the United States has a paramount interest in what surrounds the Carib- 
bean; but with, I hoped, no more desire for conquest of the weak than we 
had shown ourselves to have in the case of Cuba, and no more desire for a 
truculent attitude toward the strong than we had shown with reference to 
the English and French West Indies. Both of them, I found, took exactly 
ray view, excepting that they did not believe there was any danger of Japan’s 
becoming intoxicated with the victory, because they were convinced that 
the upper and influential class would not let them, and would show the same 
caution and decision which has made them so formidable in this war. They 
then both proceeded to inveigh evidently with much feeling, against the 
talk about tlie Yellow Terror, explaining that in the 13 th century they had 
had to dread the Yellow Terror of the Mongolians as much as Europe itself, 
and that as their aspirations were in every way to become part of the circle 
of civilized mankind, a place to which they were entitled by over two thou- 
sand years of civilization of their own, they did not see why they should be 
classed as barbarians. I told them that I entirely agreed with them; that with- 
out question some of my own ancestors in the 10th century had been part 
of the “white terror” of the Northmen, a terror to which we now look back 
with romantic satisfaction, but which represented everything hideous and 
abhorrent and unspeakably dreadful to the people of Ireland, England and 
France at that time; and that as we had outgrown the position of being a 
White Terror I thought that in similar fashion such a civilization as they 
had developed entitled them to laugh at the accusation of being part of the 
Yellow Terror. Of course they earnestly assured me tihat all talk of Japan’s 
even thinldng of the Philippines was nonsense. I told them that I was quite 
sure this was true; that I should certainly do all in my power to avoid giving 
Japan or any other nation an excuse for aggression; that if aggression come 
I believed we would be quite competent to defend ourselves. I then said 
that as far as I was concerned I hoped to see China kept together, and would 
gladly welcome any part played by Japan which would tend to bring China 
forward along the road which Japan trod, because I thought it for the inter- 
est of all the world that each part of the world should be prosperous and 
wen policed; I added that unless everybody was mistaken in the Chinese 





character I thought they would have their hands full in mastering it — at 
which they grinned and said that they were quite aware of the difficulty they 
were going to have even in Korea and were satisfied with that job. They 
then began to discuss with me the outcome of the war if they were success- 
ful in taking Port Arthur and definitely establishing the upper hand in Man- 
churia over the Russians. They said that they were afraid the Russians would 
not keep any promises they made, in view of what I was obliged to admit, 
namely; the fact that the Russians have for the last three years been follow- 
ing out a consistent career of stupendous mendacity, not only with Japan 
but with ourselves, as regards Manchuria. It was evident from what the 
Minister said that their hope is to get the Russians completely out of Man- 
churia and to turn it over to the Chinese, but that he was not sure whether 
the Chinese would be strong enough to support themselves. I said that of 
course if we could get a Chinese Viceroy able to keep definite order under 
the guarantee of the Powers in Manchuria, that would be the best outcome; 
but that I did not know whether this was possible, or whether the powers 
would even consider such an idea. The Minister was evidently very anxious 
that there should be a general international agreement to guarantee the 
autonomy of China in Manchuria. Some of the things he said I do not wish 
to put down on paper — which may astonish you in view of what I fear 
diplomats would regard as the frankness of this letter anyhow. 

Well, my troubles will be domestic I suppose for the next few months. 
By the end of this month I shall probably be nominated for President by the 
republican convention. How the election will come out I do not know, but 
in any event I shall feel that I have had a most enjoyable three years and a 
half in the White House, and that I have accomplished a certain amount of 
permanent work for the nation. 

Give my love to the future Mrs. Spring Rice. Mrs. Roosevelt sends you 
hers. Always yours 

P. S. Don’t understand from the above that I was laying the ground for 
any kind of interference by this government in the Far East. The Japanese 
themselves spoke purely hypothetically as to whether circumstances would 
arise to warrant such interference, even to the extent of the offer of good 
services to both parties, and I explained that I could not say that so much p 
this offer could be made. I was immensely interested to find out the way in 
which their minds were working. 

Of course, in many ways the civilization of the Japs is very alien to ours. 
I told Takahira and Kaneko that I thought we had to learn from them many 
things, especially as to the misery in our great cities, but that in return they 
had to le arn from us the ideal of the proper way of treating womanhood. 
Both cordially agreed with me — whether from mere politeness or not I 

cannot say. , -r 

The Japs interest me arid I like them, I am perfecdy 'well aware that if 
they win out it may pbssibly mean a struggle between them and us in the 

Sor 



future; but I hope not and believe not. At any rate, Russia’s course during 
the past three years has made it evident that if she wins she will organize 
northern China against us and rule us absolutely out of all the ground she 
can control. Therefore, on the score of mere national self-interest, we would 
not be justified in balancing the certainty of immediate damage against the 
possibility of future damage. However, this was merely an academic ques- 
tion anyhow, as there was nothing whatever to warrant us going to war on 
behalf of either side, or doing otherwise than observe a strict neutrality, 
which we have done. The good will of our people has been with the Japa- 
nese, but the government has been scrupulous in its impartiality between the 
combatants. As I have said before, I like the Russians; but I do not think 
they can ever take the place they should take until they gain a measure of 
civil liberty and self-government such as Occidental nations have. I am not 
much affected by the statement that the Japanese are of an utterly different 
race from ourselves and that the Russians are of the same race. I suppose we 
have all outgrown the belief that language and race have anything to do with 
one another; and the more I see of life the more I feel that while there are 
some peoples of a very low standard from whom nothing can be expected, 
yet that there are others, widely different one from the other, which, never- 
theless, stand about on an equality in the proportions of bad and good which 
they contain — and a good man is a good man and a bad man a bad man 
wherever they are found. I know certain southern Frenchmen like Jusserand, 
for instance, (the Ambassador here) and certain Scandinavians like Nansen, 
or for the matter of that, certain Americans like Peary, who in physical 
habit of body are as far apart as either is from a Japanese gentleman. Yet 
they are good fellows, with all the essentials in common, because they have 
the same conscience and the same cultural creed. Of course, the modem 
Turks are not Mongolians at all. In the eyes of the physiologist they are just 
as much white people as the Balkan Qudstians, or as the Russians, and physi- 
ologically they do not differ any more from Danes, Englishmen, Swiss, or 
Italians, than the latter differ amoi^ themselves. But they are absolutely alien 
because of their creed, their culture, their historic associations, and inherited 
governmental and social tendencies. Therefore, they arc a curse to Europe, 
and the curse is not mitigated in the least by the fact that by blood they do 
not differ any more from the European peoples who speak an Aryan tongue- 
than do, for instance, those excellent members of the European body pol- 
itic, the Magyars, Finns and Basques, all of whom likewise speak non- 
Aryan tongues. The Turks are ethnically closer to us than the Japanese, but 
they are impossible members of our international society, while I think the 
Japs may be desirable additions. That there are large classes of the Japanese 
who wfll sometimes go wrong, that Japan as a whole will sometimes go 
wrong, I do not doubt. The same is true of my own beloved country. I do 
not anticipate that Tokyo wiE show a superior morality to that which 
obtains in Berlin, Vienna and Paris, not to speak of London and Washington, 

832 


or of St. Petersburg. But I see nothing ruinous to civilization in the advent 
of the Japanese to power among the great nations. 


3097 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 13, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I shall be in Washington on the 24th, so I am afraid I must give 
up seeing you. 

Yes, I spoke to Payne about your being Chairman and he said it was all 
right. Always yours 

[Handwritteril For Heavens sake make the Wisconsin people settle their 
differences without dragging in the National Convention, to the certain 
detriment of the ticket. 

I took Rusty over several fences yesterday; one was 4 feet i inch. He is 
a very willing jumper; he will take a panel even when the panel alongside 
is down. 


3098 • TO ELIHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram WasMngton, June 14, 1904 

Speech admirable in every way. Have no suggestion to make except that 
instead of saying “The tariff will presently need revision” it might be better 
to say “The tariff may presently need revision and if so should receive it at 
the hands of the friends and not the enemies of the protective system.” Can- 
not express too strongly how immensely pleased I am with the speech. 


3099 • TO ELIHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 14, 1904 

Dear Elihu: I think your speech altogether admirable, and I have not one 
suggestion to make save that contained in my telegram. I do not believe that 
the platform will declare for tariff revision, but I think it will leave the door 
open for tariff revision, and I wanted your speech to be along the same lines. 

Probably Knox will go out at once. In that case I shall appoint Moody to 
succeed him. I have asked Metcalf of California to take Cortelyou’s place. 
If he is unable to do it, I do not know whom to turn to. Do you think of a 
first-class lawyer who could take it.^ I am cudgeling my brains and Cortelyou 
is cudgelii^ his on the subject, and if there are any names that occur to you 
I wish you would suggest them. Ever yours 

833 



3100 • TO HENRY CLAY HANSBROUGH Roosevelt MsS. 

Pei'sonal Washington, June 15, 1904 

My dear Senator Hansbrough: Mr. Spalding^ should be careful how he quotes 
me. He went entirely too far. What I personally feel is one thing. What I 
am willing to express for quotation as to the action of the Convention is 
another thing; for I am not willing to say anything which may seem to be 
in conflict with the action the Convention may take. On the tariff plank I 
have not only to consider the feelings of Congressman Spalding, but those, 
for instance, of Congressman McCleary® of Minnesota, who feels that such 
a course as that you advocate in your letter would be to give the fight away, 
or to Congressman Littauer, who says that New York demands just what 
McCleary insists that Minnesota demands. I have to take into account the 
feeling of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and California, no less than the 
feeling of the Dakotas and Iowa and Massachusetts. If you will see Governor 
Crane of Massachusetts, or Elihu Root, you will get exactly my views on 
the tariff. The question is not whether I desire now to say that there shall 
be a revision of the tariff, but whether the republican party is willing to go 
as far as, or is not willing to go farther than, saying that the door for tariff 
revision shall be kept open; that the schedules are not sacred, and that there 
is to be a revision of them whenever the interests of the country demand it, 
but by republican hands. Sincerely yours 

3101 ’TO HENRY CABOT LODGE ROOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June i6, 1904 

Dear Cabot: In accordance with your letter I have gone personally through 
the matter of the Central and South American Telegraph Company’s re- 
quest. You say “The Company asks that the Republic of Panama should give 
the same assurances in regard to American Concessions and obligations of 
this character which they gave to France in regard to French interests. This 
has seemed to me from the beginning a fair and reasonable request, x x x I 
confess I am at a loss to understand why our Department should not protect 
American interests of this kind. France insisted on the most ample assurances 
that her interests should be protected; why should we not have the sdme? 
XXX Surely we had as good a right to make this request as France had, 
and I am at a loss to understand why we should hesitate to do it and involve 
our companies who are doing business there in trouble, litigation and con- 
test.” Mr. Scrymser in his letter to you proposes that we should get from 
Panama formal assurance as follows: “The Republic of Panama solemnly, 

‘Burleigh Folsom Spalding, Republican congressman from North Dakota, 1899- 

1901, 1903-1905; like Hansbrough, an advocate of tariif reciprocity. 

’James Thompson McCleary, Republican cot^essman from Adinnesota, 1893-1907; 

Assistant Postmaster General, 1907-1908; secretary of the American Iron and Steel 

Institute, 1911-1920; at this time, as ever, a strong protectionist. 

834 



expressly and definitely pledges itself to vigilantly protect American inter- 
ests and to maintain and interpret in their widest sense the contracts and 
^reements made before November 3rd, 1903, which referrii^ to the State 
of Panama follow the transmission of sovereignly and bind the Republic of 
Panama.” 

There are two chief answers to this request. In the first place, France’s 
guarantee referred in reality only to the Panama Company and was inserted 
simply because of the peculiar circumstances attendant upon the relations 
between the old and the new Panama companies; and as far as the United 
States itself is concerned, it would be simply futile to require from Panama 
the pledge demanded, because we would now exact exactly such behavior. 
The State Department is perfectly willing to please Mr. Scrymser or you 
by getting Panama to make such an assertion as Mr. Scrymser requests, of 
course striking out the word “widest” as used by him. But as a matter of 
fact, if such an agreement existed today it would not alter in the least the 
action of this Government as regards Mr. Scrymser or anyone else, and as 
w'e should insist upon Panama doing justice to our citizens equally whether 
or not it now gave such a promise, I should regard the giving of that promise 
as futile and I do not like to do futile things. In the second place, the impli- 
cation in your letter and Mr. Scrymser’s is that Mr. Scrymser’s Company 
must be protected against somebody or something foreign. As a matter of 
fact w'hat he desires us to do is to protect him against another Ainerican 
company, the Mackay Company — that is, he does not desire protection for 
American interests as against outsiders, but a decision on our part to force 
Panama to champion one American interest as against another. Incidentally, 
he w’ould not gain w'hat he desires if the stipulation he proposes were agreed 
to by Panama. The agreement by Colombia with his Company was not 
obtained prior to the 3rd of November, 1903, for he relies upon a contract 
of extension made between the Executive of Colombia and the Company on 
November 30, 1903, twenty-four days after the independence of the Re- 
public of Panama had been acknowledged. 

In other words, Mr. Scrymser, as far as any facts before me show, desires 
that we shall interfere to secure a doubtful franchise to an American monop- 
oly as against an American competing company. In its terms, as I have said, 
the proposed amendment would not benefit Mr. Scrymser at all, because his 
concession was obtained after the date he mentioned; and, moreover, the 
general nature of his request would require us to assume the spoiKorship of 
all the numerous conflicting concessions claimed by Americans in the Re- 
public of Panama as having been granted during the last sixty years. , The 
holders of these various concessions have several times asked the Department 
to enforce them against Colombia or against Panama, and any generd guar- 
antee or assurance on our part such as is involved in the word “widest” would 
involve the Department in inextricable embarrassmente, for each of the con- 
flicting claimants would assert that his own concestion was valid. In such 


835 



cases the only safe and usual course is to refer the parties to the local tribu- 
nals or to arbitration. It is impossible for the Department to ransack the 
archives of the Colombian and Panaman Governments during the last half 
century and upwards, and to examine the statutes and decrees passed during 
this period, with a view to determining the validity of a particular concession 
which is in question. If Mr. Scrymser says he does not wish us to do this 
work, and that the proposed obligation would really mean much less, then 
I wish to point out that he has been advised already that in the intercourse of 
foreign governments with the United States it is assumed by the Govern- 
ment that the former will recognize all obligations imposed by international 
law; that if in any given case it is shown to the Government that the rights 
of American citizens are violated by any foreign government, these rights 
will be protected, and that the Government emphatically does not require 
of a foreign government that it should give assurance in advance that it will 
not violate the rights of American citizens, because our Government will, as 
a matter of course, protect those rights. Mr. Scrymser has been assured that 
his Company would be protected in the enjoyment of its lawful rights against 
arbitrary wrongs done or threatened by the Republic of Panama. Mr. Scrym- 
ser then asked the Department to protest by cable to the Republic of Pan- 
ama “against acting on a concession which may involve (his) Company 
in prolonged and expensive litigation.” Meanwhile, the Department had 
received a communication on behalf of the Postal Telegraph Company ob- 
jecting to such interference. In other words, Mr. Scrymser’s request is that 
the Department shall assist him in establishing a monopoly of telegraphic 
communication between the Pacific Coast of Panama and the nations of 
Central and South America. Mr. Mackay’s request is that we shall not as a 
Government insist upon the granting of such a monopoly, or take action 
that will prevent his establishing a competitive system. The question, there- 
fore, is as to whether Mr. Scrymser’s Company has any vested rights of this 
kind in the Republic of Panama. From a legal standpoint the matter presents 
itself to this Government on the bare footing of a decree by the Executive 
of Colombia on November 30, which in that decree he sought to make retro- 
active, so that it should be enforced from the date of November ist. At this 
time Colombia had no connection with Panama, and the contract and decree 
dealt with the territory of another State and were therefore nullities. 

Finally, you say that the fact that the Colombian courts no longer have 
authority in the Republic of Panama nullifies the point which Loomis makes 
that the Company agreed not to ask for diplomatic intervention. I cannot 
agree to this. Under the contract of extension the Company renounces ex- 
pressly and finally all rights to diplomatic intervention. Mr. Scrymser con- 
tends that this stipulation applies to the Republic of Colombia, but not to 
Panama. Now, of course either his contract of extension is or is not operative 
in the Republic of Panama. If the contract is in force in Panama, then recip- 
rocal obligations arise upon the contract between the Company and the 

836 



Republic of Panama. If the Republic of Panama is bound by the contract, 
Mr, Scrymser is bound likewise by ail of its stipulations. It is out of the 
question for the Department of State to assume that a part of the contract 
is in force and another part not in force. If the contract is not in force in 
Panama, then there is nothing to be said. If it is in force in Panama, then the 
Company has agreed to renounce diplomatic intervention, and thereby it is 
certainly implied that the difference, in the first instance, shall be decided 
by the local tribunals. But it seems clear that the Company did not acquire 
any vested right to the extension of its concession in Panama prior to the 
independence of the Republic, and it could not do so afterwards without 
the assent of the latter. 

Such, on my personal information, seems to me to be the aspect of the 
case. If you can throw any additional light upon it, I shall be glad to hear 
from you. As it is, I can only say that we shall do exactly as much for Mr. 
Scrymser without the stipulation that he proposes as with it; that we shall 
endeavor to see that no American Company is wronged, but that we must 
be very clear as to w^hat the rights really are in a contest like this between 
two American companies, or indeed, in any contest. Always yoitrs 

[Handwritten] If Mr. Scrymser^s request as he seems to mean it were 
granted it might mean that our canal company could «not» put up a tele- 
graph line on the isthmus. 


3102 * TO VICTOR HOWARD METCALF RoOSeVClt MsS, 

Personal Washington, June 16, 1904 

My dear Mr, Metcalf: It was a great pleasure to receive your acceptance. 
For reasons which I will explain to you in person, under the circumstances 
of Mr. Cortelyou’s leaving I felt that your appointment to fiU his place would 
be peculiarly proper, and the Navy Department for similar reasons I, give 
to a man who will not want to keep it, who does not wish, as I think for good 
reasons, to take Mr. Cortelyou’s place, but who is admirably fitted for an- 
other position in the Cabinet which he desires and which I think, but am 
not certain, that I can offer to him if I am elected.^ He will not stay perma- 
nently in the Navy. My intention has been all along, if I am elected, not to 
keep you permanently in Mr. Cortelyou’s place, but to put you in either 
the Navy or the Army, I shall ask, however, that you give no hint of this 
for the present. Sincerely yours 


^ The resignation of Cortelyou and Knox produced the following chan^ in the 
Cabinet. Moody moved from the Navy to the Justice Department. Paul Morton was 
appointed Secretary of the Navy; Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 
Thus before election d^ only two members of McKinley’s Cabinet, Hitchcock and , 
Wilson, remained in office. 

837 



3103 • TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 16, 1904 

My dear Mr. Wright: Yesterday I saw Dr. John Graham Brooks^ whom, on 
May 1 6th, you assigned to conduct an investigation into the labor difficulties 
in the State of Colorado. Mr. Walter B. Palmer^ of your Bureau, who was 
assigned for the same purpose by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor on 
May 2d, has not yet made his report. I am immensely impressed by, and 
gravely concerned at, what Dr. Brooks reports. When Mr. Palmer reports, 
I shall see what he has to say too. Then I shall communicate with you in 
order that we may take up for discussion the question whether or not it 
would be advisable for you yourself to proceed to make a thorough and 
searching investigation into the causes of, and the facts relating to, the con- 
troversies in question.^ 

I hope you are enjoying your holiday. Sincerely yours 
[Hand'written] P, S Sec’y Cortelyou informs me that Mr. Palmer will 
not report for a fortnight. 

3104 • TO HENRY CLAY PAYNE Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 17, 1904 

My dear Payne: I was greatly concerned over the news of your sickness and 
much relieved to find that there was nothing serious in it. I enclose four 
alternative planks suggested to me as regards labor. They seem to me to be 
all right. Will you submit them to Lodge for his and your judgment? I was 
very sorry indeed that our Louisiana friends were turned down by the Na- 
tional Committee, but it was probably hopeless to expect that they would not 
be, as they were so foolish as to let themselves be tainted with the Lily 
White business. Always yours 

3105 * TO GEORGE VON LENGERICE MEYER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram: Personal Washington, June 17, 1904 

Please wire me in full about opposition to Cortelyou. People may as well 
understand that if I am to run for President then Cortelyou is to be Chair- 

*Jobii Graham Brooks, economic expert, Department of Labor, author of The 
Social Unrest (1903), Others See Vs (1908). 

* Walter B, Palmer, special agent, Bureau of Labor. 

* On June 6 an explosion which killed a number of miners at the Independence rail- 
road station in the Cripple Creek area destroyed all possibility of setding die dif- 
ferences between labor and management by peaceful means. The claim was made 
by angry citizens and the Mine Owners’ Association alike that die explosion liad 
been caused by the Western Federation of Miners in an attempt to obtain control 
of the labor of Colorado by fear and force. The governor ordered out the militia 
to transport union workers, under guard, to the state boundaries. Hired “roughs” 
of the Mine Owners’ Association took it upon themselves to assume police duties. 
A wave of utter lawlessness, uncontrolled by the state militia, rolled through the 
Cripple Creek area. 


838 



man of the National Committee. I will not have it any other way. Please give 
me names of people opposed to him; and you are welcome to tell each of 
them what I have said. The choice of Cortelyou is irrevocable and I will not 
consider any other man for the position, and shall treat opposition to him as 
simply disguised opposition to the republican part\’. In other words, I regard 
opposition or disloyalty to Mr. Cortelyou as being simply an expression of 
disloyalty to the republican party, precisely as the same thing would have 
been true of Mr. Hanna four years ago.^ 


3106 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram: Personal Washington, June 17, 1904 

Consider it very important you should arrive in Chicago not later than 
Tuesday evening. There is opposition to you which I do not understand. I 
have wired Bliss, Meyer and Dawes that if I am to run for President then 
you are to be Chairman of the Committee, and that I regard disloyalty to 
you as simply disloyalty to the republican party. 


3107 • TO CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Wa.shington, June 20, 1904 

Dear Mr. Eliot: It seems to me that what is important to cultivate among the 
Filipinos at present is, not in the least “patriotic national sentiment’’ (for 
there would be at least an even chance that they would confound this with 
Aguinaldoism), but the sober performance of duty. As far as we Americans 
are concerned I would be delighted to say that we should give the Filipinos 
a national government at the earliest possible moment. The reason I^ do not 
think it wise to say so is for the sake of the Filipinos themselves. It is a dis- 
advantage to stimulate and encourage among them at this time those feelings 
which are usually understood when we allude to “patriotic national smti- 
ment.” The Filipino does not need in the least to be taught that he is to 
aspire to a national government. What he needs is to be taught that he must, 
first of aH, be able to practice justice to himself and to others. The main 
object of American statesmanship in the islands” must be discouragement of 
any feelmg among the Filipinos which will make them subordinate the duty 
of try ing to become self-supporting, self-respecting, orderly people, to the 
cultivation of anytiiing else. Sincerely yours 


‘Murphy and Kean of New Jersey and Scott of West Vir^a wre the moa 
powSul of Cortelyou’s opponents. Within tl^ days, however, these men and 
meir lesser allies had accepted Roosevelt's decision. 

839 



3I08 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, June 21, 1904 

Dear Kermit: We spent Sunday at the Knoxes’. It is a beautiful farm — just 
such a one as you could run. Phil Knox, as capable and efficient as he is 
diminutive, amused mother and me greatly by the silent way in which he 
did in first-rate shape his full share of all the work. 

Tomorrow the National Convention meets, and barring a cataclysm I 
shall be nominated. There is a great deal of sullen grumbling, but it has taken 
more the form of resentment against what they think is my dictation as to 
details than against me personally. They don’t dare to oppose me for the 
nomination and I suppose it is hardly likely the attempt will be made to 
stampede the Convention for anyone. How the election will turn out no one 
can tell. Of course I hope to be elected but I realize to the full how very 
lucky I have been, not only to be President but to have been able to accom- 
plish so much while President, and whatever may be the outcome I am not 
only content but very sincerely thankful for all the good fortune I have had. 
From Panama down I have been able to accomplish certain things which 
will be of lasting importance in our history. Incidentally, I don’t think that 
any family has ever enjoyed the White House more than we have. I was 
thinking about it just this morning when mother and I took breakfast on .the 
portico and afterwards walked about the lovely grounds and looked at the 
stately historic old house. It is a wonderful privilege to have been here and 
to have been given the chance to do this work, and I should regard myself 
as having a small and mean mind if in the event of defeat I felt soured at not 
having had more, instead of being thankful for having had so much. Your 
loving father 

3109 • TO FREDERICK ZADOK ROOKER Roosevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, June 22, 1904 

My dear Bishop Rooker: ^ I have received your letter, and while I was pained 
by it I was not surprised, because I had heard from outside sources of the 
friction between you and the Filipino people, as well as between you and the 
American governmental officials, whether of your own faith or Protestants. 
I fear that while you retain your present mental attitude such friction will be 
unavoidable. There are certain things that you say — such, for instance, as 
those relating to the disorder in the provinces, the failure to stamp out the in- 
surrection, and the rights and wrongs connected with the forcible seizure by 
one party or another of certain churches — with which I am not competent 
to deal without further information. I shall place your letter before Governor 
Ltdce Wright and the other authorities, so that I may obtain full information 

^Fredericik Zadok Rooker, Roman Catholic bishop of Jaro, Philippine Islands, 1903- 

*907- 


840 



upon these points. Until I do so I am hardly in a position to answer you or to 
pass judgment upon certain of the matters of detail of which you write. 
But I am entirely competent to pass judgment upon your main propositions. 
Your experience on the Islands is limited indeed, compared to the experience 
of civilians like Governor Taft, of soldiers like General Chaifee and General 
Franklin Bell, and of clericals like Father Vattman — a chaplain of the army 
and a man of your own faith. All these observers, including well-nigh every 
trustworthy man whom I have met, flatly contradict the main points of your 
communication. With the friar question I am thoroughly familiar. You must 
permit me to say that a judgment passed upon that question by you or anyone 
else at this time is of no value whatever in so far as it affects the question 
itself, but is of value in affecting the right of the person passing judgment to 
expect to have his advice heeded. Everyone whose judgment is worth any- 
thing, Protestant or Catholic, American or Filipino, lay or clerical, is agreed 
that no better stroke of justice and wisdom has been accomplished of late 
years than the purchase of the friars’ lands. As I suppose you are aware, the 
Vatican was most anxious that the purchase should take place. The friars 
themselves were anxious, because they knew very well that when they tried 
to take possession of their lands or collect the rents they were in imminent 
danger of being murdered by their congregations. The Filipino people were 
anxious because the friars had become to them symbols of what was worst 
in the alleged Spanish oppression. And finally, I and the other American 
officials were anxious, because we are working wdth an eye single to the good 
of the Filipinos, and we wish to do whatever is possible for their material and 
spiritual welfare. It is a pity that any of the friars should have stayed in the 
Philippine Islands; and the visiting Filipinos here have mentioned that as 
almost their only grievance. Possibly we paid somew^hat too high a price for 
the lands, but on the whole the bargain was a fair one, and the good to be 
done to the people so great that I did not feel inclined to be too insistent 
about details. 

Now, my dear Bishop Rooker, to be frank with you, your letter makes 
it evident that what you in your heart desire is to take the place of the friars, 
and have the American troops take the place of the Spanish troops in uphold- 
ing a clerical and political despotism in the islands, without regard to the 
wishes of the islanders. You say that you wish the civil government to come 
to an end, the power to be taken out of the hands of the natives, and a military 
government established under some general like my good friend Wood, with 
instructions instantly and without regard to law to give you and your col- 
leagues possession of all the churches and other property which the Agli- 
payans claim. In other words, you desire us to establish a military despotism 
in the interests of the Catholic Church, I think you must be singularly ite- 
rant of the temper of the American people if you believe such a proposition 
feasible. The pre^re here, and especially from the mass of your coreli^on- 
ists, is iri the direction of giving the FiUpino people a more complete, and in 

841 



the end an absolutely complete, independence, and of exalting the native 
governmental authorities at the expense of the American, and especially at 
the expense of the American military, authorities. High prelates of your 
church sign petitions asking that the two parties in their conventions declare 
for Filipino independence, and many of the Catholic newspapers which I 
have seen attack this government because it is not giving enough liberty to 
the Filipinos. Of course I disregard what you say as to the small number of 
Filipinos who back the Aglipayans, because your own letter refutes this 
statement. If the sentiment of the people in the towns of which you complain 
were not for the Aglipayans and against the friars — and overwhelmingly 
as regards the latter — there would not be the slightest difficulty on the part 
of the governmental authorities in safeguarding your rights or the friars’ 
rights. If in those towns the people were really for you and not for the 
Aglipayans, you would not be having to write me or appeal to the courts. 
The municipal authorities of whose action you complain are elected by the 
people, and represent their sentiments towards you. 

Now, at the very time when most democratic politicians, including the 
Catholic democrats, and many of the Catholic newspapers, are demanding 
independence for the Filipinos, and attacking the Administration because it 
has not done enough for the Filipinos toward giving them Liberty; you are 
attacldng us because we have not done enough to suppress the Filipinos’ 
liberty and because we have not forcibly taken away property from the 
Aglipayans w’ithout due process of law. If the democrats have their way and 
the Philippine Islands become independent, as you well know your position 
in the islands would not last a week. The Aglipayans would be absolutely 
triumphant, and not an American prelate would remain in the land; yet many 
of your coreligionists seem at present to be supporting the party which 
wishes to bring about this very state of things. What I hope to see is such 
action on the part of you and the other American Catholic prelates in the 
islands as to convince the Filipinos that you are not the natural successors of 
the Friars — their enemies — but are their firm friends, devoted to their 
spiritual and physical well-being, treating them with justice, but with infinite 
kindness and forbearance, and struggling ever for their welfare. But this 
position you can never attain while you feel as you have expressed yotirself 
in your letter. 

As for the Aglipayan quarrel and the question of the control of the 
property, we have already taken steps to see that a special tribunal be created 
to pass upon these questions at once. You must pardon my saying that it shows 
a very unhealthy spirit on your part to desire such a question as this to be 
decided by violence and not by recourse to law. 

Finally, a word as to your attack upon Commissioner Smith, In your 
attempt to discredit the educational system of the Islands by reviving what 
I am obliged to state are thrice over discredited accusations against the 

842 



teachers, you are naturally obliged to attack Commissioner Smith, a Catholic, 
and I may incidentally add, a democrat, who is at the head of the educational 
system. Smith was not only a most gallant soldier, and a competent and faith- 
ful public official in the United States under a democratic President, but he is 
a Catholic in excellent standing, vouched for as such by his Bishop and by all 
who know him. The accusations you make against him as not being suffi- 
ciently pro-Catholic in his dealings with the teachers, are curiously matched 
with accusations made against him several months ago through certain people 
in California and forwarded to me. These took the form of complaints from 
Protestant teachers that Smith was favoring their Catholic colleagues and was 
against Protestantism. These complaints were as groundless as the opposite 
ones which have affected your mind; and I regard the two sets of accusations 
as healthy, and mutually destructive, antiscorbutics. In dealing with the 
islands I pay no heed whatever to political or religious differences, and 
demand only that the appointee be a good American and an honest, upright, 
fearless and intelligent man; and I believe Smith to be all of this. In dealing 
with the Filipinos themselves I shall of course, like every good citizen, 
to what the will of the majority may decide at the polls here, but until the 
present policy which is imbedded in the law of otir land is changed, I shall 
continue to do in the future exactly as I have done in the past. That is, I shall 
rigorously and without hesitation put down all disturbance, disorder, or 
rebellion in the islands; I shall endeavor progressively to increase the share 
which the Filipinos themselves take in the government of the islands, letting 
the advance in this direction be rapid or slow precisely in accordance with 
the capacity which the Filipinos themselves develop for self-restraint, moder- 
ation, and ability to combine the enjoyment of liberty with the enforcement 
of order; I shall make no discriminations for or against any man because of his 
religious creed, but shall recognize the fact that the great majority of the 
Filipinos are Catholics and that our policy must necessarily take cognizance 
of this, I shall uphold every American ecclesiastic in his rights, and equally I 
shall prevent him from doing wrong to any man, and when it comes to the 
several officials of the islands I shall in my treatment of them pay no heed 
whatever to whether they are Catholic or Protestant; to whether they are of 
native American, or German, or Irish, or other origin; but solely to 'whether 
they are fulfilling their duties with efficiency and in a spirit of high integrity 
and of devotion to American ideals. If they have this spirit and purpose and 
the power to make it effective, nothing will make me turn against them; and 
if they do not have this spirit and this power, nothing else shall avail them. 

I enclose a copy of Secretary Taft’s letter to me. Sincerely yours 

P. S. Since receiving your letter I have received one from Archbishop 
Harty,2 of which I enclose a copy. It seems directly to contradict much of 
yours. 

* Jeremiah J. Harty, Roman Catholic archbishop of Manila, 1903-1916. 

843 



3110 • 'fO CHARLKS WARRKN FAIRBANKS RoOSeVclt MsS. 

Washington, June 24, 1904 

My dear Senator Fairbanks: In acknowledging your kind telegram of con- 
gratulation, let me say a word not only as to my personal gratification about 
your being associated with me on the ticket, but as to my feeling that you 
have rendered a genuine service to the party and the country in accepting the 
Vice-Presidential nomination. It is a position of high honor and dignity, and 
its tremendous importance is shown by the fact that five times in our history 
the Vice-President has had to assume the duties of President. No man should 
take it who is not fit to be President, and it is not always easy to induce those 
who are fit to accept it. I feel that you, holding the position that you do in 
the Senate and in public life outside the Senate, have rendered a real service 
by accepting the Vice-Presidential nomination — though indeed, my dear sir, 
I do not see how you could refuse in view of the unanimous feeling of the 
representatives of the Republican party that you were the man above all 
others needed for the place. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Fairbanks, believe me, Faithfully yours 


844 



A Square Deal for America 

June 1904— November 1904 




3 1 1 1 - TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 25, 1904 

Aly dear Air. Alortoji: I hope you can come on soon and arrange with Moody 
to take charge of your office. You can then leave for as long a time as neces- 
sary to get your affairs in shape. This is what Knox did when he took office. 
I am sure you will like Moody. He is a splendid fellow, and he has run the 
Navy Department as it must be run; that is, as a machine designed primarily 
to keep the military efficiency of the navy at the highest possible point. As 
you know, there is no other Department with which I have kept in as close 
touch or wiffi. which I am so familiar as the Navy Department, because I hold 
that this Department should be treated by all Americans as of literally vital 
concern to the Government. 

Under Secretary Moody the Navy Department for the last two years has 
been carried on in a way which I earnestly hope vou will continue. In my 
judgment, we have never had as good a Secretary of the Navy as Moody. He 
has understood clearly that there are two sides to the work of the Depart- 
ment. There is, in the first place, the industrial efficiency of the navy; that 
is, the building of ships, engines and ordnance, the provision of equipment 
and stores, the purchase and inspection of material, the employment of 
laborers and mechanics, the care of dockyards, and many similar details. All 
of this is of the utmost importance, but to do it it implies in the Secretary 
simply such qualities as are shown in the administration of a great private 
manufacturing establishment. Responsible Bureaus have long existed for the 
management and administration of these public works vvdthin the Navy De- 
partment, and on the whole this system, though probably not the best possi- 
ble, has worked well in the building, arming, engining and equipping of 
vessels of war and in the management of dockyards. This side of the Navy 
work has received much attention from many able administrators of the Navy 
Department before now, and although improv'cment here as in all other 
directions is possible and is to be hoped for, yet there, is but little creative 
work to be done and no great radical difficulty to be overcome. Any honest, 
fairly able man can do such work. The temptation is, for a man who is merely 
honest and able, to regard this as the really vital work of the navy — to re- 
gard it as an end instead of as a means. This is precisely what the present 
Assistant Secretary, Mr. Darling, has done. Mr. Darling is upright, honest, 
capable, and for certain purposes very efficient; but instead of regarding the 
industrial efficiency of- the navy as of value in so far as it provides for the 
military efficiency of the fleet, he regards it as an end in itself, and would 
like to sacrifice the military efficiency of the fleet by stopping its mobility, 
by preventing the incessant exercise at sea of ships, men and guns, because 
under such circumstances hulls, engines and ordnance cost much more money 
than if they are not used, while, moreover, there is always grumbling among 
timid men who fear risks and good men who, nevertheless, are inert and lazy. 

847 



It is this military efficiency of the fleet which needs to receive most at- 
tention and as regards which there should be systematic development of 
policy. We should have legislative action in this direction. But a great deal 
can be done by mere administration. Until Moody took hold of the navy there 
had never been any real attempt to develop the system needed for securing 
such efficiency in a great modern navy. Under him great strides toward es- 
tablishing it have been made, and there has been a most notable advance in 
the effectiveness of the fleet. Above all things else this work needs to be 
actively continued, for the present standard cannot be maintained unless the 
system now only tentatively followed be developed until it receives the 
sanction of Congress. It is much easier to provide ships and weapons, as 
Congress has liberally done, than to study and apply the methods for using 
them aright, so that a fleet can be made the most of in accordance with the 
great fundamental principles underlying the art of war and the laws of strat- 
egy and tactics. Until the last few years these principles have been practically 
ignored; and even today we are better provided with vessels than we are 
prepared to make effective use of them. Secretary Moody, after long discus- 
sion with Admiral Dewey and other high officers, recognized that the Secre- 
tary of the Navy must have responsible advice on military questions, just 
as for sixty years he has had responsible advice on questions of hulls, engines, 
guns, armor, and so forth, from the Chiefs of Bureaus established by law. 
There should be legislation to establish such an advisory board on military 
questions, evolving this board from the General Board which has been in 
existence for four and one-half years and which Secretary Moody has done 
all he could to develop. Only in this way is it possible to give full force to the* 
military efforts of the navy, and to establish a high standard of efficiency for 
the fleet. The one prime object in handling a navy should be to keep it in a 
state of constant preparedness for war, and to this end there should be mobil- 
ity in the several squadrons, energy and initiative on the part of the officers, 
and healthy enthusiasm on the part of the men, and incessant exercise under 
the conditions of sea service both in handling the ships and the guns. 

Of course, every Secretary of the Navy will meet opposition when he 
struggles for such development. AU the respectable, unprogressive, inert 
men will protest against the mobility of squadrons, and all this mobility stands 
for in efficiency, and will argue against the waste of coal and engines and 
boilers involved by the continuance of frequent movement. But this move- 
ment means vigorous life in the navy, and its absence means a lethargy which 
in time of war would be death — as witness what has happened between the 
Japanese and Russians. You will have to struggle against the men who be- 
lieve in the old system of quiet and rest; of ships that never wear out by work 
but only by rust, and of respectable men who live long and never do anything 
wrong because they never do anything at all. 

Let me in closing, my dear fellow, tlank you again for the great public 
service you have rendered. Faithfully yours 

848 



3112 - TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, June 28, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Your letter was just what I wanted, and most interesting. Of 
course I have my difSculties here, the chief one being that the labor situation 
in Colorado has become so acute as to make a large number of people demand 
my interference. As yet I see no warrant whatever for interfering, but I think 
we shall have to face some loss because I do not interfere. 

I have exactly the opinion you have about Meyer, and am more and more 
impressed with him. Darling would not have done as Secretary of the Navy 
at all, in spite of the pressure Hale and Proctor succeeded in bringing for 
him. He has not believed in the Navy as a military instrument, and is inter- 
ested only in what I might call the industrial and administrative side of the 
Department, where he does excellent work. 

I think all that you say about the convention and the platform just right. 
I am sorry they put in the suffrage plank, ^ just as I should deprecate a plank 
endorsing your old so-called “force bill,” which I believed in thoroughly as 
a matter of abstract right, but which there is no use in backing when we are 
perfectly certain to be unable to carry it through. I think it is the only in- 
sincere utterance in the platform, which is otherwise all right in every way. 
I do not know what the Chinese exclusion plank amounts to. 

I hope you will read through Taft’s speech to be delivered at Harvard 
today. I think it covers the Philippine business thoroughly, and it will rank 
with Root’s speech as a great public document, although of course not of the 
same importance. 

With best love to Nannie, Ever Yours 

3113 • TO EDWARD HENRY HARRIMAN RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 29, 1904 

My dear Mr. Harriman: I thank you for your letter. As soon as you come 
home I shall want to see you. The fight will doubtless be hot then. It has been 
a real pleasure to see you this year. Very truly yours 

3114 * TO RICHARD HARDING DAVIS RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 29, 1904 

My dear Davis: I was greatly interested in your letter, but of course very 
sorry that you had not gotten to the front. I feel strongly tempted to tell the 
Japanese Minister, whom I like, that it is for the interest of the Japanese to 

^This plank, a favorite target for Southern Democrats, read: *‘We favor such Con- 
gressional action as shall determine whether by special discriminations the elective 
franchise in any State has been unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, 
we demand that representation in Congress and in the electoral^ colleges shall be 
proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United States,*’ 

849 



treat the newspaper correspondents well. The Japs have made^ great name 
for themselves as fighters, but reverses may easily come, and if , the best news- 
papermen in the Orient feel harshly toward them this feeling /iS* bound to be 
reflected in a v'ay which will do them damage with the civilized world gen- 
erally. 'f: 

In great haste, Faithfully yours 

3115 • TO JAMES WOLCOTT WADSWORTH, JUNIOR ^^OOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, Inline 29, 1904 

Dear WadsnjDorth: ^ I am genuinely pleased that you have won out. Please 
treat this letter as private or it would p|obably damn you! But even a Presi- 
dent has feelings, and I cannot tell yo*u how glad I am to see you going into 
the. legislature. After you are elected I shall want to see you and have a talk 
over politics in general. I have been in Albany later than your illustrious 
father, and there may be just one or two things that I could with advantage 
talk over with you. Sincerely yours 

3116 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 6, 1904 

Dear Will: Many thanks for your letter. Evidently your Boston speech went 
admirably. 

What the Democratic Convention will do I do not know. But as regards 
the right of the matter, it does not make any difference. Whether we shall 
be beaten or not this fall I cannot say; but I can say if we are beaten it will 
be a disaster to the Republic unless our opponents turn straight around and 
carry out every single one of our policies. Alnjoays yours 

3117 - TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL Roosevelt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 9, 1904 

Dear Governor: I must send you a line just to say how eminently satisfactory 
our talk was yesterday. It pleased me down to the ground.^ I have written 
Senator Platt and Mr, Lauterbach. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Odell, believe me. Sincerely yours 

^ James Wolcott Wadsworth, Jr., had been nominated on the Republican ticket for 
the New York State Assembly. He won the election and served in that body through 
the session of 19x0, for five years as Speaker. During Roosevelt’s presidency, Wads- 
wonh was a reliable agent and able spokesman for Roosevelt’s program in New 
York. 

^ Platt and Odell had been attempting without success to agree on a gubernatorial 
candidate. On July 8, Odell and Barnes conferred with Roosevelt at Oyster Bay. 
After the conference Odell said that the President would not interfere in the selec- 
tion of a candidate. Odell himself announced no preference; he would support “the 

850 



3 I I 8 • TO JOHN HAY 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss, 


Oyster Bay, July 9, 1904 

Dear Johii: It seems to me that nothing could have been happier than to have 
Williams’ speech and yours appear on the same day, and to be read side by 
side in the same papers.^ I shall not write to you again about your speech. 
You know what I think of it. It is one of the few speeches which can rightly 
be called noble. I do not feel that it will be merely a good campaign docu- 
ment, though I feel that very strongly too; I feel that it will be one of the 
speeches dealing with a sufficiently large subject in a sufficiently lofty tone 
to rank among the few which achieve prominence. 

I am delighted that the decoration is to come at the time of the great na- 
tional French celebration on the 14th of July, 

I have been much amused by the agony of the Times^ Worlds Sun^ Brook- 
lyn Eagle, and Evejimg Post over the rejection of the gold plank at St. Louis. 
To my mind the adoption of it would mean a slightly added burden to the 
already staggering load of dishonesty under which their party was stumbling; 
but inasmuch as these gentry in New York earnestly desired that they should 
adopt the plank, I am glad they did not. 

That was a nice letter of Oscar Straus. 

With love to Mrs. Hay, Always yowrs 


3119 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 1 1, 1904 

Dear John: Your letter of the loth expresses just about my feelings. Appar- 
ently the ‘‘best thought” of New York, as typified by the newspapers which 
it prefers to read, feels that on high moral grounds of an inscrutable nature, 
they should condemn the Republicans for saying that sound money is an 
issue upon which they have opinions, and applaud the Democrats because 
they say that it is not an issue at the moment, and that therefore the vievrs 
of their candidate on the subject do not count; this same candidate boasting 
of the fact that he has been regular, and has supported the cause of free silver 

strongest” nominee. Although OdeH mentioned no name, the conferees had appar- 
ently decided upon Root. Roosevelt, Platt, Odell, Seth Low, and others in the 
next week requested Root to run. On July 23, Root, as he had indicated earlier, 
made it clear that he would not accept the nomination. Doubtless anticipating this 
response, Odell and Roosevelt had been scrupulously careful not to discuss the de- 
tails of their conference but the New York press agreed on their probable decision. 
In spite of Root’s refusal, his name was mentioned in connection with the nomina- 
tion until the convention met. 

^ For the text of H^s speech ‘Fifty Years of the Republican Party,” delivered at 
Jackson, Mchigan, July 6, see the Republican Cmnpmgn Te^etbook, 1^04, pp. 456- 
463. On the same day John Sharp Williams made his keynote address to the Demo- 
cratic Omventiom 

851 



in the last two elections, and therefore is entitled to the support of the free 
silverites, but inasmuch as his support was insincere, and he did not believe in 
the cause which he supported, he is therefore also entitled to the support of 
the gold Democrats. Literally this is the only opinion of Parker’s on any cur- 
rent subject of which we now have knowledge, and he did not give this 
opinion until the convention had met and it became impossible for him to 
avoid giving it. His movement was most adroit, and he is entitled to hearty 
praise, from the standpoint of a clever politician, for what he has done. He 
did not refuse the nomination; he did not ask the Democrats to stand for gold; 
but he phrased his telegram so that they could answer that they did not re- 
gard the currency matter as one at issue, and that therefore his views on the 
subject did not concern them.^ If we Republicans did anything of this kind 
(which is unsupposable) we would rightfully be taunted by all of the virtu- 
ous mugwump crowd with insincerity, double-dealing, straddling, and every- 
thing else. But the same people who would thus attack us for doing this very 
thing, now become hysterical as they praise Parker and the Democracy. 
August Belmont and Cord Meyer, ^ together with old Davis^ — whose nomi- 
nation, as you say, was a very shrewd move — represent as unscrupulous 
financial interests as we have in this country; Dave Hill and Billy Sheehan 
represent all that is lowest in our political methods; and these are the men 
who are behind Parker — the men whom he represents and stands for — the 
men who found him, advertised him, and made him a candidate; and this is 
the combination for which the ‘‘unco giiid” are frantically throwing up their 
hats! It is possible that our party has been put into almost too rarefied an 
atmosphere of honesty and decency; for I cannot recall any other party 


^ The Democratic platform, designed to satisfy both wings of the party, contained 
no plank on currency. This omission disturbed Parker and the conservative Demo- 
crats who had engineered his nomination. Parker wired the convention that he 
considered the gold standard “firmly and irrevocably established.” He invited the 
delegates, if they disagreed, to nominate another man. Over the lurid protests of 
Bryan and Tillman, the Parker managers secured the adoption of a resolution assur- 
ing Parker that his telegram in no sense diminished his availability. A gold j^lank 
had been omitted, the resolution noted, because currency was no longer an issue. 
Satisfied by this exchange, such Democratic organs as the New York Times and 
World pronounced the party safe and sane and praised Parker for his effective cour- 
age. The Republicans, dissenting, argued that the platform’s omission proved that 
the Democracy still languished. Bryan and his faitliful adherents naturally resented 
Parker’s action. There are many good accounts of this episode and analyses of its 
significance. Especially see the chapters on the St. Louis Convention in the memoirs 
of Bryan and of Champ Clark, the permanent chairman. 

^August Belmont, then a member of the executive committee of the Democratic 
National Committee, was the most active money raiser for the pany in 1904. Cord 
Meyer, wealthy New York real estate broker and investor, in 1904 chairman of the 
State Democratic Committee, worked closely with Belmont. Together they carried 
the burden of the party’s national treasurer, George Foster Peabody. 

•For its Vice-Presidential candidate the Democrats had chosen Henry Gassaway 
Davis, West Virginia railroad promoter and industrialist; United States Senator, 
1871-1883; father-in-kw of Republican Senator Elkins, Davis, a wealthy, conserva- 
tive octogenarian, contributed neither force, prestige, nor substantial funds. 


852 



which has ever had as its chief representatives and spokesmen men like you, 
Root and Taft, and as its active political manager a man like Cortelyou. Yet 
whoever else might oppose us under these circumstances, it would* seem as 
if we were entitled to the hearty backing of all the men, the special burden 
of whose song has been that we should have our politics managed in accord- 
ance with the highest ideals; but these professional reformers are supporting 
the party which has Williams and Champ Clark^ for its spokesmen, Dave Hill 
and Taggart® for its managers, and Augie Belmont as representative of the 
“safe and sane” business interests behind it. 

Well, all we can do is to abide the result. We have nothing to apologize 
for, nothing to retract, I hope that the people will approve of what I have 
done, and will show their approval at the polls. If they do not, it will not in 
the least alter my conviction that what I have done was both right and wise. 

I enclose you a copy of my speech of acceptance. Remember that the 
more mercilessly you cut it, the better it will be. Do you think what I have 
said about the “plain people” either demagogic or fatuous? Please return the 
copy as soon as possible. Always yours 


3120 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 1 1, 1904 

Dear Will: Mrs. Storer is an awful trial. I wish to Heaven she would either 
quit her professional sectarian business or get Bellamy to leave public life! 
You are right in paying no attention to her. The fact that she has been med- ^ 
dling in it makes me somewhat uncomfortable about the Merry del Val busi- 
ness, yet the death of Guidi gives you an excellent reason for writing.^ But in 


* Champ (James Beauchamp) Qark, Democratic congressman from Missouri, 1893- 
1895, 1897-1921; in 1904 chairman of the Democratic National Convention, then and 
ever an able politician and discursive supporter of dilute agrarian liberalism. 

®The national chairman of the Democratic party in 1904 was Thomas Taggart, state 
“boss” of Indiana. An adroit manipulator, uninhibited by convictions or scraples, 
Taggart for the next twenty years was a considerable fi^re in party councils. His 
conmrences with his political cronies at the French Lick Springs Hotel were a 
continuing source of national Democratic strategy. Within his state he supplied the 
power that sustained, successively, John W. Kem, Thomas R. Marshall, and Samuel 
M. Ralston. 


^Mrs. Storer’s unremitting quest to have Archbishop Ireland made a cardinal con- 
tinued. While she and her husband sang his praises at the Vatican, the archbishop 
urged Roosevelt to name Storer ambassador to England or to France. These en^g- 
ing schemes were threatened late in 1903 by the appointment of Raffael Merry deP^l 
as Papal Secretary of State. A Spanish cardinal, Mery del Val had favored Spain in 
the Spanish-American War. Ireland feared the Spaniard would oppose the selection 
of an American cardinal while the Storers assumed Merry del Val would oppose their 
plan to increase their prestige by winning the Vatican to American views on the 
Philippine Church pmblems. The new Papal Secretary, however, proved to be more 
reasonable than had been expected. By July 1904 the Storers, particularly Maria, be- 
lieved that they had succeeded in making themselves acceptable to him. From the 
Un^d States Ireland sent them strange assurances that Roosevelt considered them his 


853, 



addition to submitting it to me, I wish you would lay it before Cortelyou, so 
that we may go into the thing with our eyes open. 

I return Smith’s letter, and enclose my letter to him.^ If you think it 
proper, send it along. Always yours 

3121 • TO JAMES FRANCIS SMITH RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July ii, 1904 

My dear Colonel Smith: (I could call you Commissioner, Judge or Colonel, 
but as Colonel is the title I am proudest of myself, I call you that! ) 

Most assuredly I shall not accept your resignation, I have not a doubt 
that you would rather be back on the bench, but, my dear sir, you are doing 
now the greatest possible service that could be done to the Pliilippine peo- 
ple, and therefore to this government. What you said to the Catholic Society, 
and what you wrote about your attitude toward them and toward Protestants 
and Catholics in your letter to Secretary Taft, made me feel proud of you as 
an American, and glad that my country had as its representative in your 
difficult and responsible post a man able by deed as well as by word to give 
such full expression to the fundamental truths upon which our whole scheme 
of government and social life rests. You need not be in the least alarmed 
about the effect upon me of what you have done. Of course you will have 
certain Catholic zealots, just as you have had certain Protestant zealots, at- 
tack you. But you stand for the principles which, to my mind, are vital. I 
would like to be re-elected, and I should be sorry needlessly to alienate any 
votes; but I should a great deal rather lose on the platform of backing you up 
in your duty than win by abandoning you. Moreover, my belief is that 
though I may lose by standing for these principles, I should certainly lose if 
I did not stand for them; and what is a good deal worse, I should deserve to. 
So give yourself no uneasiness about the effect of your actions on me. There 
are few things that please me more than to think that I had the good fortune 
to appoint you. 

Your present muss with the Catholic Society, who wish you to promote 
teachers because they are Catholics, amuses me because it parallels a similar 
experience I had when I was President of the Police Commission in New York. 
As soon as I came in a number of excellent Protestant clergymen came to me 
to claim promotion for policemen who were members of their churches, 
who, they asserted, had been kept down by Tammany because they were 
Protestants. In each case, without one single exception, I found that the man 

spokesmen. Thus misinformed, they persisted in their negotiations, failing of their 
purposes but embarrassing the President. Thus was the foundation for the celebrated 
quarrel between Roosevelt and the Storers irrevocably laid. For Ireland’s correspond- 
ence with them, revealing their distorted assessment of their importance and their 
mission, see Maria Storer, In Memoriam Bella?ny Storer (privately printed, 1923), 
pp. 40-120. 

* See No. 3121. 


854 



who had thus striven to use his religion as a lever for getting on in the police 
force was not worthy of promotion; and this in spite of the fact that some of 
the men who appealed for them were excellent men who would thus be 
taken in by what they regarded as a justly founded complaint. Again, I once 
promoted a batch of nine men and received an indignant protest from a very 
good and zealous but not ver)' wise minister of a Protestant denomination, 
complaining that all these men were Catholic Irishmen. As a matter of fact 
they were almost all bom on this side of the water, although I think all were 
of Irish parentage, and it happened that they all were Catholics. I wrote back 
that I had no idea what their creed was until he had called my attention to 
the fact, and that I certainly should not inquire; but that if the majority of 
the people who entered the examination for admission to the police force 
happened to be of Catholic faith and of Irish extraction, it would follow that 
normally the majority of the promotions would be along the same lines. 

So you see that my experience went on all fours with yours, and that 
both of us settled the appeal on the same lines and in accordance with the old 
American principle of giving each man a square deal without regard to his 
creed, his ancestry, or his birthplace, and of rejecting with impatient scorn 
any proposition to either advance or retard, help or hinder, any man because 
of the way in which he chose to worship his Maker. 

I was delighted to see what you said about Archbishop Harty and Bishop 
Dougherty. You have probably already seen the somewhat emphatic letter I 
wrote Bishop Rooker. I am sorry to say that Bishop Hendrick has seemed to 
be about as unreasonable. The extraordinary thing is that these ecclesiastics 
and laymen with whom you have had difficulty so wholly misunderstand the 
situation here in the United States. The Democratic Party, to which they, 
and I believe the great bulk of their coreligionists here, belong, desire to give 
independence to the Filipinos, either immediately or within a short time. The 
mere official enunciation of this policy by the government of the United 
States would, from all I can learn, mean the collapse of the Catholic Church 
in the Philippine Islands before the Aglipayans; for speaking roughly, and 
with reservations into which I need not now enter, Aglipay tends to repre- 
sent the attitude toward the church which Aguinaldo did towards the State. 
Yet the very men who most insist that the Government should lean more to 
their clerical organization are doing what they can by upsetting the adnunis- 
tration to favor a movement which would mean the death of that very or- 
ganization, so far as the Philippines are concerned. In the same way, here at 
home, I should suppose that the fact that Governor Wright and you are my 
right-hand men in the Philippine Government, and ^e the men of most 
weight in it, although both of you are Democrats, would tend to remove the 
question of this government out of the realm of politics. Yet the Democratic 
Party seems inclined, at least in the Eastern States, to make the Philippines 
one of the issues of the campaign. 

So, my dear sir, I wish you to stay where you are. You are handling the 

855 



government exactly as I wish it handled. I hold that our interest as well as 
our honor in the Philippines can best be served by administering the govern- 
ment of the Philippines primarily in the interest of the Filipinos. This is just 
what you are doing. You are holding the scales exactly even as between 
Catholic and Protestant, American and native Filipino. You are laboring with 
an eye single to the good of the islands. You are paying no heed whatever 
to questions of partisan politics, but fulfilling your great and responsible trust 
as an American in a way of which all Americans, without regard to party, 
should feel proud. Just so long as you continue on the path you have marked 
out (and I know well that nothing could make you swerve from it) you can 
rest assured, not only of my hearty backing, but of the fact that your actions 
give me the keenest satisfaction and pleasure. 

With regard. Sincerely yours 


3122 ■ TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 13, 1904 

My dear Morton: Will you read a very excellent article on the Japanese Navy 
taken from an English magazine the Fortnightly and reproduced in Littell’s 
Living Age Magazine of July 2d? Much that it says is directly applicable to 
us at this time.^ 

When I see you I want to have a talk with you over something wholly 
unconnected with the Presidential election and of far more vivid personal 
interest to me; that is, the kind of bringing up to give my boys. There are 
some things I w'ant to go over with you and get your opinion about in con- 
nection with their education. Alvcays yours 


3123 • TO JAMES RUDOLPH GARFIELD RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 13, 1904 

Dear Jim: I take a sour satisfaction in your having failed by some seconds in 
your house-climbing feat, because I like to think that there are some among 
my junior friends who are themselves getting a little old also. I am bound to 
say I have seen no traces of it in you hitherto. 

Our imitation of your point-to-point walk went off splendidly. I had six 
boys with me, including aU of my own except Quentin. We swam the mill- 
pond (which proved to be very broad and covered with duckweed), in great 

' The article, “Japan’s Object-Lessons in Naval Warfare,’’ ascribed her victory over 
Russia to her efficient administrative oi^nization, her practice in joint army-navy 
maneuvers, and her accurate gunnery. 

856 



shape, with our clothes on; executed an equally long but easier swim in the 
bay, with our clothes on; and between times had gone in a straight line 
through the woods, through the marshes, and up and down the bluffs. The 
whole thing would have been complete if the Garfield family could only have 
been along. I did not look exactly presidential when I got back from the 
walk! 

It was delightful having Gifford here on the 4th of July. He and I and 
Mrs. Roosevelt took an all-day picnic in a rowboat. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Garfield. Always yours 

[Handwritteii] P. S July 14th. Last night I spent camping with Kermit, 
Archie and two of their friends. We went in two rowboats, and camped 
eight or ten miles off down the sound. I fried beefsteak and chicken, and 
Kermit potatoes; we all decided that the cooking was excellent and the trip 
a success. 


3124 • TO SILAS MCBEE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 14, 1904 

Dear Mr. McBee: Mr. Loeb has shown me your kind note and enclosure. 
Can’t you get out here to lunch with me some day? There are many things I 
should like to talk over with you. 

By the way, have you any relations with Joel Chandler Harris? He is a 
man who, in my judgment, is not only a great writer but a great moral 
teacher. If I am beaten I do not suppose I shall have a chance of doing this; 
but if I am elected I am going to get him and you and two or three others, 
like Alderman,^ for instance, to come to see me at the White House, and see 
if I cannot arrive at some policy as regards the South which will, as far as 
possible, not be susceptible of misconstruction! 

Believe me, my dear sir, I am deeply touched by your attitude toward me; 
and I shall not knowingly do anything to forfeit your good opinion. Faiths 
fully yours 


3125 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 14, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I was glad to receive your letter. Later I must get you where I 
can have a long talk with you over conditions; but just at present you need 
not mind being off for there is not much use of my talking to anyone until 

^ Edwin Anderson Alderman, president of the University of Virginia, 1904-1931; 
member of the General Education Board; member and district director of Uie 
Southern Education Board; author of Sombem Idealism, Sectionalism and National- 
ity, and The Grovmg South. 


857 



the waters become a little more settled. This butchers’ strike is a very serious 
thing, and may cause the gravest trouble.^ I never can tell when the Colorado 
matter will come up. 

I agree absolutely with what you say about Parker and the elfect of his 
act when the convention was about to adjourn. It was a bold and skillful 
move. To say that he had any principles on the subject of gold is of course 
nonsense; for if so he would have inserted the gold plank in the New York 
Democratic platform. But then he was hunting for delegates and was exceed- 
ingly careful to offend no one. Now he played a perfectly safe but spectacu- 
lar game and has attracted the good will of many decent people, and of 
course the hysterical adulation of the large neurotic class typified by the 
Evening Post. He has become a very formidable candidate and opponent; for 
instead of being a colorless man of no convictions he now stands forth to the 
average man — and this at an astonishingly small cost — as one having con- 
victions compared to which he treats self-interest as of no account. He has, 
as you say, become a somebody instead of a nobody. I think that his act gave 
him all of Cleveland’s strength without any of Cleveland’s weakness, and 
made him, on the whole, the most formidable man the Democrats could have 
nominated. What the outcome will be I have not the slightest idea. Not only 
is Wisconsin, in my judgment, in a perilous situation, but so is West Virginia. 
John Kean seems satisfied about New Jersey; but no one can tell what reflex 
effect New York opinion will have in that State. In addition, of course, if we 
have failure of crops, or big labor troubles, into which they are always 
adroitly trying to bring me, we may encounter disaster in all the States of 
small margin. In short, I think we have a hard and uphill fight ahead of us. It 
is because of this feeling that I took an aggressive stand in my speech of ac- 
ceptance, which I suppose you have received by this time. I wish I were 
where I could fight more offensively. I always like to do my fighting in the 
adversary’s corner. 

The great gold Democratic paper in Chicago, the Chronicle^ has bolted 
both Parker and the platform. Apparently the Massachusetts mugwump pa- 
pers are with us. The effect upon the mugwump and Democratic papers here 
has been to make them wildly enthusiastic Parker people. By the time I see 
you things will have gotten a little more in shape, and we can have the ar- 
rangements for the battle finally completed. 

I am so glad to hear how you have been enjoying yourself. Ever yours 

^The Chicago butchers’ union had struck on July 12 , demanding a restoration of 
wage rates for unskilled labor which the packers had considered excessive. The 
strike continued until September 8. The President, although announcing his intent 
not to interfere, was fearful of the political effect of the strike. The New York 
Worldy on July i8, charged that Roosevelt had ordered the Department of Justice 
to advance the beef trust case on the calendar so that it would be tried before 
election. The World stated that, in retaliation, the beef trust had notified the Presi- 
dent that it would not attempt a settlement of the strike. The strike failed after most 
of the skilled labor “deserted” and went back to work. 

858 



3126 • TO CORNELIUS NEWTON BLISS 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, July 14, 1904 

Aly dear Mr. Bliss: Do you know if Oscar Straus intends to support me or 
not? ^ I do not know what effect Parker’s telegram, and the hysterics with 
which it affected the entire neurotic crowd, may have on him. It seems to me 
that if we could have one or two of our good Jewish friends out here to see 
me notified, it would be all right, as both Protestants and Catholics tvill be 
present. How w'ould Straus, Jacob Schiff and James Speyer do? Would three 
be too many? They all three have been genuine friends. They ivould also 
represent the business element. Always yoiirs 

3127 • TO HENRY CLAY PAYNE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 15, 1904 

My dear Mr. Bayne: This letter and clipping are very interesting. I want you 
to read them carefully. As you know, while I have had the fullest sympathy 
with Senators Spooner and Quarles and our other friends there, yet I feel 
that their action has jeoparded the national ticket. There must not be a 
chance of the accusation that our employees, and especially the Post-Office 
employees, are working for either faction in Wisconsin. Certainly they must 
take no kind of stand until the courts have decided which is the regular 
ticket. Their business is not to mix with factional politics. Please have them 
emphatically w^arned, if it is possible so to warn them without letting the 
matter get into the papers. Is it not possible to expedite a judicial decision of 
the question? Wisconsin’s electoral vote is now, at best doubtful and this 
situation ought to be remedied if possible. Sincerely yours 

3128 • TO GIFFORD PiNCHOT Binchot Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 16, 1904 

Dear Qifford: I did not suppose that you would care for the Assistant Secre- 
taryship, and indeed I never thought of it until Secretary Wilson wrote me. 
Do you care for it? Do you think your agricultural knowledge is sufficient 
for you to take it? I had already to a certain extent committed myself to 
Davison’s friends,^ and it may be that this committal has gone too far to make 

‘Straus on July 18 wrote Roose\'elt that he would support him. Announcing his de- 
cision to the press, Straus declared that “a party which cannot unite or has not the 
wisdom or the courage to unite to put a sound money plank in its platform is not 
sufiSciendy reconstructed to be entrusted with power. ...” He was die first of die 
prominent Qeveland Democrats to take this stand. Widiin a few weeks Major John 
Byrne, John A. McCall, E. A. Philbin, and others followed hk lead. 

‘ George Howard Davkon, Millbroofc, New York, stock farmer, former vice- 
presidSit of the New York State Agricultural ^dety, was the candidye of the 
New York organization for appointment as Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, a 

.859 


it possible to reverse my action. It may also be that the agricultural interests 
which are behind Davison would not be satisfied with you. Do you think I 
could get them satisfied with you? Meanwhile I am holding up the Davison 
matter. 

I do not have to say to you what a keen pleasure it would be to have you 
associated by my own appointment with my administration, but I am not 
able to write more definitely at the moment because I must after hearing 
from you look into the situation as to how much Davison's friends would 
regard me as committed, and as to how much the agricultural interests would 
feel in the matter. If I had dreamed you would have accepted the position I 
would have at the outset settled the matter by your appointment. 

I shall write to Seth Bullock. Faithfully yours 


3129 • TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 16 , 1904 

Dear Governor: Who is H. B. Smith? ^ So far as I know I never heard of him. 
Hadn’t I better try to get Cortelyou to handle him first? I have sent your 
letter on to Cortelyou and asked him to communicate with Smith immedi- 
ately. 

I shall send for Coykendall and Brackett both, as you suggest. Will you 
make it all right with Gil Hasbrouck, so that he won’t object to my sending 
for Coykendall? ^ 

Many thanks for your notes on my speech. Most of your criticisms I 
shall be able to adopt For instance, I shall strike out some -of the repetitions 
of what I say about our promises of the future being gauged by the record 
of achievement. I shall cut in two the sentence on page 2 which you say, with 
absolute truth, is altogether too long. I shall try to see if I cannot work in the 
words you suggest about the Isthmian Canal. 

The matter that you speak of about the tariff and the currency question, 
however, I shall take up in my letter instead of in my speech, as to handle it 
so much at length would, I fear, swell the speech too much. 

I note what you say about -turning the rascals out.” If you do not object 
I shall take this criticism up with Root and find out his judgment upon it. I 

post left vacant by the death of Joseph H. Brigham. Opposed by the National 
Grange and other agricultural group, he was not selected (see No. 3149). After 
considering several candidates, Roosevelt chose Willett Martin Hays of Iowa, a 
former editor of the Prairie Famter, professor of agriculture, and successful experi- 
menter in cross-pollination of grains. 

^ H. B. Smith, Republican assemblyman for the Thirty-first District of New York, 
enjoyed Odell’s support in his unsuccessful effort to be a Presidential elector in 1904. 
* S. D. Coykendall, wealthy steamboat line promoter, who belonged to the same golf 
club as Parker, and Gilbert D. B. Hasbrouck, New York State judge, were nval 
Republican leaders from Kingston, New York. Neither achieved his ambition to be 
an elector in 1904. 


860 



shall put in your concluding sentences about the general honesty of our gov’t. 

As regards the sentences I use about carrying out McKinley’s principles 
and policies, it seems to me I had better simply repeat exactly what I then 
said. It was a short sentence. I shall in my letter of acceptance work up at 
length the difference between the Cleveland policies and the McKinley poli- 
cies. 

I am very much pleased that on the whole you like the speech, and have 
been willing to take so much trouble in connection with it. Sincerely yours 

[Handiiritten] I have heard ugly statements about Davison of Milbrook; 
perhaps he is not the right man. 


3130 ■ TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 1 8, 1 904 

Dear Air. Cortelyou: I feel it of the utmost importance that sometime toward 
the end of September or early in October Knox should make one of the two 
great speeches which he is to make, in New York. The other he has promised 
to make in Pennsylvania, as is right and proper. He will carry weight with 
the very people in New York whom it is important to influence, and will 
give dignity and character to the whole campaign. Moreover, he knows my 
internal policy — that is, the most important branch of aU my policy — as no 
other man knows it, and is in sympathy with it and can state it as no other 
man can. I think that having him speak in New York is more important than 
having any other man speak there. As Mr. Knox will deliver a carefully pre- 
pared address, and is not accustomed to speak to too large an audience, per- 
haps we could choose some special occasion where his hearers would be 
mainly the professional and mercantile classes. But of course this considera- 
tion must yield to the general considerations affecting the campaign as a 
whole. Faithfully yours 

3131 - TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 18, 1904 

Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I send you herewith the completed and corrected copy 
of my speech^ as I have finally drawn it, after it has been carefully gone over 
by Alessrs. Knox and Root. I call your especial attention to the change I have 
made on the last page, at Mr. Knox’s suggestion, where I have left out the 
words “plain people,” and re-formed the sentence. Mr. Knox thought it was 
touched with demagogy in its original form, and I myself have been a little 
uncertain about it anyway. Root agreed with Knox. Make any suggestions or 
corrections that occur to you, and, send the speech back to me as soon as 

' Roosevelt's address to the notification committee, delivered at Oyster Bay, June 27, 

1904; see American Problems, Nat. Ed. XVI, 363-371. 

861 



possible. The sooner I receive it back the earlier it will get in the hands of the 
press people. I think it is in pretty good shape now. Faithfully yours 
[Handnjoritte?!] Tell Aloody I adopted all three of his suggestions. 

3132 • TO WILLIAM HENRY HUNT RoOSCVelt AISS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 20, 1904 

Dear Judge Hunt: I return to you the pages of your report. I am a little 
doubtful about your remedy for the Spanish business. What you say about 
the territorial business is most admirable.^ Will you arrange so that the re- 
port is not made public without my permission? Sincerely yours 

3133 • TO HERMANN HENRY KOHLSAAT Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 20, 1904 

Aly dear Air. Kohlsaat: I am very much obliged to you for your letter of the 
1 8th instant. I think you are right about the religious freedom business, but 
I would not be willing to leave out the words “organization of capital and 
labor.” I want it understood that I am not against unions any more than I 
am against corporations; but I am against abuses in both. I believe I have cov- 
ered your point, however, by inserting an additional sentence wherein I 
assert the rights of individuals as against organizations. 

With hearty thanks and regards, Sincerely yours 

3134 • TO ROBLEY DUNGLISON EVANS Roosevelt AISS. 

Oyster Bay, July 21, 1904 

My dear Admiral Evans: I have read with great interest the report of your 
Interdepartmental Board. Before taking action on it I should like the com- 
ment of the Board upon the enclosed letter from Mr, James R. ShefEeld 
regarding the Marconi matter. You can either reconvene the Board or write 
your own comment and have it submitted to the members of the Board for 
such expressions of opinion as they desire to make.^ Sincerely yours 

^ Hunt had reported that the six or seven thousand Spaniards then living in Porto 
Rico were **out of sympathy with the innovations of American laws, customs, and 
progress.” It would be many years, he believed, before they would accommodate 
to those changes. 

With regard to Porto Rico’s government, Hunt had concluded that the time had 
not yet come for territorial status or independence. Only a minority of politicians, 
he felt, really favored a change in government. He believed that the interests of the 
island could best be served by the promotion of a patriotic pride in the United 
States and the encouragement of hope for territorial status when, in the future, the 
people were capable of self-government. 

Submitted to Roosevelt on July 3, 1904, Hunt’s complete report was later pub- 
lished as Senate Document^ 58 Cong., 3 sess., no, 35, 

Evans was ebjurman of the Interdepartmental Lighthouse Board which had re- 
mwed Army-Navy jurisdictions over wireless telegraphy, then being introduced. 

862 



3135 ’ ™ EDWARD HOWE FORBUSH 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss, 
Oyster Bay, July 21, 1904 

My dear Mr, Forbush: ^ I have just read your special report upon the destruc- 
tion of birds in New England last year, and am so interested that I write to 
ask what have been your observations this spring and summer? Are the birds 
recovering their ground? 

Around my home here on Long Island, and also in Washington, I have 
been unable to see any difference in the number of birds. Around my house, 
for instance, the robins, wood thrushes, catbirds, meadow larks, song spar- 
rows, chipping sparrows, grasshopper finches and Baltimore orioles are as 
plentiful as ever. So with the barn swallows at the stable. I never saw blue- 
birds more common than this year at Washington. Here at Oyster Bay my 
observations have gone over some thirty-one years. During that time I do 
not believe there has been any diminution in the number of birds as a whole. 
Quail and woodcock are not as plentiful as they \vere. I am inclined to think 
that last winter may have been hard on the quail round about here. But on 
the other hand, there are one or two other wild birds that I think have in- 
creased in numbers. The great mass of the species, I should say, are just 
about as numerous as they were. Sincerely yours 


3136 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 2 2, 1 904 

Dear Cabot: I have your letter of the 20th instant. I am very sorry you should 
have had trouble with your tooth. Excepting one’s ear, there is nothing quite 
so painful when it goes wrong. 

I have really not very much to do. As far as I am concerned, my heaviest 
work for the campaign has been done by the three years of administration. 
But I have been hard at work on my speech, and now shall be hard at work 
on my letter. 

I heard from Taft the other day, saying that Parker’s telegram made him 
stronger on the day it was written than it ever would afterwards; that in 
his view his strength would decrease. Perhaps this is true. 

I do not like the Wisconsin situation, and I cannot help thinking that it 
was not fair to the national Republican Party to choose this year to bolt 

The Navy, awarded the larger jurisdiction over coastal stations, contracted for most 
of its installations with the American De Forest Wireless Company, This arrange- 
ment was not altered after the reconsideration, requested in tms letter, of the bid 
of Marconi Wireless, De Forest’s major competitor. 

^Edward Howe Forbush, eminent ornithologist, founder of the Massachusetts Au- 
dubon Society, author of Bhds of Massachusetts <md Other N&ifi England States, 

863 



La FoUette. It would have been all right if the same electors could have gone 
on the same electoral ticket, but as they cannot, the action is certain to 
jeopardize the national ticket; and it would have been far better from the 
national standpoint for the bolters to support the Democratic candidate for 
governor outright. 

I feel as you do about West Virginia. If we lose that State it will be 
owing to the fault of our own State leaders. Here in New York, where close 
on a million and a half votes will be cast, and where the difference may be 
a few diousand one way or the other, it is simply out of the question to 
prophesy. There are things for us and things against us. However, there is 
not much use in trying to make a forecast of the situation. The thing to do 
is to strain every nerve to bring the result aright. 

Love to Nannie. Ever yours 

P. S. I wish you would make inquiries to find out if I ought to go to the 
G.A.R. encampment in Boston. I do not wish to do so if it can possibly be 
avoided. 


3137 • TO ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 23, 1904 

My dear Mr. Secretary: Some very good people interested in the Indiaas 
have made a request that I am going to ask you to have carried out. No 
harm can come if the experiment fails. These are people who are good 
people, who are devoted to the cause of helping the Indians, and who often, 
as in the case of one of their number, Mr. George Bird Grinnell, make 
requests that I cannot grant, so that I am anxious to do what they desire 
when I can. 

Therefore I shall ask you to do the following in order to make Mr. 
Frank Mead’s work in the Southwest more effective. Please allow him a 
financial clerk, to accompany him in the field, with a salary of a thousand 
dollars a year and traveling expenses. Let him select his own man. Direct the 
Indian agents and bonded superintendents in California, Nevada, Utah, 
Arizona, New Mexico and Colorado to report to Mead as General Super- 
visor on the first of every month as to the industrial condition of the 
Indians, and their proposed industrial plans for the coming summer, and 
then as to the progress from month to month on the several reservations. 
Give the General Supervisor a copy of the letter to all the agents and super- 
intendents notified as above. Then after the notification has been sent, order 
the General Supervisor to visit the reservations in the States and Territories 
mentioned, so that by the end of the season he can report to the Department 
in full as to the general conditions and industrial progress, and make such 
recommendations as may seem necessary. Sincerely yours 

864 



3138 • TO JACX)B GOULD SCHURMAN 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, July 25, 1904 

My dear Preside 7 it Schurman: I thank you cordially for your letter, and I 
think I can use to advantage the suggestions you make in my letter of accept- 
ance. My speech of acceptance has already been sent to the press. I shall not 
defend myself as to the charges of my being a bullv, etc., because I do not 
mean to let them put me upon the defensive in reference to what I regard as 
preposterous accusations — indeed, so preposterous that they must be made 
in bad faith. For instance, the World, Times, Post, etc., are declaiming that 
I must be beaten because I am the dictator of my party, and that Parker must 
be elected because he is the dictator of his. As a matter of fact, neither state- 
ment is true. 

In my letter to the Cuban dinner I took the position which is substan- 
tially as you suggested — a letter which it seems to me can only be misunder- 
stood of dishonest purpose, and which beyond shadow of doubt outlines 
the policy which we must adopt. I entirely agree that the Monroe Doctrine 
should not be pushed to such an extreme as to warrant our interference with 
the alfairs of other nations, unless in defense of our otvn interests and honor. 

I have put on a sentence at the very end of what I say about the Filipinos 
which I think will meet your desires, excepting that it is not, in my judg- 
ment, wise or proper to promise too much at present. 

With hearty thanks, I am, Sincerely yottrs 


3139 • TO JOHN HAY Rooscvelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 26, 1904 

My dear John: I think the enclosed from Springy^ will interest you. The 
contingency of which he does not take account is, I think, on the whole, the 
most likely to happen, namely, that the Japs will win out. If they take Port 
Arthur, the Baltic Squadron could do litde even if they could get around, 
and I don’t think they can. The Japs have played our game because they have 
played the game of civilized mankind. People talk of the “yellow peril,” and 
speak of the Mongol invasion of Europe. Why, the descendants of those 
very Mongols are serving under the banners of Russia, not under the banners 
of Japan. We may be of genuine service, if Japan wins out, in preventing 
interference to rob her of the fruits of her victory. Ever yours 

‘Spring Rice’s rraly to Roosevelt’s letter of Jane 13 (No. 3096), analyzed the sit- 
uation in the Orimt and Ae probfd>le effect of a Russian victory on international 
relations in Oiina and Manchuria. See Stephen Gwynn, ed., The Letters md Friend- 
ships of Sir Cecil Spring Rice (Boston, 1929), 1 , 419-413. 

865 



3140 • TO LYMAN ABBOTT 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, July 26, 1904 

My dear Dr. Abbott: I was much interested in that statement from the Spec- 
tator, quoted by you in your last number. The writer, whoever he was, has 
exactly got what I think is my mental attitude. Normally I disbelieve in the 
extreme view, the fanatical view. For instance I would not be willing to die 
for what I regard as the untrue abstract statement that all men are in aU 
respects equal, and are all alike entitled to the same power; but I would be 
quite willing to die — or better still, to fight so effectively that I should live 
— for the proposition that each man has certain rights which no other man 
should be allowed to take away from him, and that in certain great and vital 
matters all men should be treated as equal before the law and before the bar 
of public opinion. In government generally I have a feeling of distaste and 
impatience for those who indulge in declamatory statements about an impos- 
sible righteousness; but I believe that a high standard of righteousness is 
eminently possible, and I should be entirely willing to face any defeat in 
fighting for such a standard. 

Now, a word about another article in the same Outlook, that referring 
to the plank in the Republican platform about representation in Congress, 
which of course meant primarily representation from the Southern States. 
I knew nothing of this plank, and had I been consulted would have advised 
strongly against putting it in for the simple reason that I think there are too 
many people who feel just as the Outlook feels about it, and that where a 
wrong cannot be remedied it is not worth while to sputter about it; but 
while the verbiage of the plank is clumsy, I think its meaning is entirely 
moral, and the thing that astounds me is the queer dough-faced indifference 
with which the North submits on this matter. Take John Sharp Williams, 
for instance. He represents a district in which there are 48,000 whites and 
143,000 blacks. That is, for every white man like John Sharp Williams there 
are three colored men. He and his fellow whites have suppressed this colored 
vote so absolutely by force, by fraud, by every species of iniquity (and I 
am not speaking at random; I am simply repeating what John Sharp Wil- 
liams’ leading constituents frankly told roe when I was in Mississippi a couple 
of years ago), that it is not only not worth while for a colored man to vote, 
but it is not worth while for a white man to vote after the Democrats have 
nominated their candidate. At the last election Williams did not have a 
single vote against him, and but 1400 for him; and with what I feel is pe- 
culiarly repulsive hypocrisy, he whose very political existence is the nega- 
tion of the Declaration of Independence, who could not stay one hour in 
politics if he did not refuse to take the consent of three-fourths of his con- 
stituents in governing themselves — if he did not in his own district treat 
the “consent of the governed” theory as the veriest nonsense — this man 

866 


comes to Congress and declaims against our policy in the Philippines on the 
ground that it is a contravention of the Declaration of Independence and of 
the “consent of the governed” theory! Why, if he would head a movement 
to give the colored people of his own district but a fraction of the rights 
that we have already given the Philippine people, I should feel that the race 
tpestion in the South was well on the way toward solution. But instead of 
this he stands at home as the representative of those who would deny to the 
negro, not only the right to vote, but the right to hold any office or do any 
work which a white man wants to hold or to do. 

Now, there are two sides to this. In the first place there is the fact that 
John Sharp Williams’ existence in Congress means the cynical violation of 
the Fifteenth Amendment, Mississippi has an entire right to establish any 
qualifications for its voters. If in Williams’ district the three black men, 
whose votes he first suppresses, and then casts for them, are incompetent to 
vote; if they are too ignorant, or too thriftless, or too criminal, or too foolish 
to be able to exercise their responsibility aright, why of course let them be 
refused the right to vote; but let them be refused, not because of the color 
of their skins but because of their unfitness, and let us hold the same standard 
for black and for white alike. Is this not fair? Can we afford, as a people, 
permanently to occupy any other ground.’ 

But more than this; aside from the question of the injustice done the 
black, is the injustice done the white man in the North or in such portions 
of the South as eastern Tennessee, western North Carolina, and western 
Virginia. Williams has the same right in law and in morals to have his vote 
count in every way that any man in the North has. His vote, no matter how 
foolishly he chooses to exercise it, must be counted as equal to that of any 
voter in Indiana or Massachusetts; but he has no right, either in law or in 
morals, to have his vote counted so as to equal the votes of four white .men 
in TnHigna or Massachusetts. Yet this is just precisely what now happens. 
Surely so gross a travesty on the rights and duties of man under a system of 
popular government cannot permanently obtain. 

Now, I am well aware that there are plenty of things which are wrong, 
which nevertheless it may be impossible at the moment to change, and that 
we are bound in such cases to face facts as they are, to make the best of a 
bad business. But if the issue is forced upon me, I shall certainly not hesi- 
tate to meet it; and it seems to me that if one has to speak about it, there is 
but one way in which it is possible to speak of it. 

I have written you thus frankly in the midst of a political campaign, 
where I have nothing to gain and everything to lose by ^y agitation of the 
race question, because while I want to win out if I legitimately can, there 
are some great fundamental questions that interest me a great deal more than 
any possible success or defeat of mine. You will have noticed that in nay 
speed! of acceptance I did not touch upon this matter at all If I can avoid 

867 



touching upon it and retain my self-respect, I shall do so; but I have not the 
slightest question as to what the right of the matter is, or as to what should 
be done if it were possible. Faithfully yours 

[Haiidwritteji] By the way, the assertion that McKinley brought up the 
friendly feeling of the South is fiction. In 1 896 the South was more friendly 
to him than in 1900. The South was the only section in which McKinley’s 
vote fell off and Bryan’s increased in 1900. 

3141 • TO JOHN BYRNE Roosevelt Mss* 

Oyster Bay, July 27, 1904 

Aly dear Alajo 7 ‘: By this time you will have read my speech of acceptance. 

Now, about legislation. As you know all that I have felt is that I do not 
want to say anything until I can get the financial people themselves to come 
to an agreement. This I have been endeavoring to do hard for two years, but 
I have not yet been able to get as high as twenty-five per cent of the bankers 
and businessmen to agree on any one scheme. I think we could get Congress 
to act if we could get anything like united action among the people of the 
financial world. Can you come on to Washington, or else to Oyster Bay as 
soon as I get back here, and see me? I shall be in Washington from July 29th 
to about August 15th, when I shall return here. 

With warm regards, believe me, Smcerely yours 

3142 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, July 28, 1904 

Dear Elihu: Cortelyou had gone when your letter came. I have read the 
speech through three times, feeling that I was derelict in being unable to 
make any suggestions to improve it; but beyond two or three utterly unim- 
portant verbal changes there is no point in which I can see that it can be 
bettered. As I say, I feel really rather ashamed that there is not anything. I 
particularly like what you say as to there being no suppressions of the truth 
or misleading of the Convention as to the principles and opinions of our 
candidate in order to bring his nomination about. After a good deal of 
thought I have come to the conclusion that you are entirely right in taking 
the tone you do about Davis. You are scrupulously courteous to him per- 
sonally, and your severity is reserved (effectually) for the fact of his nomina- 
tion. I return the speech.^ 

It was delightful having you at Oyster Bay. I only wish Mrs. Root could 
have been with you. Ever yours 

^In his speech of August 3, notifying Fairbanks of his nomination, Root dwelt at 
length upon the dangers involved in nominatmg a man of Davis* age. Pointing out 
that Davis was bom durii^ Monroe’s administration, he questionetf his capacity to 
perform the duties of the Presidency should Parker, if elected, die in office. 

868 



3143 • TO JOHN ELLIOTT PILLSBURY RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, July 29, 1904 

My dear Captam Fillsbury:^ In strict confidence I v/ould like your Board 
to be considering what we should do in case it became necessary for our 
Asiatic squadron to bottle up the Vladivostok Russian squadron. I do not 
anticipate the slightest trouble, but in view of Russia’s attitude toward neu- 
tral vessels carrying what she is pleased to call contraband, I want to be pre- 
pared for emergencies.^ Sincerely yours 


3144 * TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Washington, July 29, 1904 

Dear John: I look forward to seeing you on Friday, the 5th. 

That was a very interesting letter of Morgan’s. 

Will you give my warm regards to Shanks?^ I feel as he does about 
Foulke, but as you know Hitchcock is violently against it, and I don’t see 
how I can dictate in the matter. 

I am not feeling any too kindly toward Russia, and I want you to think 
well what we shall do in case they seize an American ship. My own inclina- 
tion is to notify them immediately that we will not stand it, and to move 
our Asiatic Squadron northward. Of course I would put our statement in 
polite language, but very firmly, and I should do it with the intention of 
having our squadron bottle up the Valdivostok fleet, in case they attempted 
to cut up rough. Airways yours 


3145 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, July 29, 1904 

Dear Will: I have asked you to stop in New York to see Satolli,^ Primarily 
it is for the Philippine business, and on this point I wish you would tell him 
for me how much we believe it would benefit alfairs if Harty should sue- 

^ John Elliott Pillsbury, Captain, U.S.N., then Acting Chief of the Bureau of Naviga- 
tion. 

* Russia’s broad definitions of contraband included coal, all other fuels, and raw 
cotton, commodities which Hay asserted were not contraband according to the 
classic definitions of international law, Russia’s seizure on July 27 of the Arabia^ 
sa^g under German flag but chartered by an American corporation, with a cargo 
consisting principally of flour, aggravated Russian-Americati difirerences of defini- 
tion. For the exchanges of notes on these and related topics between the United 
States and Russia, see Foreign Relcuions of the United States, 1904 (Washington, 
1905)1 pp. 72<^8 o . 

^ William Franklin Gore Shanks, journalist, author, old and’ dose friend of Hay. 

* Francisco, Cardinal Satolli, Papal legate then in New York City. 

869 



ceed Guidi. Also, point out to him, as an instance of our difficulties there, 
that the Democratic party has declared for the independence of the Philip- 
pines; that such independence would mean the immediate triumph of the 
Aglipayans, and that the Catholics who support the Democrats under these 
circumstances should understand that not only the American bishops and 
priests but practically the authority of Rome will vanish from the islands, 
and a virtually independent Aglipayan church remain — a church which will 
speedily sink to about the level of Abyssinian Christianity. 

The next thing is that I wish you would say to him from me (but of 
course confidentially) that the Polish priest. Father John Pitass, of Buffalo, 
is most anxious to be made a vicar-general, and that while I am influenced by 
my personal friendship for Father Pitass, I also believe that from the stand- 
point of the Catholic church it would be well to make him a vicar-general 
forthwith. He has immense influence with the Poles, and he steadily exerts 
this influence for good citizenship. They are an important element, and it is 
of interest to everyone to have them feel contented and satisfied with their 
treatment, for this will tend to make them good citizens in the American 
body politic. It is of course not my affair; but so many Poles have asked me 
to lay the matter before Cardinal Satolli, that I thought I would do so. Ever 
yours 


3146 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, July 30, 1904 

Dear Cabot: In the first place, about that labor business. I enclose a copy of 
the letter we have sent to Cain.^ Moody says there is not one particle of 
justice in his claim, but of course I want to cause as little trouble as I can. 

I have written to the Isthmian Canal Commission at once about the coal 
contract, which I can hardly believe.® 

I shall write Mellen, as he is a good friend of mine and I can speak to 
him with entire frankness.® 

About Chase, if I remember aright we decided that all the alternates 
should enter into a competitive examination and the highest ones be ap- 
pointed. Is that so? I know the business has been settled definitely. I shall 
look up the case forthwith. 

Meyer has done admirably. 

As yet I do not see my way clear to go on to ffie G. A. R. meeting. 

* George L. Cain, secretary-treasurer of District Lodge No, 44 of the International 
Association of Machinkcs. Roosevelt referred Cain’s suggestions on the payment of 
workers at navy yards and arsenals to Taft and Morton. See No. 3185. 

*SeeNo. 3147. 

*SeeNo. 3148. 


870 



Undoubtedly it would do some good, I am confident it would do some 
harm; and at present I think it would do more harm than good. For instance, 
I am having great trouble with the labor people who are demanding inter- 
ference in the Chicago and Colorado strikes. Undoubtedly there will be 
demands for me to speak on Labor Day. If I speak to or review the Grand 
Army, it will be difficult for me to refuse to speak to or review^ the Labor 
Day people. The only safe thing is to keep to my invariable rule. I suppose 
the Grand Army, which is already feeling in fairly good temper, v'ould feel 
a trifle better if I went on, but I know a great deal of harm w’ould be done 
by it. Incidentally there would be the industriously circulated statement that 
I was doing it purely for political effect. 

Of course I am much pleased that you like my speech. I am now about 
to begin on my letter. Probably I shall not get back to Oyster Bay before 
the 20th of August. Can you come to see me soon after that date? There is 
very much I have to talk over with you. 

With love to Nannie, Alv^ays yours 


3147 • TO THE ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Washington, July 30, 1904 

To the Istlnnian Canal Cominssion: In a letter I have just received it is 
alleged that a contract for coal has been let to an English shipping firm with- 
out bids being received from Americans. Of course I take it for granted that 
this is untrue, but would you please give me the facts in the case? American 
bidders are of course to be preferred when they will do the work equally 
well and cheaply. 


3148 • TO CHARLES SANGER MELLEN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, July 31, 1904 

My dear Mr. Mellen: I venture to write you personally about Lodge. He is, 
as you know, a very close friend of mine. An attack is being made upon him 
in Massachusetts.^ I do not think there is any chance of its succeeding, but 
if you see an opportunity to put a peg in for him, will you do it? 

I need not say what a pleasure it was to see you the other day. Can you 
come on here without inconvenience during the next week or ten days? 
There are certain details of the campaign that I should particularly like to 
talk over with you. Faithfully your 5 


^Eugene N. Foss was leading this attack against Lodge because of the senator’s 
oppoation to reciprocity. 

871 



3149 ' 'TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, August i, 1904 

My dear Governor Odell: The three members of the National Grange — 
Aaron Jones, the head of the Grange, a Republican of Indiana; Bell,^ of Ver- 
mont, the Republican nominee for Governor; and Norris,^ of New York — 
called on me in reference to the Assistant Secretaryship of Agriculture. They 
strongly object to Davison, and say his appointment would be distasteful to 
the farmers, who feel that he is not a genuine representative of them and 
would not be at home with them and know their real feelings,* wishes and 
needs. I think it would he inadvisable to appoint any man whom the repre- 
sentatives of the Grange object to. I asked them to give me several names 
from New York, and mentioned laughingly that you had said to me that if 
Norris was only of the right politics you would recommend him. This pro- 
duced a rather unexpected result, for afterwards the two Republicans, Jones 
and Bell, called upon me and asked me if I could not appoint Norris anyway, 
saying that they understood he was favorable toward my election (which 
I think is an error), and that they thought the Grange everywhere would be 
much pleased with his appointment; but that, being both Republicans, they 
would of course not press it or suggest it if the Republican workers in New 
York would object. I said I would write to you and speak to you about it, 
but I told them I thought we should be cautious about making an appoint- 
ment which might look as if it was a case of bargain and sale — that is, as if 
Norris was supporting me for the sake of obtaining the appointment — and 
which might give offense to the Republican workers. What do you think of 
the matter? Of course if we appointed Norris we should have to put it 
simply upon the ground that in making this appointment to a position in 
which the farmers are so vitally interested, we paid no heed to politics, but 
simply took the man the farmers felt was their especial representative. But 
would not this cause us trouble with the Republican workers? And more- 
over, would there not be the danger that it would be treated as a case of 
bargain and sale? Write me confidentially your views. If Davison, who is a 
Republican, w^ere turned down for a Democrat, might not the effect in New 
York State be bad! We must not only do what is right, but what our oppo- 
nents, from the liars of the Evening Post stamp down, cannot misrepresent 
as wrong. 

Now would it do to appoint the head of the Grange, Aaron Jones, who 
is a Republican in Indiana? Would not this do almost as well among the New 
York Grangers? I do not know that it would do to appoint him in any event, 

^Charles James Bell, master of the Vermont Grange since 1894, in 1904 elected 

Republican Governor of Vermont. 

* Elliot B. Norris, Wayne County, New York, Democrat; head of the state Grange; 

in 1898 unsuccessful candidate for state treasurer. 

872 



and I should prefer to appoint a New York man; but I throw out this sug- 
gestion for what it is w’orth.^ Sincerely yours 

3150 • TO CHARLES JAMES BELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August i, 1904 

My dear Air. Bell: I have carefully gone over the subject of our conversation 
with Secretary Wilson, and I have written Governor Odell. There is one 
matter to which I think Mr. Norris should give full heed, I do not mean that 
I have come to a definite conclusion about it, but it is something we want 
to think of with open minds. Even if Mr. Norris w’ere outright for my elec- 
tion, do you think it would be wise from his own standpoint, as well as from 
the general standpoint, to appoint him to this place when two years ago he 
ran on the New York State Democratic ticket? Would it not look too much 
like bargain and sale? I took a great fancy to him, and if the opportunity 
comes after election it would give me great pleasure to appoint him to any 
position of this kind, for I think he is the type of farmers’ representative 
whom it would be well to have in such a position; but during the next ninetj’^ 
days not only must our actions be straight, but they must be as little as pos- 
sible susceptible of misinterpretation. Every form of lie that can be told 
will be told about us, and every form of slander invented; and before making 
Mr. Norris’ appointment we want to be careful and weigh the possible mis- 
interpretation that can be put upon it. 

I wish you would ask Mr, Norris, if convenient to him, to come on here 
and see me. 

So far the letter I have written you is a duplicate of one I have written 
Mr. Jones. Now a word more. How would IVlr. Jones himself do? Of course 
I should wish to consult Senator Fairbanks before even considering his 
appointment, and I would not want to make the appointment if I could pos- 
sibly get the right man from New York; but how do you think the Grange 
generally would accept Mr. Jones’ appointment if I were able to make it? 
Sincerely yours 


3151 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP RoOSeVclt MsS, 

Personal Washington, August i, 1904 

My dear Bishop: I have your letter of the 30th. Do send me a copy of that 
book here, I am glad of what you say in regard to the situation in New York 
where the metropolitan press is so universally against me as to give to out- 
siders the impression that the democrats are pretty sure to win. 

Won’t you write to Root yourself! I am literally ashamed to say another 
word to him on the subject. I agree with you absolutely that it will be a bad 
* Roosevelt sent a similar letter to T. C. Platt on August a. 

873 



thing for him not to run; and yet how can I press him to run when he says 
it is a sacrifice he simply cannot make? 

I like your editorial. Will you let me make one suggestion? Cannot you 
take up Taggart’s selection? Think of the utter dishonesty of those scoun- 
drels like Oswald Villard, Rollo Ogden and the rest of the mugwump gang! 
They make a yell about my purely imaginary dealings with Addicks. They 
cither know or ought to know that I have not had any dealings with him of 
any kind, sort or description; have never made an appointment for him, or 
considered him in any way. But here is Mr. Parker’s own choice for Chair- 
man of the National Committee, and Mr. Parker chooses to have manage 
his campaign a man who is in every shape and way, accepting all that is said 
of Addicks as true, as bad a man as Addicks. In private life Mr. Taggart has 
gained no small portion of his income from the fact that he runs gambling 
establishments. A Parker paper, the Herald, has set this out in its news col- 
umns. In public life he relies wholly upon the use of money, in colonizing 
Kentucky repeaters, in buying voters outright & to carry Indiana. The mug- 
■WTimp crowd not merely lie about everything I have ever done, but they 
are now supporting Parker as a virtuous man, blinding themselves to Parker’s 
record in connection with the Dean frauds and the Maynard steal of the 
State; to the fact that he was the Chairman of the Democratic State Com- 
mittee under Hill, and Hill’s campaign manager, with all that that implies; 
to the fact that his chance of carrying New York depends upon the active 
support of Hill and Ed Murphy, two men of an infinitely lower type than 
any republican leader of like prominence that we have ever had in the State 
of New York; and finally to the choice of Taggart, a choice which is liter- 
ally as if I had put Addicks in the place of Cortelyou. I claim that no man 
who professes what the Evening Post and Times have made believe to pro- 
fess is justified in supporting Mr. Parker, if he were the Angel Gabriel him- 
self, when he selects Taggart as the man to do the active work of the cam- 
paign. What would the Evening Post say if instead of Cortelyou I had 
chosen Addicks? Of course, you and I know that Oswald Villard and Rollo 
Ogden are thoroughly dishonest and mendacious, but their mendacity and 
dishonesty in this matter should be exposed. 

With warm regards, Alvoays yours 

3152 • TO JOSEPHINE SHAW LOWELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, August 1, 1904 

My dear Mrs. Lovoell: I have just received your letter of the 30th. I wish I 
could make my view clear to you, but I don’t see how I can. I cannot promise 
more explicitly both because I do not believe in promising what I have not 
the power to carry out, and because I chink that to go further in promising 
than I have gone would be to do real damage to the Filipinos. I think the 
Democrats are utterly insincere in promising independence to them. Let me 

874 



give you a practical illustration of the difficulties that would be in the way. 
Are the Aloros to be independent also? Of course if there is a moral inhibi- 
tion in our governing the Filipinos in their own interest, it applies equally 
to the Moros, and vice versa. As a matter of fact the Christian Filipinos could 
not live six months in peace if there was not some strong government over 
the Moros. Are we to remain in the islands as the governors of the Moham- 
medans and not the governors of the Christians? Is not the wise and proper 
thing to do what we are doing — that is, to speak only the exact truth, to 
keep faith, to give them the legislature as we have stated we would do, and 
then wait at least a year or tw'o and see what the results are of this great 
added measure of political independence before even considering how much 
more political independence shall be given them? If the Democrats came in 
and granted to the people political independence, I verily believe that dread- 
ful disaster would befall the islanders and be a disgrace to our flag. As a 
matter of fact, I do not believe they will keep their word and give this inde- 
pendence. 

Have you ever reflected upon the absurdity of a party which has Taggart 
as its chairman — a man w'ho represents all that is most tncious in American 
political life — have you ever reflected upon this party pretending to be a 
reform party? Mr. Carl Schurz has declared for Parker, apparently upon 
anti-imperialism.^ Air. Carl Schurz wrote this winter an article on the colored 
question in the South which I thought a very brave and manly article. Appar- 
ently I was mistaken, for if Mr. Carl Schurz was sincere when he wrote that 
article he cannot be sincere in supporting Mr. Parker now. Mr. John Sharp 
Williams, for instance, who presided over the convention which nominated 
Mr. Parker, and made the great speech of that convention, represents a dis- 
trict in which twenty-sk per cent of the people, being white, govern with- 
out their consent and against their wishes seventy-four per cent of the people, 
who happen to be colored. If Mr. Williams will head a movement to give to 
those seventy-four per cent of the people of his district just one-tenth of the 
civil rights and personal liberty and share in the government which we are 
giving to the Filipinos, I should hail the southern question as well on the way 
to solution. Yet Mr. Carl Schurz supports the party of Mr. Williams against 
the party of John Hay and Elihu Root and WiUiam H. Taft! Sincerely yours 

3153 - TO JOHN B. -woRRALt. Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, Atgust i, 1904 

My dear Sir: ^ I have your letter of the 29th ultimo. What I write you is 
personal and not for publication, for I do not regard it as seemly or proper 

‘Roosevelt was not entirdy correct. Schurz, dedaxing for Parker, had called the 

candidate’s telegram on gold “one of those noble standards of moral courage and 

civic virtue of which our public life stands so much in need.” 

* John B. Worrall, pastor of the Pirat Presbyterian Church of Kansas Qty. 

875 



to enter into a discussion which may give rise to anything like sectarian 
bitterness. Last winter I received a delegation of visiting Welsh Methodist 
clergymen at the White House. I received a delegation of visiting Congrega- 
tionalist ministers from England at the White House. I received a delegation 
of Scotch Presbyterians at the White House and had two of their number 
to dinner. I received a delegation of Lutheran ministers from Germany. I 
received a delegation of Baptists from Australia at the White House. Next 
September the Archbishop of Canterbury is coming here and I shall have 
him to dine at the White House. I received Cardinal Satolli at the White 
House; just exactly as I received the Methodists, the Presbyterians, the Bap- 
tists, the Lutherans, etc. I am President of all the people. I shall not discrimi- 
nate for or against a man because he is a Catholic. or because he is a Protestant, 
and Catholic or Protestant ecclesiastics who come here and who are men of 
reputable character will be received by me with the same courtesy. Surely 
you must agree with this, and I feel I shall have your sympathy with my 
attitude when I state that I desire to handle myself toward Catholics exactly 
as I should wish a Catholic President to handle himself tow^ards Protestants 
— in other words, as I think an American President should behave toward all 
honest men of any creed. Sincerely yours 

3154 ■ TO ERVIN WARDMAN RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 2, 1904 

My dear Mr. Wardwan: ^ I wish to thank you with all my heart for the 
admirable work the Press is doing. You have answered the World exactly. 
I wish I could see Mr. Einstein and you sometime soon. I hope, by the way, 
you can parallel the articles in the World and Sim of last Saturday — the 
World saying that I have abandoned labor and am truckling to capital, and 
the Sun that I have abandoned capital and am truckling to labor.^ Moreover, 
it seems to me that it would be a first-class thing for our people to circulate 
this statement from the Sun^s editorial of Saturday, July 30th, where, in 
speaking of me, they say: 

“He is on the side of the men who are every day seeking to overthrow 
the Constitution, and who entertain for it nothing but derision and hatred. 
He has joined their organizations, espoused their creed, received their 
leaders at his dwelling and in his official residence; and as President of the 
United States has welcomed their delegates x x” 

You will observe that this is an assault upon the Brotherhood of Locomo- 
tive Firemen, which they call a criminal organization. It is an attack upon 

^ Ervin Wardman, editor and publisher of the New York Press, 

"On Au^st 5 the fress followed Rooseveltfs suggestion. The previous day the 
Tribune had printed a similar editorial, paralleling the statements to which Roosevelt 
referred. 


876 



me because I am an honorary member of that organization, and because I 
have had labor men to lunch and dinner just as I have had capitalists, I should 
be glad to have this printed as widely as possible! Sincerely yours 


3 1 5 5 • TO ELIHU ROOT Rooscvelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, August 2, 1904 

Dear Elihii: Cannon, Hull, Hopkins, Overstreet,^ and so many others have 
spoken to me and urged me to speak to you, that I think I ought to say just 
a word. As to your strength as a candidate for Governor of New York, the 
enclosed letter from Bishop will show you that even our enemies admit it. 
But what Cannon and the others I have mentioned insist upon is that you are 
a national figure; that the Republicans of this country are turning their eyes 
toward you as being the man who, by present appearances, would, if elected 
Governor of New York, become the foremost Republican in the land, and 
the natural leader of the party. They were naturally moderate in what they 
said — not in the least hysterical, not trying to pledge themselves; but one 
and all put it that by present appearances, if you ran for Governor and were 
elected, you would become the man most likely to be nominated by the 
Republicans for the Presidency in 1908; and they evidently had the feeling 
that only the greatest personal interest on your part should prevent your 
meeting the wish, not merely of the New York State Republicans, but prac- 
tically of all the Republicans of the country in this instance. It is the literal 
truth that in the Middle West the people are more interested in your run- 
ning for Governor of New York than they are in their own State contests. 
This, you know, was exactly the case with me in ’98. When I ran for Gov- 
ernor of New York the crowds around the bulletin boards in Philadelphia, 
Indianapolis and Chicago were a great deal more interested in my success 
than they were in the success of their own State tickets. They are feeling 
the same way about you now, I know well that in speaking this way to you 
I am speaking for what is my own interest; but I know also that this is not 
my controlling thought. 

When I get back to Oyster Bay by the 20th of this month, and before 
the ist of September, would it be possible for you to come down and see me 
and go over my letter of acceptance? ® My speech went off so well that I 
wish to Heaven I could leavelt as the letter and not write an additional letter. 
But this cannot be done. 

With regards to Mrs. Root, Al'ivays yours 

^ John Albert TiiEn Hull, Republican congressman from Iowa, 1891-19x1, at this 
time chairman of the Militairy Aifairs Committee, and Jesse Overstreet, Republican 
congressman from Indiana, 1895-1909, in 1904 were both members of the Republican 
congressional campaign committee. 

®See No. 323a. 


877 



3 I 5<5 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 2, 1904 

My dear Murray: Did you see the article in last Saturday’s World? It would 
do to run in parallel columns with that in the Sun which you sent me. The 
World accuses me of sacrificing my convictions by deserting labor and the 
plain people and truckling to capital. The Szm makes the same accusation, 
excepting that it says that I have deserted property and righteousness by 
truckling to labor. I should as soon think of answering one as the other. It 
seems to me, moreover, that if I took any part of the Suites article to answer, 
it would be that in which it makes a violent attack upon me because I have 
had labor men to dinner and received them at the White House; because I 
have joined the Firemen’s Brotherhood as an honorary member, and so forth. 
I would much sooner take up this part of their article than the other. I think 
that the Stm in its mendacity and slander reaches a level almost as low as the 
Evejiing Vost^ and even lower than the infamous level of the World. But how 
can I answer any one of the three, or the New York Times? If you have seen 
the Sun of today you will have seen that they talk of my “bullying and 
browbeating the coal operators” at the time of the anthracite strike when 
they visited me. You have a copy of Cleveland’s letter to me on that subject, 
have you not? Alnjoays yours 


3157 • TO BOOKER TALIAFERRO WASHINGTON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 2, 1904 

My dear Mr. Washington: I had a most satisfactory talk with Durham^ and 
thanked him most heartily for the suggestion. You and he, of course, will 
talk to Chairman Cortelyou about the matter. 

The Evening Post is showmg even more than its usual hypocrisy and 
mendacity about the colored question. Last year Rollo Ogden, on behalf of 
the Evening Posty pledged the support of his paper to us on this issue in the 
presence of John Hay. I paid no heed to it, for I do not believe that either 
Ogden or Villard have any idea of truthfulness or of keeping a promise, so 
I was not in the least surprised at their attacking me. The plank which was 
put in the National platform calls for Congressional action, and not action 
by the President. It is in intefition morally all right, but the question is one 
of such importance that I should not be willing to discuss it without going 
over the whole subject with you and with the best men I could get at, white 

^John Stephens Durham, Philadelphia Negro, author, editor, lawyer, diplomatist. 
At this time an assistant attorney of the United States preparing defenses against 
claims before the Spanish Treaty Claims Commission, Durham had been United 
States minister to Haiti and charge to Santo Domingo, 1891-'! 893. From 1900 to 1904 
he was vice-president of the Pennsylvania League of Repubfican Clubs. 

878 



and black, in the South. So I think I shall follow your suggestion, at any rate 
for the time being, and let it alone. 

With great regard, Sincerely yoitrs 


3158 • TO OUTOR WENDELL HOLMES RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 2, 1904 

My dear Hohnes: Evidently we are exposed! I see that Charles Francis 
Adams, in his speech last night, said: 

They talk today of paramount issues — the issue of anti-imperialism, the great 
race issue in the South, the issue of the tariff, the money issue, the issue of trusts. 
They talk about “curbing the trust.” I maintain there is no issue before the Ameri- 
can people so important or so difficult to meet as the issue of curbing the Senate. 
The oligarchic body has got to be brought back to its proper functions in the 
machinery of government or disaster will result. As was predicted in the early 
days of the Constitution, a portion of the legislative clothed with a share of execu- 
tive functions has usurped functions one by one which did not belong to it, until 
even appointments in the judiciary have been turned over to members of the 
Senatorial ring, to be disposed of as comfortable berths for life for their influential 
political “heelers.” There is no department of the government today in which that 
irresponsible chamber is not actually supreme, under the operation of what is 
known as “the courtesy of the Senate.” 

As you and Day are my two chief judicial appointees, I think I shall now 
try to find out who were the political heelers responsible for your appoint- 
ment, that I may ask them to see that you swing your \vards properly this 
fall. 

With love to Mrs. Holmes, Ever yours 


3159 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 3, 1904 

My dear Mr. Speaker: On page 37 of the Benton^ which is forwarded to you 
herewith, you will see what I have said about the Quakers. 

I enclose you a copy of the letter I wrote during the campaign of 1900 
to a Quaker. I think I covered the ground therein. Does this meet the issue? 

In the New York Sun of Monday, July 30th, in a violent attack upon me, 
occurs the following: 

He is on the side of the men who are every day seeking to overthrow the 
Constitution, and who entertain for it nothing but derision and hatred. He has 
joined their organizations, espoused their creed, received their leaders at his dwell- 
ing and in his official residence; and as President of the United States has wel- 
comed their delegates x x 

This refers to the fact that I am an honorary member of the Brotherhood of 
Locomotive Firemen; that I have received every decent delegation of labor 

879 



men just as I have received every decent capitalist; that I have had John 
Mitchell and Frank Sargent and various other labor leaders to lunch or 
dinner, just exactly as I have had the heads of various great railway and other 
corporations to lunch or dinner. The populist papers attack me for having the 
heads of these great corporations at the White House, and the papers like 
the Sim attack me for having die labor leaders at the White House. To quote 
the language I used to a delegation of labor men in ansuxr to a question, I 
have throughout acted on the theory that “While I am in the White House 
its doors will swing open as easily to wageworkers as to capitalists, and no 
more easily.” This sums up my whole attitude in the matter. It is what I have 
done in the past and what I shall continue to do in the future, and I think 
we can afford to take straight-out, radical ground on the question, which is, 
after all, simply the question of treating each man, rich or poor, on his merits, 
and making him feel that at the White House, which is the Nation’s property, 
all reputable citizens of the Nation are sure of lilce treatment. Faithfully 
yours 


3160 • TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 4, 1904 

Sir: I received your letter of July 30th, together with the report of John 
Graham Brooks, dated July 4th, and have read both with the utmost care. 
I am inclined to agree with the opinions expressed in your letter. The state 
of facts set forth in the report of Mr. Brooks, however, is so extraordinary 
that before taking final action I should like to have the independent report 
of your other representative, who is now in Colorado. I desire, of course, 
that this report be as full and exhaustive as possible, but so far as is consistent 
with thoroughness I should like to have it expedited as much as possible. 
When you have received it and gone through it, will you kindly communi- 
cate it to me with your comments, that I may then take aU the papers in 
the case, submit them to the Attorney General and go over them with him, 
to the end that I may see whether any action by the national government is 
required or permitted in the premises. Sincerely yours 


3161 - TO EUGENE HALE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, August 4, 1904 

Dear Senator Hale: That is a rather gloomy letter of yours, but I want to 
know exactly the truth and am glad you wrote it. I shall ask Cortelyou to 
arrange for Shaw, Taft and Moody to speak in Maine, and make the arrange- 
ments at once. Sincerely yoters 


880 



3162 • TO JOSEPH MEDILL MC CMRMICK 


Roosevelt Ahs. 
Washington, August 4, 1904 

My dear Mr. McCormick: ^ I thank you and Mr. Patterson for your kind 
letter, and appreciate your action. I am sure you know how to make your 
support most effective, and I agree with you that we want to make the 
Illinois and Wisconsin situation as sure as possible. Sincerely yours 


3163 • TO LEONARD WOOD Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, August 5, 1904 

Dear Leonard: I send you Admiral De%vey’s report in behalf of the General 
Board, in reference to your letter. I agree with this report. The question as 
to choosing between Subig Bay and Manila has been gone over with great 
care, and while I did not of course take part in the discussions among the 
military and naval officers, which finally induced them w'ith practically 
unanimity to decide upon Subig Bay, I agree entirely with the decision to 
which they came.^ If we are ever reduced in the Philippines to a condition 
when the fleet is of use only in assisting the army to repel an attack upon 
Manila, I think that the end of our possession of the Philippines is in sight. 

We have been much concerned over the news of little Leonard’s sickness. 
I hope that he is all right, and that Mrs. Wood has not been too worried and 
harassed. Give her our warm regards. 

We are in the midst of the Presidential campaign now, and no one can 
tell what the outcome will be. The Democrats have gotten together and 
have abandoned most of their principles, so that they are now able to make 
what seems to be quite an influential argument to the effect that inasmuch as 
they promise not to be very bad it is safe to entrust them with pow'er. They 
demand immediate independence for the Philippines, a desire which, if they 
in good faith undertake to put it through, would of course mean disaster to 
the islands and dishonor to ourselves. But on this issue they all, from Qeve- 
land dovTi, seem to be in hearty accord; and the mugwumps generally hail 
it with hysteric joy. It seems incredible that the people as a whole should 
assent to such a proposition, but the people do queer things now and then. 
Always yours 

P. S. Please return Dew’ey’s report when you have read it, 

Moseph Medill McCormick, since 190^ publisher of the Chicago Tribune; later as 
vice-chairman of the Prt^essive National Committee, 1912-1914, and Republican 
congressman, 1917-1919, and senator, 1919-1925, an ambitious, aggressive spokesman 
of his own and Roosevelt’s views on domestic and foreign policy, 

* A naval base was gradually developed at Olongapo during the remainder of Roose- 
velt’s administration. The expenditures were, however, for shore installations other 
than fonxScations. 


881 



3164 • TO JACOB HENRY SCHIFF 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss, 
Washington, August 5, 1904 

A{y dear Mr. Schiff: I send you herewith a copy of the first rough draft of 
what I have written about the passport question for my letter of acceptance. 
Please make any emendations you desire and sent it back to me with your 
suggestions at as early a moment as possible. 

Copies have also been sent to Mr. Straus and Mr. Bijur.^ Sincerely yours 


3165 • TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT ROOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, August 5, 1904 

Sir: Since writing you in response to your letter, I have received the enclosed 
letter from John R. Murphy,^ addressed to my secretary, and also have 
received the enclosed pamphlet entitled “The Criminal Record of the West- 
ern Federation of Miners,” and the enclosed newspaper clipping of a state- 
ment by Governor Peabody. Mr, Murphy asks that I do one of two things; 
either send troops into the State on my own initiative to protect the miners 
who, he asserts, are menaced by an organization known as the Citizens’ Alli- 
ancej or else instruct District Attorney Cranston to take action on behalf of 
the miners and against those who, he claims, have violated the United States 
law. 

Mr. Murphy evidently does not see what the logical result of the first of 
the two actions he suggests would be. His claim is that the striking union 
miners are by mob violence prevented at the present time from going to their 
homes, and are jeoparded and menaced in their persons; and that as the 
local authorities fail to give them protection, the President should send in 
troops to protect them. Of course, if this claim should be acted on in this 
instance I should also have to act upon it wherever in any district nonunion 
men claimed that strikers or union men had jeoparded their persons or 
property, or had been guilty of disorder. This would mean that the United 
States Government would be continually sending troops into particular 
States or cities, or particular counties, on the assertion of some individual or 
individuals that either the county authorities, including the sheriff, or the 
mayor and police, or the governor and militia, were unable or unwilling to 
afford them adequate protection. If this claim were well founded the United 
States Government would have been required to send its army into the 
anthracite regions of Pennsylvania two years ago, although the Governor 
and Legislature had not asked that this be done — action on my part which, 

^Nathan Bijur, New York Qty lawyer. Republican, a leader in the Jewish com- 
munity, later a justice in the New York Supreme Court, 1910-1930. 

^ John R. Murphy, attorney for the Western Federation of Miners. 

882 



you may remember, was urged by the more thoughtless among the operators 
at the time. 

The request of Governor Peabody that I should send United States 
troops into Colorado last fall was not granted because in my opinion — 
arrived at after consultation with Attorney General Knox and Secretary of 
War Root — the conditions prescribed under the Constitution for such 
action had not been complied with. Having refused to send them in at the 
request of one side, we are now asked to send them in at the request of 
the other, under a view of the situation which, if adopted, would render it 
necessary for the national government generally to ^splace the local au- 
thorities in the preservation of peace and order. 

The second alternative request of Mr. Murphy will be referred to the 
Department of Justice. But before turning this matter over to the Attorney 
General and calling for a report from him and from District Attorney Cran- 
ston, I desire of course to receive the information which your Department 
is now gathering, and which it has means of obtaining which are not at the 
disposal of the Department of Justice. I particularly desire to know whether 
those whom Mr. Murphy represents, who are in fact claiming to come before 
the United States as a court of equity, come before it with clean hands. 

I wish your investigator in Colorado to have the pamphlet and newspaper 
statement which I enclose laid before him, and to report exhaustively on the 
facts therein set forth, when he makes his complete report to you.® Sincerely 
yours 

3166 • TO CHRISTOPHER GRANT lA FAROE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, August 5, 1904 

Dear Grant: Davison is a good fellow, but I am astonished that the great bulk 
of the farmers violently protest against him. They feel that neither he nor 
Gifford represents them or is in touch with them. It is peculiarly a place 
where they have a right to have someone appointed who understands them. 
Always yotirs 

3167 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 6, 1904 

Dear Murray: I shall see Cortelyou and find out if we cannot get the Standard 
Oil tag put on as you suggest.^ 

’See also No, 3103. 

’The effort to “tag” the Democratic party widi a Standard Oil label, to which 
this sentence probably refers, had already begun. Both the Wall Street Journal and 
the Washington Post had suggested that Standard Oil, because of Roosevelt’s suc- 
cessful strategy in behalf of me Nelson Amendment to the Department of Com- 
merce Bill, would contribute heavily to Parker’s campaign. 

883 



Do you know the New York Press people? They are the very ones who 
could start such a thing and do it well. I wish you would see Einstein or 
Wardman the next time you go to New York, and see if they cannot work in. 

All right, I shall try to work in my “standing on the Constitution.” ^ The 
only trouble is that I am almost ashamed to say it. It is a little like repeating 
my adherence to the Ten Commandments. Of course that editorial in the 
Stm could be most effectively answered by taking from my two Volumes of 
President’s addresses and messages, which you have, my correspondence 
about the Miller incident. I shall work in Cameron’s sentence. Ever yours 


3168 • TO OLIVER OTIS HOWARD Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, August 6, 1904 

My dear General Howard: ^ It is a matter of keen regret to me that I am unable 
to be present at the annual encampment of the Grand Army in Boston this 
summer. I have already written the Commander in Chief of the Grand Army, 
General Black, and the Chairman of the Invitation Committee, General 
Blackmar, expressing my regret. To you, with whom I have been thrown 
into associations of affectionate respect, and with whom I have consulted in 
reference to so many of the governmental problems affecting our Nation, I 
wish to send a special note and I ask you to say to your comrades of the great 
days of ’61 to ’65 a word to tell them that I feel a sense of real and personal 
loss at my inability to be present and to see them pass in review and to wish 
them well Ever since the days when, at the close of the War, the armies of 
Grant and of Sherman marched up the streets of the National Capital, the 
great march in i-eview of the veterans of the Civil War at the national en- 
campments where they have been gathered together has been something to 
thrill the blood of every younger man. The lessons that you and your com- 
rades taught us, alike in peace and in war, lay down for us and the younger 
generation the lines along which we must steadfastly strive to do our work 
for the honor and the interest of the Nation. Faithfully yours 

“The Constitution, in the great American political tradition, had become an issue 
in the campaign. Contending that Roosevelt governed by personal fiat, a group 
of conservative Democrats had formed the Constitution Club, a Parker organization 
which had as its stated purpose the re-establishment of a government of law. Among 
these new founding fathers were John G. Carlisle, Wheeler Peckham, William B. 
Homblower, Francis L. Stetson, John G. Milbum, and Charles S. Fairchild, all 
prommently associated with Cleveland’s administrations. 

^ Oliver Otis Howard, Major General, U.S.A., a brave but erratic Civil War com- 
mander, a founder of Howard University and its president, 1869-1873; commissioner 
of the Freedmen’s Bureau, 1865-1874; biographer of Zachary Taylor and Queen 
Isabella; Republican stump speaker in 1896, 1900, and 1904., 

884 



3169 • TO DANIEL EDGAR SICKLES RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 8, 1904 

My dear General Sickles: I have your note. The opposition in Turkey to the 
just protests of our missionaries and the protests of our Minister have made 
it imperative that some action should be taken. Our squadron will go to 
Smyrna. I am well aware that I have no right to make war, and have not the 
dimmest or remotest intention of doing so. If Minister Leishman can get 
justice for the missionaries, well and good. If not, it will be for us to consider 
whether he shall not then leave Turkey on the fleet, formally notifying on 
our behalf the Turkish Government that as there is no inclination on their 
part to deal justly with our Government, there is nothing for him to do but 
to lay the matter before the President, who, of course, would call it to the 
attention of Congress.^ Sincerely yovrs 


3170 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, August 9, 1904 

T o the Attorney General: I have heard rumors^ of efforts to make the District 
Attorneys and Marshals in Alabama change the deputies imder them for 
political reasons. Of all the officers of the Government, those of the Depart- 
ment of Justice should be kept most free from any suspicion of improper 
action on partisan or factional grounds. Please direct the District Attorneys 
and Marshals in question that they are to retain and appoint their subordinates, 
whose duties are purely nonpartisan and nonpolitical, on grounds of fitness 
only, and without regard to other considerations. I am particularly anxious 
that the Federal court in a State like Alabama should win regard and respect 
for the people by an exhibition of scrupulous nonpartisanship, so that there 
shall be gradually a growth, even though a slow growth, in the knowledge 
that the Federal courts and the representatives of the Federal Department of 
Justice insist on meting out evenhanded justice to all. No politician has a 
right to dictate in any manner to one of these officials. I would like a copy of 
this letter communicated to the officers in question. 

‘Turkey had violated the provisions of a “most-favored nation treaty” widi the 
United States regarding treatment of American missionaries and schoolteachers. On 
August s. Hay informed Leishman that naval vessels were on their way to Smyrna. 
He also threatened to recall Minister Leishman. These threats induced the Porte to 
grant American demands. For the exchange of telegrams between Hay and Leishman, 
see Foreign Relations, 1904, pp. 81S-833. 


‘From Ju^ Thomas G, Jones. 


885 



3171 'TO ALBERT JARVIS HOPKINS 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, August 10, 1904 

My dear Senator Hopkins: You need be under no apprehension of my putting 
Mr. Deneen or anyone else as senior over you, but I am most desirous that 
pending the campaign, when it is essential that all should pull together, noth- 
ing should be done which would alienate any of our supporters. You know, 
of course, that infinite trouble was caused by the Jamieson appointment, and 
that so far from doing good, from all I can learn it helped to lose Jamieson his 
district. Of course I knew nothing of this at the time, never having known 
anything about Jamieson’s factional relations until the question came up, and 
the testimonials to his character and fitness being ample; but it would cer- 
tainly be unwise to have any repitition of such trouble. During the campaign 
I have a right to expect that you and I and Mr. Deneen and all of us will pull 
together, and that nothing shall be done by any of us which will be offensive 
to the other. This was what my telegram meant. Sincerely yours 

3172 ■ TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 1 1, 1904 

Dear Cortelyou: I know the stress you are under, but as regards this Northern 
Securities business no stress must make us go one hand’s breadth out of our 
path.^ I should hate to be beaten in this contest; but I should not merely hate, 
I should not be able to bear being beaten under circumstances which implied 
ignominy. To give any color for misrepresentation to the effect that we were 
now weakening in the Northern Securities matter would be ruinous. The 
Northern Securities suit is one of the great achievements of my administra- 
tion. I look back upon it with great pride, for through it we emphasized in 
signal fashion, as in no other way could be emphasized, the fact that the most 
powerful men in this country were held to accountability before the law. 
Now we must not spoil the effect of this lesson. Moody is to do nothing with- 
out my full knowledge and consent. 

Do have that article in the New York Times about Jim Hill’s contribu- 
tions given the widest possible circulation. It is a strong thing to do. 

‘The dissolution of the Northern Securities Company, ordered by the Supreme 
Court in March, resulted in further litigation. The Hill-Morgan group, controlling 
a majority of the stock, voted for a plan of distribution favoring their interests. This 
plan the Harriman— Kuhn, Loeb group opposed, offering in its place a scheme ihat 
would delay stock distribution. The Administration, neutral as between die financial 
interests, favored the more rapid solution. In April the Harriman group appealed 
to the Circuit Court to restrain the Securities Company from distributing stock as 
provided for in the Hill-Morgan plan. When the Circuit Court denied the petition, 
the case was appealed to the Supreme Court, which' sustained the lower court in 
March 1905. Roosevelt and Cortelyou feared, while the case was on appeal, that 
long litigation would prolong the life of the monopoly (see No. 3183). For a do- 
tted discussion of the legal and fmancial aspects of the second Northern Securities 
case, see Meyer, Northern Securities Case, chs. viii and ix. 

886 



Parker’s acceptance speech shows that his campaign is to be one of adroit 
trickery. The effort to persuade the labor men in Colorado that he is for 
them, and yet not to say anything that the capitalist can construe as being 
a definite committal on his part; to speak violently about the trusts and yet 
to say that there shall be no legislation in connection with them; to beat his 
breast about the tariff, and point out at the same time that nothing can be 
done about it for years, at which time he says that he himself will be out of 
the Presidency — otn people ought to point out the insincerity, the trickiness, 
the timidity of all these attitudes. Faithfully yours 

[Handivritten] Are you coming here ne.xt week? Can’t we use Marion 
Butler? He wishes to see you. Pettigrew is for Watson; I believe he should be 
encouraged to stump Colorado cr Indiana for Watson.^ 

3173 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevslt Mss. 

Personal Washington, August 1 1, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Mellen talked most nicely about you, and said he would help you 
in every way. I gave him your letter, and he said he was going to write you. 
He said he wished you would write him in person. 

One must always keep in mind what Abraham Lincoln pointed out — that 
all of the people can be fooled for part of the time. It may be that this 
election will come in that part of the time; but it is as sure as anytfiing in 
history can be that the democrats, includii^ Parker and their mugwump and 
capitalistic allies, are playing a bunco game which ought not to take in any 
but a low order of intelligence. I think Parker’s speech is poor. It is a straddle; 
and all that can be said in its favor is that there is a certain adroitness shown 
in avoiding difficult positions, and seeking to imply, in order to placate cer- 
tain interests, what he dare not say, lest others should be offended. I do not 
think that there has ever been anything more palpable than the effort to show 
that no protectionist need be afraid of him because the republicans will pre- 
vent any harm being done the protective tariff. In the same way he has rather 
dangerously given the Colorado labor people to understand that in his judg- 
ment I ought to interfere, and yet he has not said it in terms which will 
prevent his denying having said it to the wealthy scoundrels in New York 
who arc his great backers. The trouble is that these wealthy scoundrels in- 
stead of being repelled fay trickery on his part, chuckle over it. They believe, 
what is the truth, that he is deliberately fooling the labor men and trying to 
get their support by giving them the impression of doing w'hat he has no 
intention of doing, and instead of minding this they uphold it. As for the 
neurotic or mugwump class, it is hopeless to expect honesty from them. If 

* Marion Butler had resigned as chairman of the executive committee of the Populist 
party and had come out for Roosevelt. Undemrred, the Populists, insignificant but 
adamant^ nominated Tom Watson for President. With tesw old &nator Pettigrew 
and a few other political mavericks he conducted a noisy, ineffective campa%n. 

887 



they had an ounce of honesty in them they would say about the Philippines 
that he is seeking to dextrously effect the declaration in the platform declar- 
ing for independence for the Philippines, by taking a position that they are 
to be kept exactly as they are being kept for centuries. He is, of course 
wholly indifferent, and I suppose that dogs like Carl Schurz and his kind are 
wholly indifferent, to the fact that this would mean conveying to the Filipinos 
the impression of broken faith. He is deliberately using language, and the 
democrats are deliberately using language, to be taken by the Filipinos as 
meaning one thing, and after election explaining to them as something mean- 
ing entirely different. 

I shall soon send you a rough draft of my letter. I wish I dared go far 
enough to say the simple truth — that this contest was essentially one betv^een 
sincerity and trickiness. Will you be able to come on to Oyster Bay during 
the last ten days of August? If so, which one would be convenient to you? 
Make it after the 2 ist. Ever yours 

3174 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, August 12, 1904 

Dear John: Some of the developments of this campaign are too deliciously 
funny for anything. The professional goo-goo, the professionally and virtuous 
neurotic of the Carl Schurz-Evening Post stamp (for the New York Times 
type of individual combines professional virtue with practical venality, and 
therefore comes in a different but not much lower category) — some of 
these professionally virtuous impracticables are supporting Parker on the 
ground that he and the Democracy represent a higher type of morality than 
I and the Republican party represent. Of course their main hope in New 
York is Tammany, and in Indiana the Chairman of their National Committee, 
the genial Tom Taggart. Tom Taggart has always, and with cynical openness, 
stood as the embodied representative of corruption in politics; and he was 
made Chairman of the National Democratic Committee because it was 
believed that he might be able to buy up Indiana. As for Tammany, it always 
counts at least upon twenty thousand votes which it will obtain by coloniza- 
tion, ballot-box stuffing, bribery, violence, etc., etc. In Tammany, all these 
methods of obtaining votes are treated, not merely as legitimate, but as being 
the methods which are to be used by every adherent of the party who expects 
to be considered genuinely loyal to the party ticket. The Evening Post and 
Carl Schurz are counting upon the loyalty of Tammany and Tom Taggart 
with the full knowledge that that loyalty finds its expression in corruption 
and fraud. It is Blifil sniveling in the sanctum of the Nation^ while Black 
George crams the cheap lodging houses of the Bowery with repeaters. 

A couple of deliciously unconscious portrayals of this state of things were 
recently furnished me, one by ex-Congressman Bynum, the Gold Democrat 
of Indiana, atid the other by Mike Dady, the Republican sub-boss from 

888 



Brooklyn. Bynum came to me, out of the kindness of his heart, to reassure me, 
and said in entire good faith, “Mr. President, Taggart is not nearly as formid- 
able as those men think, for aside from the money he has obtained from his 
gambling houses, most of his fortune has come from moneys he has received 
for running campaigns which he has kept for his own purposes. He is a very 
e.xpensive campaign manager, and always keeps for himself a large proportion 
of the funds placed in his hands. I think this will offset the fact that he will 
probably get much more money this year than the Democrats have obtained 
for a long time!” 

Mike Dady called me aside, and in great secrecy told me as follows: 

“On Monday night Tim Sullivan (Dry Dollar Sullivan, a Tammany leader 
who has always been fond of me, partly because of kindred tastes in the 
matter of prize fights) came to my house and said that I was to tell you, when 
I came to Washington, from him, that you need not be at all alarmed about 
New York, because he was going to do his best to see to it that Tammany men 
were instructed none of them to commit any offense which would expose 
them to being put in the penitentiary in the interest of Parker’s success.” Not 
only Sullivan but Dady regarded this as being symptomatic of a great break- 
dovTi in the Tammany vote, and as being equivalent on the part of Sullivan 
to practically bolting Tammany in my interest! Ever yours 


3175 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU Roosevelt MsS. 

Washington, August 12, 1904 

Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I wonder whether President McKinley bothered Hanna 
as I am bothering you! but did you notice in the Tribune today the exposure 
about Parker having interpolated in his speech a strong affirmation about the 
gold standard with the perfectly transparent purpose of having the ofHcial 
copy go all through the West, and the copy with the interpolation reserved 
for circulation in Extern financial centers? I think this should be brought out 
in the strongest possible way by your publication bureau. 

I return the two letters you sent me to read and w'as interested in them 
both. Faithfully yours 


3176 • TO WIIXIAM EMLEN ROOSEVELT RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, August 12, 1904 

Dear Emlen, I do not believe that we could get Choate put up. For Root there 
is a genuine popular demand. For Choate ffiere is none; and to engineer his 
nomination would be disastrous. I hear a good deal of talk from Brooklyn on 
behalf of Schieren. The businessmen over there think a good deal of him. 
Always yoters 


S89 



3177 ■ ™ henry CABOT LODGE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, August 12, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I want to write you about something that I should like Meyer 
to consider very carefully. There is beginning to be an occasional ugly sneer 
about an Ambassador being so active in the collection of funds. Now, you 
know that if Moody goes out of the Cabinet my intention is to put Meyer 
in. If he does not go out of the Cabinet, my intention is to make Meyer an 
Ambassador somewhere outside of Italy, probably in Germany, France, or 
Russia. Now, would it not be well for him now to resign his Ambassadorship? 
This would cause him to lose next winter in Rome, and of course if I am 
beaten this would be a dead loss, but if I come in it would make it easier and 
better putting him in either the Cabinet or an Embas^ and save what may 
be a good deal of ugly talk in the next three months. If you would like you 
are entirely at liberty to show this letter to Meyer.^ 

Parker has not strengthened himself by his speech of acceptance. It is 
tricky and evasive. The information I now receive from New York, Indiana 
and West Virginia satisfies me that the chances favor our carrying all three 
states. If the election could be held next Tuesday, I should have strongly the 
feeling that we would be victorious. Of course, during the next three months 
anything may happen to offset the whole business. Ever yours 


3178 • TO JOHN BURROUGHS Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, August 12, 1904 

Dear Oom John: I thinlc that nothing is more amusing and interesting than the 
development of the changes made in wild beast character by the wholly un- 
precedented course of things in the Yellowstone Park. I have just had a letter 
from Buffalo Jones, describing his experiences in trying to get tin cans off the 
feet of the bears in the Yellowstone Park. There are lots of tin cans in the 
garbage heaps which the bears muss over, and it has now become fairly com- 
mon for a bear to get his paw so caught in a tin can that he cannot get it off, 
and of course great pain and injury follow. Buffalo Jones was sent with an- 
other scout to capture, tie up and cure these bears. He roped two and got the 
can off of one, but the other tore himself loose, can and all, and escaped, ow- 
ing, as Jones bitterly insists, to the failure of duty on the part of one of his 
brother scouts, whom he sneers at as “a foreigner.” Think of the grizzly bear 
of the early Rocky Mountain hunters and explorers, and then think of the 
fact that part of the recognized duties of the scouts in the Yellowstone Park 
at this moment is to catch this same grizzly bear and remove tin cans from 
, the bear’s paws in the bear’s interest! 

* Meyer did not reagn, but in 1905 Roosevelt transferred him to Italy. 



The grounds of the White House are lovely now, and the most decorative 
birds in them are some redheaded woodpeckers. 

Give my regards to Mrs. Burroughs. How I wish I could see you at Slab- 
sides! But of course this summer there is no chance of that. Al^cays yours 

3179 * JOHN G. A. LEISHMAN RoOSevelt MssP 

Telegram Washington, August 12, 1904 

We regard Turkish memorandum as not unfavorable, and you would not be 
justified in leaving in view of it’s receipt. You will drop the Ambassador ques- 
tion leaving it in abeyance. The President will consult congress on the subject. 
The Lane settlement is satisfactory endeavor to secure satisfactory action 
upon school question on basis not less favorable than the French Mytilene 
argreement. <We do not reject arbitration as a final rem) Inform Admiral that 
fleet can now leave. Inform Turkish government that in view of their eng- 
gements contained in their memorandum fleet has been directed to leave but 
that considering the repeated delays and failures to give us justice in the past 
the President must insist upon these engagements being fulfilled {before Con- 
gress meets) immediately or he will be obliged to lay the whole matter before 
Congress with a recommendation for appropriate action.^ 

3180 ’ TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 13, 1904 

My dear Coimmssioner Wright: I wish your investigator in Colorado to see 
Mr. John R, Murphy, 502-3 Kittredge Building, Denver, Colorado. Mr. 
Murphy is the counsel of the Western Federation of Miners and he can pre- 
sent their side of the case as probably no one else can. I, of course, wish both 
sides of the case presented, and the absolutely impartial judgment of the in- 
vestigator after the presentation has been made; so I desire that Mr. Murphy 
be seen. 

Will you ask your investigator also to read the articles of Walter Well- 
man? There are certain alleged conversations that Walter Wellman gives 
which I should much like to have oflSicially confirmed or denied. I suppose 
your investigator has already read Ray Stannard Baker’s article in McClure^ s 
Maganne several months ago. If it becomes necessary for me to act, or merely 
lay before Congress a statement of what has occurred, I want to know fully 
the exact facts, and I do not care a rap of my finger who is hit — friend or foe, 
union or nonunion man, capitalist or laboring man. If the Western Federation 
of Miners has so acted as to encourage criminality in the past, to put a pre- 
mium upon violence, I want to know it. If, on the other hand, the employers 
have done similar acts, I want to know that. If it be true that not only were 

^This message was forwarded to Leidman by Hay. 

891 



the co-operative stores plundered, but at the present moment the local vigi- 
lance committee, or whatever it is called, declines to permit those co-operative 
stores to be opened, I want to know it. If it be true that the Portland Mine is 
not allowed to run with union labor; that the Governor and the State forces, 
or the Citizens’ Alliance, decline to permit men who are members of the 
Western Federation of Miners or some other union, merely because they 
belong to such organizations, to work in the Portland Mine, I wish to know it. 

Do have your investigator give me all the facts. Have him see Mr. Murphy 
and any other champion of the miners. Have him see any and all representa- 
tives whom he can reach on the other side, from whom he can get any infor- 
mation. Let me be sure of the facts. Are you satisfied that the man you have 
out there is thoroughly fit to do this very hnportant work as it should be 
done? I want this investigation to be carried on in the spirit and with the 
resolution and with the intelligence that Messrs. Garfield and Sargent showed 
in carrying on their investigation into the Miller case in the Government 
Printing Office; or my dear Mr. Commissioner, still more simply, in the 
spirit and with the thoroughness with which you carried on the investigation 
into the Pullman car strike. Sincerely yours 

P. S. As you know, I have stood absolutely for the open shop. Where I 
had the power I should exhaust every means and shrink from no lawful 
method to protect the nonunion man who wished to work against violence or 
illegal interference by die union man. In just the same way I would guarantee 
by every means in my power the right of laboring men to join into a union, 
and their right to work as union men without illegal interference from either 
capitalist or nonunion man. 


3181 - TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 13, 1904 

Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I hear good reports from New York, but I have been 
told that there is a little lukewarmness among the Methodists, who of course 
were devoted to McKinley. Cannot they be got at? Cannot Fairbanks be used 
in this way? He belongs to that church, and ought to be able to do us good 
among them. There are many hundreds of Methodist preachers in New York, 
and of course the Methodist laymen are a vitally important element in the 
party. 

The Rev. Ezra Tipple, of i5o-5th Avenue, New York, is the General 
Secretary of the Methodist Conference. He is a great friend of ours. I think 
if you sent for him it would be a mighty good thing to do. 

The Rev. Dr. Smythe will call on you. He seems to be very zealous, but 
except for his zeal I Imow nothing about him.^ Faithfully yours 

^ A letter siimlar ia spirit, though more hortatory in tone, was sent to C. W. Fdr- 

banks. 


892 



3182 • TO GRENVILLE MELLEN DODGE 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, August 15, 1904 

My dear GeJieral: Mr. Loeb has just shown me your letters. I do not have to 
say, my dear General, that if I can appoint your son-in-law, Mr. Pusey, I shall 
be only too glad. I am complicated by this, however: the low’a people have 
already recommended for the Secretar)^ship of Porto Rico the son of Colonel 
Lafe Young, ^ and I have written him that I would take the matter up and 
look into the young man’s qualifications, provided I am not obliged to give 
the place to Colorado, or nominate a Catholic. (Both provisos I had to put 
in because there is very good reason for having one American Catholic in 
the Governor’s council, and the outgoing Secretary is a Colorado man.)^ 
Now, I do not know that Young is the right man. In any event I wish you 
would give me a chance of seeing Mr. Pusey, I should like to size him up. Of 
course, whether in Porto Rico or elsewhere, if I can appoint your son-in-law 
I am going to do it. Perhaps there would be something at Panama or in the 
Philippines that he would take. Faithfully yours 


3183 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 15, 1904 

Dear Cortelyou: I like your letter because it shows just what you ate. I do 
not suppose my correspondence will ever be published; but on the oif-chance 
I shall secure the publication of your letter therein by now reciting it: 

I have your letter of August iith about the Northern Securities matter. If I 
did not know you as well as I do 1 should resent your sending me such a com- 
munication. Whatever may be my shortcomings — and they are many — I think 
I have a fair degree of moral fiber, certainly enough to measure up to the require- 
ments of this Northern Securities case. I am conducting this campaign for your 
re-election on as high a plane as you have conducted the affairs of your great 
office. It is not likely that one who has been so intimately associated with you or 
who has so much at heart your welfare and success would permit any considera- 
tion whatever to weaken the force and effect of the splendid achievements of 
your administration. This is not a question of the stress or burden upon me. All 
that I have had before and in ample measure; but the campaign management could 
easily become a matter of sore stress to me if I should have to feel that you be- 
lieve it necessary when each emergency arises to admonish me as to my duty. Prac- 
tically everything you write goes into history. Your correspondence will naturally 
be published some day, and what you have said in portions of this letter to me 
rings so true that it would inevitably be selected as indicative of your character; 

^ Lafayette Young, colonel in the Spanish-Amencan War; editor of the Des Moines 
Capital^ 1890-1926. Young made the nominating speech for Roosevelt at the 1900 
convention. His son, Lafayette Young, Jr., was general manager of the Des Moines 
Capital. 

® The secretaryship went to Regis Henri Post of New York. In 1907 Post succeeded 
Winthrop as Governor of Porto Rico. 

S93 



but it is addressed to vie and it carries an inference, plain and unmistakable, that 
is unwarranted by the facts. Let me tell you briefly what these facts are: 

From information that came into my possession which I knew to be correct, 
I learned that steps had been taken to act upon the phase of the Northern Securi- 
ties case which we discussed when I was recently in Washington. I saw in the 
papers that Mr. Moody was scheduled to leave Washington on the Dolphin, and 
it was stated that he would stop at Newport and go from there on a trip into the 
Adirondacks. I knew that he was not familiar with certain details of the case, and 
to have it come to a head again while he was absent would embarrass all of us. 
1 knew too that by coming here I could put him in possession of certain facts he 
needed for a full understanding of the matter. The nature of these I can tell you 
when I see you. There was no weakening, no letdown, no desire or attempt to 
do a thing out of harmony with your position in the whole case. I think Mr. 
Moody has written you giving you his impressions. He expressed himself to me 
as exceedingly pleased to have learned what he ascertained here. The incident has 
been helpful in many ways, and you need not give yourself the least concern as 
to any feature of it being a departure from what is believed to be the right posi- 
tion to be taken by you and by those in any way representing you. 

Now do not for a moment think that I have any feeling in this matter. You 
are always frank and direct with me, and I shall be just as frank and direct with 
you. 

There! Of course the letter which unwittingly caused you pain never 
will see the light; but if it ever should, this letter will go with it, and show 
that you and I are at one. As you know, the reason I insisted upon having 
you as campaign manager was that to practical efiSciency you joined the 
highest type of integrity, so that I knew that, win or lose, there would not be 
one thing done in the campaign to cause regret afterwards. Alv>ays yours 


3184 • TO EUGENE HALE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, August 15, 1904 

Dear Se?zator: I am glad that the situation in Maine is better. There is no 
certainty in New York, and things may change completely in the next 
ninety days; but Parker’s speech has helped us and my firm belief is that if 
the election took place say next Tuesday, the chances would favor us. I do 
earnestly hope that we do well in Maine in September, if only for the reflex 
action on New York. 

With regard, Sincerely yours 


3185 - TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT AND PAUL MORTON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, August 15, 1904 

To the Secretary of War: 

To the Secretary of the Navy: I am anxious that at as early a date as is possi- 
ble you shall take up, perhaps together, the question of the payment of the 
employees of the arsenals and the navy yards. The employees in both these 

894 



departments complain of the present methods of payment, but the complaints 
are different for the two departments. The employees in the navy yards ask 
that they be paid on Government time, and say that this is done now in the 
arsenals. The Secretary of the Navy will please look this up. I also call his 
attention to the memorandum herewith submitted on the paper of the Inter- 
national Association of Machinists showing a number of machine companies, 
mill corporations and the like, where it is asserted payments are made in this 
fashion. Of course, I should prefer to have the payments made in this fashion 
if it can be done without injustice to the Government, and I should like a 
statement made to me whether in the arsenals the men are paid in this fashion, 
and if so, w*hy the men in the navy yards should not be so paid. 

It is asserted that the men in the arsenals wish to be paid twice a month 
instead of monthly. The men in the navy yards are paid twice a month. Why, 
imder these circumstances, is it not right that the men in the arsenals should 
be paid twice a month? I, of course, can issue no directions until after I have 
received the recommendations of the Secretaries, but I do not w'ant the 
officials in the arsenals or navy yards to refuse to do as requested because the 
matter initiated with the men. I know from long experience that very ex- 
cellent military and naval officers will often decline to make reasonable 
changes from some fancied theory that their dignity will not permit them to 
accede to requests made, and I should like the Secretaries of War and of the 
Navy to look into this matter personally, or through some first-rate men in 
whose business knowledge and impartiality they have entire confidence. 

I enclose an account of the system of paying off at the Watertown arsenal. 

I also enclose a copy of a letter sent from Watervliet, New York, by a 
man working in the arsenal to Mr. George L. Cain, Secretary-Treasurer of 
District Lodge No. 44 of the International ALSSOciation of Machinists. I am 
much struck by this letter. It has a bearing upon the petition of the navy-yard 
men, but I call the especial attention of the Secretary of War to the account 
of the check system, to which there is apparently no objection if the checks 
are given out semimonthly. 

I wish Secretary Morton would see Mr. Cain in person, and I should like 
if Secretary Taft would see P. D. Broomell of Watervliet arsenal, who is 
Secretary of District Lodge No. 196 of the International Association of 
Machinists at Watervliet. I believe a full talk by the Secretaries with these 
two men would give them an accurate idea of what is wished and why. Then 
I should like a report to me. 


3186 • TO HERMANN SPECaS VON STERNBERG RoOSeVek MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 15, 1904 

Dear Speck: I have your letter of the 12th instant. That is a very interrating 
and significant clipping. I had heard vague rumors of some such plan, and 



that is partly why I spoke to you as I did about the method of choice of a 
Chinese Viceroy in the event of its ever becoming necessary to choose one 
for the position we talked over. Faithfully yours 

[Ha 7 idv)ritte 7 i] I believe in the open door for the Yang Ste just as much 
as for Manchuria.^ 


3187 ■ TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, August 15, 1904 

Dear Moody: I thank you for your letter, which I have read attentively. Your 
position was of course sound, and evidently Root thought so, though he was 
in honor bound to do all he could for his clients. Of course the irritating 
thing about every transaction of this kind is that, whereas it is the Hills and 
the Morgans who perpetrate the wrong, it is the small folks who have fol- 
lowed them who pay most heavily when the wrong has been righted. 

I am glad to hear what you say about Root and the governorship. Every- 
thing seems to be going well here. Parker’s speech has helped us. I wish you 
all luck in Vermont and Maine, 

I hope Morton does not go off too much on the Dolphin. It is absolutely 
right, but it is one of the things, like my use of the Mayflower and Sylph, 
which the scoundrels on the other side will use pending election. After elec- 
tion they will all heartily approve it. Always yours 

P. S. I have a piece of news that will appeal to you. Do you remember * 
Comrade Ritchie, of Trinidad, Colorado, who “sat into a game of poker” and 
was obliged to shoot one of the players, but was triumphantly acquitted? He 
was a justice of the peace, and at one time a bar tender, and recerily a miner 
and a member of the Western Federation of Miners. Major Llewellyn has 
just been in and explained to me that Comrade Ritchie, he feared, “had been a 
little wild,’^ and that in consequence he w^as among the men that had been 
lately deported by Comrade Bell! Comrade Bell, I am happy to say, acts on 
the principle of my old Tahitian friend, who explained that in batrie “his 
spear knew no brother.” 

^Roosevelt, together with the heads of interested European states, was concerned 
about the dislocations in the balance of power in the Orient in the event of a 
Japanese victory. He had suggested to Sternberg that Manchuria should be con- 
trolled by a Chinese viceroy, preferably appointed by Germany rather than by 
England. The Kaiser, like Roosevelt, suspicious of English designs on Manchuria and 
the Yangtse, received Roosevelt’s suggestion with the cautious comment that *‘ohe 
must not divide the hide of the bear before he has been shot.” See Alfred L. P. 
Dennis, Adventures in Americm Diplomacy, (New York, 1928). 

Sternberg had written Roosevelt that England had asked for a lease of the 
Qiu Shan Archipelago as a naval base, controlling entrances to the Yangtse, 

896 



3 1 88 • TO FRANCIS JOSEPH 


Roosevelt Alss. 

Washington, August 15, 1904 

Sir: I have just received, at the hands of the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, 
the very handsome volumes which Your Majesty has been so good as to send 
me. I am profoundly sensible of the courtesy and thoughtfulness which in- 
spired the gift. 

I have long been greatly interested in, and a sincere well-wisher of, the 
Dual Monarchy. In lands where there is not a vast territor}’ inhabited by a 
single race, the hope for the future lies in just such a federated Empire. It is 
extraordinary that the lesser nationalities do not see that their own freedom 
and permanence are bound up in the success of such a species of government. 
The extraordinary success achieved in governing Bosnia and Herzegovina is 
enough to show how thrice-fortunate the whole Balkan peninsula would be if 
it were under your rule. I suppose it is not diplomatic for me to say this — but 
it is the truth! 

With renewed thanks, and with all good wishes for the future of the 
Empire of Austria-Hungary, and earnest hopes that you may for many years 
continue at its head, I have the honor to be, with great respect. Very faith- 
fully yot/rs 

3189 • TO CHARLES CUTHBERT HALL RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, August 18, 1904 

My dear Dr. Hall: ^ At your convenience I should like to see you, by pref- 
erence after the 23d of September, when I come back to the M^ite House. I 
wish to talk over with you something I learned as to the possibilities of mis- 
sionary work in Japan. I have always hoped that the Japanese could become 
Christianized, although I think it w'ill have to be a distincdy Japanese church. 
Sincerely yours 

3190 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU Loeb MssP 

Washington, August 18, 1904 

Dear Air. Cortelyou Of course, in the future I shall be, as in the past I have 
been, against any legislation in Congress against the brew'crs. With state legis- 
lation I (io not interfere; but in national legislation I am unqualifiedly against 
any such legislation — w'hich from the standpoint of morals even more than 
of business I regard as utterly mischievous. 

^ Qiailes Cuthbert Hall, since 1897 president of the Union Theological S^inary. an 
an^oiity on Oriental religions beliefs and practices, author of The Universal Ele- 
ments of the Christian ReUgum (1905) and other popular studies of the meaning of 
Oudstiaiuty. 


897 


3191 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, August 18, 1904 

Aly dear Moody: I have just seen Mr. Medill McCormick of the Chicago 
Tribune, He says that the pressure on the newspapers by the International 
Paper Company has become so intolerable that if any movement is to be 
made to relieve them it should be made at once. The contracts will be made 
next January. If legal proceedings are to be instituted they should be insti- 
tuted now.^ I know you will be very busy, but is there not some first-class 
Assistant Attorney General or District Attorney who can take this matter 
up? James Beck^ is said to know much about it. I think it would be well to 
act quickly if we can. Sincerely yours 


3192 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, August 19, 1904 

My dear Moody: I have just seen Mr, Robb about the paper trust matter, and 
he has explained to me that the facts are not yet before the Department in 

^The President had long been aware of the conflict between newspapers and the 
agencies that supplied them with paper. Two corporations, the General Paper Com- 
pany and the International Paper Company, dominated the production of news- 
print. The former, with headquarters in Illinois, was essentially a marketing pool 
that distributed the total output of the major manufacturers of the Middle West, 
The latter was a holding company organized by the principal newsprint producers of 
Ae East. These two organizations between them virtually controlled the prices at 
which paper was sold to the daily journals. 

In 1904 the American Newspaper Publishers’ Association allocated 00,000 to 
attack the paper trust, especially the International Paper Company. Editors, individ- 
ually, assisted the attack in news column and editorial page. The association, through 
Rosewater of the Omaha Bee, appealed to Roosevelt for action. When he failed to 
respond, Representative Lilley (Republican of Connecticut) was persuaded to 
introduce a resolution for investigation of the trust. Testifying before the House 
Judiciary Committee in support of the resolution, members of the American News- 
paper Publishers’ Association accused the International Paper Company of the mal- 
practices classically attributed to monopolies. These charges were, naturally, denied 
by the paper company. 

Thus the matter rested when McCormick approached Roosevelt in August. The 
President, however, continued to delay while awaiting further investigation by the 
Department of Commerce (see No, 3192). In the end the government did not prose- 
cute. The Administration held that neither the structure nor the method of the 
International Paper Company was subject to prosecution. 

The General Paper Company did not escape. Less unpopular with the publishers 
than its rival, the pool was nevertheless more vulnerable legally. In December 1904, 
the Justice Department instituted antitrust proceedings. Two years later the General 
Paper Company was ordered by the Supreme Court to cease operations and liquidate 
its assets. 

•James Montgomery Beck, Assistant Attorney General of the United States, 1900- 
1^3. Beck had argued the Northern Securities case for the government before the 
Circuit Court. With Frank B. Kellogg he later handled the government’s case against 
the General Paper Company. He became Solicitor General of the United States 
under Harding, 1921-1925, and later Republican congressman from Pennsylvania, 
1927-1935. 


898 



shape to allow it to act, and he could not advise me what the rights and 
wongs of the case are, or what steps should be taken in the matter, with his 
present information. It is perfectly obvious, then, that nothing can be done 
by the Department until these facts are obtained. So do not pay any heed to 
my letter of yesterday. Always yours 


3193 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER Roosevelt AISS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

Dear Murray: Thanks for the corrections, most of which I am sure I shall be 
able to put in. I had made some of them myself already. But as for the tariff 
part, I don’t see how I can cut it down. I have got to fight on the tariff. Hem- 
enway^ says, for instance, that that is the best part of my letter so far as 
Indiana is concerned. The feeling in Massachusetts about the tariff is abso- 
lutely unreasonable, and it is out of the question to pander to it. Massachusetts 
owes everything to the tariff, yet the manufacturers and merchants there 
think we can get a reciprocity treaty with Canada which will admit Canadian 
raw products free here, and admit our manufactured products free into 
Canada. Canada would not dream of giving us such a treaty, and we could 
not get it ratified if they did agree to it. It is a truism that one man’s raw 
material is another man’s finished product, and for Massachusetts to expect 
Iowa to sanction the tariff on shoes while cutting out the tariff on hides shows 
a distinctly optimistic turn of mind. You know that I fed that I should like to 
see the tariff revised fay the Republicans if we come in, and I shall do my 
best so to get it revised. This docs not mean that I shall make the demand in 
my letter to Congress, for I shall first of all find out what I can accomplish, 
by talking with all our leaders. Let me say, however, with the utmost dis- 
tinctness, that I shall take this action about revising the tariff, not because 
there is any real need for the revision, but because there is a sentiment which 
demands a revision. There is no need for the revision at all. I believe business 
would be better if we could have it understood definitely that for the next 
four or five years there would be under no circumstances a revision, and 
that our policy in consequence was absolutely stable. But there is a strong 
sentiment in favor of revision. There is an equally strong sentiment against it. 
It may well be that the attempt to revise the tariff -w'ill spEt the RepubEcan 
party wide open and insure defeat. It may be that a failure to make the at- 
tempt would insure its defeat. If both these things are true, then the simple 
fact is that we have come to a time when the RepubEcan party is to be de- 
feated, not because it is wise or desirable that it should be defeated, but 
because pubEc sentiment has taken a twist. You remember how three years 
ago there was great pressure that we should try some measure of tariff re- 

* James Alexander Hemenway, Republican congressman from Indiana, i89;-i905; 

senator, 1905-1909. 


899 


form or tariff revision in Congress. It would have been suicidal to make the 
attempt, and yet there were a great number of worthy men who advised it 
simply because they did not know the situation and had not thought the 
matter out. We have to fight straight on the tariff this time. We cannot 
promise revision. All we can say is what I have said, namely, that whenever 
necessary it is to be revised, but that the Republican party should revise it. 

I am sorry to hear that Vermont will not do well. That will be bad for 
us. I knew that Rhode Island was weak I still hear well of New Jersey and 
Connecticut. I thought Maine would do rather badly, but that Vermont 
would do pretty well. I had no idea that there was any restlessness about the 
tariff in Vermont. 

Shall I not see you in Oyster Bay while I am here? Can you not stop in 
Washington on your way back from St. Louis? Or can’t you come to Oyster 
Bay on your way out to St. Louis? Always yottrs 

3194 • TO ANDREW DICKSON WHITE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

My dear Mr. White: If Root can be made to run, he is the man of all others. I 
had not thought of Andrews. It seems to me he would make a splendid nomi- 
nee. I hope he is not too old. If he is as strong as you say, ffiere could be noth- 
ing possible against him. He is as high and fine a man as we have had in public 
life in this State, and would make an ideal Governor, if he could be induced 
to take it. 

Please do not make this public in any way. I write to you frankly because 
of our old friendship, but you understand I cannot take any action which 
could be construed as trying to dictate about the GovemorsUp. The people 
want to choose the Governor themselves, and they do not like a President to 
seem to select the nominee for them; and I am keeping my hands off. 

With warm regards, believe me, Faithfully yours 


3195 • TO CARROLE DAVTOSON WRIGHT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

My dear Colonel Wright: I see in today’s papers an account of what certainly 
seems like an extraordinary development in Colorado — that is, mob action 
by the citizens’ alliance resulting in the wrecking of the co-operative store 
of the federation of miners and the deportation of the people connected with 
it. It is alleged that the Governor has been appealed to to send in troops, bur 
that he has not interfered.^ It is also alleged, apparently with proofs, that this 

' The local civa war in die Cripple Creek area continued. On August 19 and 20 citi- 
zens rioted in sympathy wiA the Mine Owners’ Association. In September peace 
was formally restored. The old Rough Rider, Sherman Bell, adjutant genend of 

900 



act of lawlessness is to avenge numerous other acts of la\\'Iessness of a similar 
kind committed within the last few years by the Western Federation of 
Miners. I do not see, however, that this excuses it; nor, on the other hand, do 
I see how it requires action by me. At the same time, I shall ask you to have 
your agent include a full account of this matter in his report. Sincerely yours 


3196 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt AIss. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

Please keep in touch with Adee and with me on the Chinese neutrality mat- 
ter.^ I do not wish Adee to make any conclusive committal as to our not 
interfering. It seems to me clear that the Russian ships should either be dis- 
armed or forced to leave the port, or else we cannot expect Japan to refrain 
from attacking them. If necessary^ please come down here to see me. 


3197 ' TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Oj’^ster Bay, August 22, 1904 

What are the facts as to the action of the American cruisers in Shanghai? 
Keep in close touch with me and with Secretary Hay as regards anything 
done or planned by our vessels in Shanghai. The affair is delicate and of 
great importance and I wish full information. 


3198 • TO ALVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE RoOSevelt MsS* 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

Do not definitely state in your instructions that our navy will not interfere. 
I do not wmt any conclusive committal on this subject. Consult Secretary 
Hay fully before taking any step of any importance. If you are unable to 
communicate with him, wire me direct. 

the state militia, appeared and, with unnecessary singleness of purpose, pursued his 
one overriding object “to do up this damned anarchistic federation.” Union mem- 
bers were deported; all mines with union workers closed down; the militia under 
the intrepid Bell maintained, in effect, a martial law. Under such conditions the back 
of the Western Federation of Mners’ strength was quickly broken. Thus was put 
down in ugly style by the state an unnecessary attempt to achieve exclusive control 
over labor begun in ugly style by the federation. 

^On August 13, the Russian cruiser Askold and destroyer Grozovoi arrived at 
Shanghai for repairs. On August zz John Goodnow, United States Consul General 
at Shanghai, reported the appearance of a Japanese destroyer and, at the same time, 
forwarded, a request from a Standard Oil Company plant for United States protec- 
tion. 



3199 * GRIMES WALKER 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, August 22, 1904 

My dear Admiral Walker: After consultation with the Secretary of War I 
have decided that the employees of the Isthmian Canal Commission should 
forthwith be put under the civil service commission. I have directed the civil 
service commission to prepare an order to this effect at once. Sincerely yours 


3200 • TO AhVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 23, 1904 

I approve entirely of the views you take.^ Let Fowler and Goodnow act in 
accordance with the view^s of your last telegram to me. Please ask Darling to 
warn Stirling^ of course to keep the sharpest lookout so he cannot under any 
conceivable conditions be taken by surprise. He must be given large liberty 
of action within the lines of preserving American rights as against either 
combatant. Communicate with me freely from time to time. 


3201 • TO ENDICOTT PEABODY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, August 23, 1904 

Dear Cotty: After very long and full talks with Ted, and at his most earnest 
desire, I have concluded to grant his request that he be allowed to try to get 
into Harvard a year from this fall, and in consequence I shall not send him 
back to Groton but will let him tutor at home. Ted is very mature for his 
years, and he knows what he wants to do. He has felt, as I have felt, that to 
enter Harvard at nineteen was unfortunate for a boy who had his way to 
make in the world, and that if he could possibly shorten the time he should 
do so. I am genuinely sorry to have him leave Groton, but I feel that the four 
years he has been there have benefited him greatly in every way, just as 
Kermit (who of course will go back to Groton) is being greatly benefited. 
Ted is now old enough to have pretty definite convictions when he thinks a 
thing out, and he has thoroughly thought this out. You may remember that 
Mrs. Roosevelt spoke to you on the subject last winter, I am very sorry to 
have Ted leave Groton, but I have come to the conclusion that his position 
is right. 

With love to Fanny, Ever yours 

^With this consent, Adee instructed Goodnow and John Fowler, American consul 
general at Qiefoo, that while they were to safeguard American interests, diey were 
to “avoid all indications’* that the United States “could be called upon by China or 
by the foreign consuls to guarantee Chinese neutrality.” — ForeigTZ Relations^ 1904, 
p. 137. 

, * Yates Stirling, at this time Commander in Chief of the Asiatic Fleet- 


902 



[Hand'written] Ted has been teaching Sunday school this summer, purely 
on his own initiative. 

3202 • TO WILLUM HENRY MOODY RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 24, 1904 

My dear Moody: The enclosed letter from Sargent, telegram from Murphy, 
and editorial from the New York Press explain themselves. I also send you 
copies of letters I have written to Sargent and to Stewart, w'ho is conducting 
Peabody’s political campaign as I understand it. If the newspaper reports are 
true, Peabody’s action is unpardonable. He has deliberately sanctioned the 
criminal usurpation of State sovereignty by an irresponsible mob. If I had 
power I should interfere at once, putting down mob work with an equal 
firmness and severity, whether it was committed by the Federation of Miners 
or by the Citizens’ Alliance. I wish there was some action we could take. Is 
it worth while calling upon the District Attorney for an immediate report to 
us on the situation? Or could w'e not have some special Assistant Attorney 
General like Robb or Purdy investigate the matter to see %\ hat action we can 
take? Do let me know what you t£ink. 

Will you please write to Morton, saying you do so at my request, and 
tell him the situation in full about Harry Davis and the command of the 
squadron. I like Davis and Lodge is my closest friend, but we cannot have 
anything done that will damage the Navy by re-warding anyone if there has 
been insubordination of any kind. Please write Morton with entire frankness. 
I have -written him saying that I expect you to write him. Faithfully yoms 


3203 - TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 24, 1904 

Dear Morton: The appointment of Harry Davis may come up for Admiral. 
He is a brother-in-law of Lodge, of whom I am very fond, and I like Davis 
personally; but I understand Moody has reasons -why he thinks Davis should 
not be given charge of a squadron as he desire. I may be in error, but I have 
requested Moody to write to you in full upon the subject, so that you may 
have complete knowledge of the matter before you take action. Faithfully 
yoms 


3204 • TO ALVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 24, 1904 

My dear Mr. Adee: I thank you for the copy of the notes in the matter of 
the decision of the Russian Prize Court about the Arabia. I agree with you 


903 



entirely that the principle announced by Count Lamsdorff is unsound, vi- 
cious, and untenable, and that you should make a strong and definite answer 
that we will not assent to such a view. As a matter of fact, if they tried to 
enforce it I should put our ships in Yokohama at once. Please communicate 
with Secretary Hay and have him prepare such a memorandum. 

I enclose a cablegram from Secretary Hay which please send. 

Tell the Na\y Department unless there are positive orders from us they 
are not to interfere in the event that there is fighting between Russian and 
Japanese vessels in the Chinese neutral ports. Sincerely yours 


3205 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 24, 1904 

Dear John: That is a significant editorial, and I am pleased with it. Evidently 
Skunk Williams (to use your terse and beautifully scientific descriptive teim) 
has failed particularly to please his Boston audience. 

I have directed Adee to tell the Navy that they must not interfere in case 
there is fighting between the Russians and Japanese in a Chinese neutral port. 
I am inclined to agree with you that the best solution for China would be for 
her to say that she cannot keep the peace and they must fight it out them- 
selves; in other words, that her ports may be allowed to become spheres of 
hostility to which the Russians could no longer run if followed. I sent the 
cablegram to Adee, to forward to Coiner and Goodnow. 

I have your note of the 2 2d instant, with enclosure which I return. That 
is a very interesting letter of O’Laughlin’s.^ I hope it is true. Always yours 


3206 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BXnXER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 25, 1904 

Dear Murray: Cortelyou and Root have been out here. They are red-hot to 
have you run for Governor. Now, I do not know anything about it, but, for 
Heaven’s sake! don’t commit yourself definitely against it without ample 
thought.^ Ever yours 

‘John Callan OXanghlin, long-time newspaper correspondent, publisher of the 
Army and Navy Jtmmal, admirer of Theodore Roosevelt. For one month (February 
1909) Assfetant Secretay of St^, later secreta^ to Roosevelt on the African trip 
and a delegate to the Progressive Convention in 1912. At this time he was a war 
correspondent in Rus^ 

‘Butler had earlier received stffigestions from Governor OdeU and National Com- 
nutteeman Ward that he run tor the govemor^p. Considering the presidency of 
Columbia a more desirable position, he declined in spite of the continuing pressure 
from Roosevelt and Odell. His correspondence on the matter is printed in' Nicholas 
Murray Butler, Across, the Busy Tears (New York, 1935), I, 371-384. 

904 



3207 'TO %VILLIAM HENRY MOODY 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, August 25, 1904 

My dear Moody: In talking over matters with Root and Cortelyou last night 
I found that they felt strongly, and I agree with them, that the situation in 
Colorado was such that we ought to know just where we stand, and if I am 
called upon to make a decision I should not have to make it on ex parte state- 
ments or accounts compiled from the newspapers. They feel that the Depart- 
ment of Justice should be looking into the matter. Accordingly, I send you 
the enclosed formal letter. If you could get Purdy or Robb, or some man 
of first-class ability and fairness who will put himself in touch with the law- 
yers representing the Federation of Miners, such as John R. .Murphy, of 
Denver, and with the best men of the other side, and who in his report will 
show the history of the Federation of jMiners and the troubles in Cripple 
Creek which have led up to the present troubles, I think it would be an excel- 
lent thing. It looks to me as if Peabody had behaved very foolishly, and had 
winked at mob action so long as the mob action was on his side. 

If you get a chance at any time to get into the neighborhood of Oyster 
Bay, I should like to see you about this matter. Of course have nothing said 
about the man being sent. Let it be found out after he has been at work in 
Colorado. Then if any demand comes upon me for action, or I am taunted 
with inaction, it will be advantageous to say that we had acted some time 
previously. Faithfully yours 

[Handwritten] I do not believe wx can act, any more than in a case of 
lynching; but I should like to have something authoritative to go. I wish I 
could see you. 


3208 • TO WULLIAM HENRY MOODY Roosevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, August 25, 1904 

Sir: I send you herewith various papers calling for action through the Depart- 
ment of Justice in reference to the troubles in the mining regions of Colorado. 
You will please direct one of your representatives to proceed immediately to 
Colorado and make a thorough investigation, which shall be expedited as far 
as is consistent with thoroughness. In the representations that have been made 
to me it is claimed that the conditions in Colorado are such that the disturb- 
ances come within the field of federal jurisdiction, and call for action by the 
President. The matter is one of such importance that I shall request you to 
choose a representative in whose fidelity and judgment you have peculiar 
confidence. Let this representative get in touch with the representative of the 
Bureau of Labor who, I understand, is still in Colorado, and let him lay before 
you for submission to me a full statement of all the facts in the case. Sincerely 
yours, 


905 



3209 • TO JACOB GOtJI.D SCHURMAN 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, August 26, 1904 

My dear Dr. Schzirman: Will you permit me to say that your letter about my 
way of treating the Filipinos makes me a little bit uneasy? It shows me that 
I must be extremely careful in speaking of Cuba as an example. For instance, 
the way you put it is not the way Root put it in his speech. He did not make, 
and therefore of course I do not endorse, a “proposal to treat the Christian 
Filipinos like Christian Cuba.” He was careful to make qualifications, without 
which such a proposition would be, in my judgment, very mischievous. I 
think I shall avoid using Cuba as a comparison at all, for if Root’s carefully 
guarded words can cause such a mistake, I should be afraid of the effect if 
I repeated them. I believe that in time — although in what number of years 
it is impossible to say — we shall be able, with certain changes of detail, to 
give the Christian Filipinos a form of government like that in Cuba; but this 
is a question of belief on my part and it is conditioned upon my belief that 
they will gradually show themselves fit for self-govenunent. If they do not 
show themselves fit, then it would be folly to give them anything resembling 
what Cuba has been given, and the first thing to do is to educate them, as we 
are now educating them, in self-government and civilization. I wish carefully 
to refrain from making a promise which even our own people might mis- 
understand, and which the Filipinos would certainly misunderstand. For in- 
stance, Judge Parker’s letter to Milburn is, to me, preposterous.^ He says he 
would give them independence as soon as he prudently can. This means noth- 
ing, and yet will be taken by the Filipinos to mean everything. If they are 
not given independence immediately under it, they will consider that the 
promise has been broken; and as a matter of fact if Parker came in he could 
only carry out that promise at the cost of infinite humiliation to us at home 
and of disaster to the Filipinos. What we want to do is not to promise at all, 
but to go on performing as we have been going on during the past three or 
four years. Then, in my belief, we shall be able ultimately to work out for 
the Christian Filipinos a system which, with certain changes which it is at 
present impossible even to guess at, may be analagous to that of Cuba; but 
it cannot be too often repeated that the expression of my individual belief 

* In his speech of acceptance Parker had advocated “self-government” for the 
Filipinos “as soon as they are reasonably prepared for it.” Bryan interpreted this 
statement to be a call for immediate independence. The New York Times and Brook- 
15m Eagle, however, maintained that Parker’s position was little different from 
Roosevelt’s. Prodded by the New York World, the judge clarified his views in a 
letter of August 22 to John G. iWilburn. This letter was published in most New 
York newspapers on either August 25 or 26. Parker wrote; “Yon are entirely right 
in assuming that as I employed the phrase, ‘self-govemment,’ it was intended to be 
idendcal with independence, political and territorial. ... I am in hearty accord 
with that plank in the Democratic platform which advocates treating the Filipinos 
precisely as we did the Cubans, and I also favor makmg the promise to them now 
to take such action as soon as it can prudently be done.” 

906 



that this is possible must not take shape so that it can be construed as a prom- 
ise. I believe that they will gradually grow to fit themselves for the position I 
have indicated; but I am not certain that they will so grow, and I have no 
idea how long the growth will take, and under such circumstances it would 
be very wrong to make the promise. 

I shall ask Taft at once if it is not possible to detail Beacham as you desire. 
Faithfully yours 


3210 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 26, 1904 

Dear Elihu: In view of Judge Parker’s letter to Milburn, I thought it best not 
to insert the extract from your speech into my letter, because many excellent 
muttonheads would think that inasmuch as you both spoke of Cuba, you 
must both mean the same thing. 

I earnestly thank you for the help you have given me, old man, as regards 
both the speech and the letter. Spooner, by the way, has given me some 
valuable suggestions too. 

Now for Heaven’s sake take just as long a time in Newfoundland as you 
can, and have the best possible fun. 

Did you see Howard Taylor’s rather astounding lie to the effect that you 
refused to run for Governor because I would not get out of your way for 
the nomination in 1908? ^ Always yours 

[Handwritten] P. S I wish we could organize a lawyers’ club too; it 
w'ould offset the effect of the constitutional club. You could be (honorary) 
President. 


3211 'TO BLOTORD WILSON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal . Oyster Bay, August 26, 1904 

My dear Colonel Wilson: ^ I shall take that matter up with Secretary Taft at 
once. Unless there is good reason to the contrary, I shall have your son put 
into the cavalry. 

You know I am a heretic myself about much of the scholastic work at 
West Point. We need a great deal of mathematics for the engineers and for 
the artillerymen, but we do not need mathematics at all for cavalrymen and 
infantrymen. My very brief military experience was enough to show that the 
men upon whom I had a right to count were the young fellows who were 

* Howard Taylor was a New York City lawyer and Democrat, 

^ Bluford Wibon, Civil War and Spanish-American War veteran, active Illinois Re- 
publican, railroad promoter and lawyer, perhaps best known for his prosecution, 
while Grantis Solicitor General, of the notorious “Whiskey Ring." 


907 



naturally good with horse and rifle, naturally eager, pushing, and resourceful, 
and by no means necessarily bookish. They w-ere outdoor men. 

I shall write you in full when I hear from Secretary Taft. 

Let me repeat how much I appreciate your letter to Mr. Schurz. If he 
possessed much sense of humor I should think he would feel a little ashamed 
of the antics of Judge Parker on the Philippine question. Sincerely yours 


3212 * TO CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Cpnfidential Oyster Bay, August 26, 1904 

My dear Senator: I am delighted to hear what you say about the drift in 
Indiana and Illinois. Frankly, I am surprised at how well things are looking 
here in New York. The cloud ahead is the Governorship, as Root won’t take 
it, and there is no other man who will command as he would the confidence 
of the party. If we do not get into trouble on the Governorship, I believe we 
shall carry New York handsomely. But there is danger in the Governorship 
situation. 

I like what you say about the Canadian reciprocity; but I wish you could 
go a little bit further, and say something like “in spite of propositions on our 
part no agreement has been reached for further consideration,” etc. Is it pos- 
sible to do this? 

I send you herewith a copy of the rough draft of my letter. I am making 
some further changes in it now, and have submitted copies also to Spooner, 
Allison, and one or two others. 

With w^arm regards to Mrs. Fairbanks, believe me, Sincerely yours 


3213 • TO RAY STANNARD BAKER ROOSevelt MsS, 

Personal & private Oyster Bay, August 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Baker: I cannot help feeling that the people who have been 
“confused by my action in the various labor cases” must be of such limited 
brain power that nothing in the world will make my position clear to them. 
Of course when we get hold of a fool who thinks that my refusing to sanc- 
tion the tyranny of capital over labor is contradicted by, instead of com- 
plemented by, my refusal to allow labor in its turn to tyrannize, why, I don’t 
see that any explanation will make the matter clear to him. 

What in the w^orld has my reception of the Butte miners to do with my 
action in the Miller case, for instance? To me they seem as whoQy irrelevant 
as the fact that I have had various capitalists to lunch or dinner is irrelevant 
to the fact that I have pushed the merger case to a successful conclusion* My 
action on labor should always be considered in connection with my action as 
regards capital, and both are reducible to my favorite formula — A square 
deal for every man. By the way, while I do not care to have you write the 

908 



article, and indeed doubt if it could do any good, if you do write the article I 
wish you could put that as the title. 

I believe in corporations. If a corporation is doing square work I will help 
it so far as I can. If it oppresses anybody; if it is acting dishonestly towards its 
stockholders or the public, or towards its laborers, or towards small competi- 
to« why, when I have power I shall try to cinch it. So I believe in labor 
unions. If I were a wageworker I should certainly join one; and I am now an 
honorary member of one and am very proud of it. But if the members of 
labor unions indulge in rioting and violence, or behave wrongfully either to 
a capitalist or to another laborer or to the general public, I shall antagonize 
them just as fearlessly as under similar circumstances I should antagonize the 
biggest capitalist in the land. Moreover, this is not a question of assertion on 
my part; it is a question of recital of what I have done again and again dur- 
ing the last three years. If you will look through my speeches (which I en- 
close you) looking in the index for the Miller incident, what I said about 
labor, etc., you will find “the real views” of one of the candidates at least. 

I do not know what you mean by my “reception of the anthracite coal 
miners.” I received them just as I received the anthracite coal operators. 
Have you seen Judge Gray’s statement of what I did in the anthracite coal 
strike? I think it is better put by him than it has been by anyone else. The 
far-reaching effects for good of what I did are shown by the fact that just 
now trouble has been averted by the miners and operators under their agree- 
ment having recourse to Judge Gray and Carroll D. Wright over a question 
of difference. If you will get a copy of our campaign textbook you will see 
Judge Gray’s opinion about my action in fuU. I do not know what you mean 
about my “attitude on the Colorado petitions.” This Colorado matter is being 
closely studied by the Bureau of Labor and Commissioner Wright will report 
to me as soon as his subordinates who have been on the ground make their 
reports to him. They are going exhaustively into the whole matter. I am also 
having the matter carefully looked into through the Department of Justice. 
But as yet not even a semblance of a showing has been made that would 
justify any interference by me. The contention raised by the miners that I 
should interfere, if true, would require my interference in every State where 
a negro is lynched. It would, for instance, require my interference at this 
moment on behalf of the negroes in most of the Southern States. I am, how- 
ever, having the whole matter most carefully looked into, so that I shall 
know exactly what it is I am asked to do, and what the truth is as to the 
grounds alleged. I “received” the Colorado petitions just as I receive scores 
of similar petitions. 

The Miller case, and my action and views thereon, you will find set forth 
in full in the volumes I send you. 

I do not understand quite what you mean about my actions concerning 
the musicians’ union. Do you mean the enforcement of the immigration law 
against tfie importation of contract laborers? This was a mere question of 

9°9 


ordinary obedience to law. Or do you mean the protest against Government 
bands out of office hours entering into competition with other bands? This, 
of course, is a case that stands by itself, and there is undoubtedly an argument 
from the labor side against permitting men who are paid by the Government, 
and who are therefore able to work for lower sums, to compete with men 
who are not so paid and who therefore cannot work for so little money — 
and the latter in addition, have to work against the prestige gained from the 
fact that one band is a Government band.^ 

I am always glad to see you; but do you think there is any need of your 
coming here? I could not tell you anything that you could quote; and of 
course you must not directly or indirectly use this letter in any way. You 
say you wish to include a forcible statement of my convictions regarding 
the labor problem. Save publicly, in my letter, I shall make no new statement. 
Of course I would not give to any magazine or any private person at this 
time such a statement, because if I gave it to one I should have to give similar 
expressions to hundreds of others. No private expression and no new expres- 
sion could more forcibly express my convictions than the scores of expres- 
sions which you will find in the volume of speeches I send you; as well as in 
my speech of acceptance and in my letter of acceptance (one of which you 
have seen and the other you will see). I should strongly object to making 
any new statement, or being judged by any new statement. I have a right to 
be judged not only by the statements I have made during the last three years, 
but more especially by the way in which my actions have made good these 
statements: the promptitude with which, when the territorial authorities of 
Arizona requested it, I responded with the regular army, and put an instant 
stop to the rioting of a mob which had taken possession of the mines; to my 
action in the Miller case; to my action in the anthracite coal strike; to my 
reception of men like John Mitchell, like the heads of the various railroad 
brotherhoods, and of the Butte miners, at the White House — the doors 
swinging open just as easily for them as for the big capitalists, but no easier 
(as I said to them) ; to my action in the merger suit and in the beef trust cases, 
in the enforcement of the contract labor law and the Chinese exclusion act, 
in the injunctions against the cstate», as in the interstate commerce cases; 
«and» to my action regarding the employees in the arsenals and navy yards, 

* Enlisted personnel in the Army, Navy, and Marine bands had re^larly accepted 
private engagements in their off hours. In December 1903, Owen MHler, secretary of 
the American Federation of Musicians, and William G, Kerngood, president or the 
Washington, D. C., local of that union, had protested to Roosevelt that this practice 
worked a serious hardship on private musicians. The servicemen, they pointed out, 
could afford to work for lower wages than could private citizens. The President took 
no action at that time, but in May 1904 the issue was presented in a new form. The 
management of the Lafayette Square Opera House in Washington dismissed union 
musicians who had demanded an increase in pay. In their place members of the 
United States Marine Band were hired. Again Kerngood protested to Roosevelt. The 
President then instructed Assistant Secretary of the Navy Darling to prohibit en- 
listed bandsmen from accepting any position vacated because of a strike or a lockout. 


910 



where hand in hand with the refusal to discriminate between union and non- 
union men has gone the determination to see that the Government should 
act as a model employer in its treatment of the man both as regards wages and 
as regards hours and conditions of work. 

I have written you somewhat at length because I am a little surprised that 
in your letter you should seem to think that there is any earthly difficulty in 
finding out from my past words and my actions my real views as to “organ- 
ized labor” — and for the matter of that, as to unorganized labor, and organ- 
ized capital, and capital and labor. All that is necessary is to take up my w'ords 
and actions for the past three years. You do not need an additional sentence 
from me of any kind, and there is not a point left obscure. But let me repeat 
that if there exist creatures who have been confused by my action on the 
various labor cases, I hardly think it will be possible to set them right; for 
they must be people who do not understand that when I say I wish to give 
a square deal to every man I mean just exactly that, and that I intend to stand 
by the capitalist when he is right and by the laboring man when he is right, 
and will oppose the one if he goes wrong just as fearlessly as I should oppose 
the other. [Hmdivritten] With regard. Sincerely yours 

P. S. Of course, as I have said, this letter is purely for your own eye, and 
is not to be quoted in whole or in part, directly or indirectly, or made public 
in any way. 


3214 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 27, 1904 

Dear Murray: Last night Littauer came out and told me that Odell was tend- 
ing more and more to believe that your nomination was by all odds the 
strongest nomination that could be made — Root being out of the way. Of 
course, he could not speak to me authoritatively, and he was most careM to 
explain that he thought it would cause a little trouble if people got the impres- 
sion that you were my candidate; so I need hardly say, don’t allude in any 
w’ay to my having written you. Odell evidently believes that not only would 
your nomination be a good thing for the parly, but that it would reflect 
credit upon him, and that while, of course, you W'ould be Governor in all 
that the name implies, yet that being an individual of boffi common sense and 
patriotism, you would try to work with the organization just as I tried to 
work wuth it while I was Governor. I think that one reason why Odell wants 
you to take it is that with Root out of the way, Tim Woodruff is springing 
to the front, being backed by Platt; and Woodruff certainly is not a man who 
would add force and dignity to the ticket, or would strengthen it where it is 
weak, though I dare say he is popular enough in some circles. 

If the republican leaders do ask you to be the nonmee for Governor, I 
, most earnestly hope you will accept. The Governorship is a great and dig- 



nified office, and though it would at die moment interrupt your career as an 
educator, it would enable you at the close of your term of service, if you so 
desired, to go back to that career with immensely added weight. I have al- 
ways, as you know, felt that the part you had taken in politics — your being 
delegate to national conventions, etc. — had greatly strengthened your power 
for good in your educational work, and I think this would strengthen it still 
more. Moreover, if you are asked, it will be because there is a genuine need 
of you; and I hope you can make up your mind to meet this need. It is not 
often that we get such a conjunction as a man ideally fit for the office whom 
the powers in control desire to nominate for the office; and I hate to see a 
failure to take advantage of it. 

If you do accept there will, of course, be an effort to show that you are 
my special ally; and so I should not deem it wise even for you to come down 
here and see me. Always yours 

3215 - TO HERBERT PUTNAM ROOSevelt MsS, 

Oyster Bay, August 29, 1904 

Dear Mr. Tutnam: The writer of the enclosed is, as I understand it, in the 
Library. He is a very different man from your Private Secretary. I regard 
this letter^ of his not merely as an outrage upon the President, whoever the 
President may be, but as treasonable to tiie Government. No man who will 
write such a letter has any business to be retained in the Government service. 
Sincerely yours 

3216 • TO NICHOLAS MTHtRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 29, 1904 

Dear Murray: In the first place, about you and the governorship, I am per- 
sonally sorry but I am bound to say diat I think you are right. I wrote you 
as I did because I thought I ought to put the case strongly before you for the 
sake of the party, but down in the bottom of my heart I all along felt just 
exactly as you express yourself in your letter. By this I do not mean that I was 
insincere in what I wrote you, for if you were willing to take the position, 
then I think there was some justification for it; but I entirely sympathize 
with your unwillingness. 

Now, again a word about the tariff. You are quite right in saying that it 
is the least original part of my speech. Much of it I got from statistics pre- 
pared by North, of the Census Bureau. At the same time, as I think I wrote 
you, most of those who have seen the letter think it one of the very strongest 
portions of it. Joe Cannon thinks so; Hemenway thinks so; Root thinks so; 
and Cortelyou thinks so. I do not know what that clipping you sent me was 

* Jhe letter cnddzed die President’s attitude tend'd the Soudi, 

pi 2 



from, but the statement itself was based on a lie. The whole point of the edi- 
torial is that Lodge and I favor only reciprocity that does not in any way in- 
jure “any” protective interest. Now, as you know, this is Dalzell’s position, 
and at my request Lodge headed the v'ery doubtful but finally victorious fight 
to strike out the word “any” in this connection from our platform. 

I know (though perhaps not as clearly as you do) some of the iniquities 
perpetrated in both the McKinley and Dingley, as well as the Wilson, tariffs. 
Do you for a moment imagine that there would not be as many iniquities per- 
petrated in any new tariff put through either by us or the Democrats? So 
strongly do I feel this that if we could have the present tariff kept unchanged 
for a dozen years and no agitation about it, I am confident it would be the 
best possible thing for this country; but I am perfectly aware that this may 
be impossible, and that we must do the best we can. 

As for the movement in New England for Canadian reciprocity, it is as 
wholly irrational as anything I know. The New Englanders apparently think 
we can get a reciprocity with Canada regardless of Canada’s consent, or the 
country’s interests outside of New England. They would be violently against 
a reciprocity treaty which let in Canadian manufactures to the United States 
and American raw material into Canada — which is the kind of treaty that 
Canada would be inclined to like, and which Iowa, for instance, would sup- 
port. The New Englanders think they can take the tariff off hides and keep 
it on shoes. They may at some time be able to accomplish this feat, but it 
cannot be done as a regular thing and the principle cannot obtain in any tariff 
law. The reciprocity agitation in New England is a factor to be reckoned 
with, just like the free silver agitation in the West. It is not, from a narional 
standpoint, immoral like the free silver movement, but in its present aspect 
it is just as foolish. I hope we can get reciprocity with Canada. I am doubtful 
about it, and the reason I am doubtful about it is that the same New England- 
ers who are howling for it would violently object to having it if we put in 
the things that Canada will want. However, we may be able to get it. Always 
yours 


3217 - TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 29, 1904 

Dear John: The memorandum to Russia about her preposterous position in 
reference to contraband is admirable and has my hearty approval.^ 

You are quite right. The Russians think only with half a mind. I think 
the Japanese wiU whip them handsomely. To judge from the Russians’ atti- 
tude at present, if they were victorious they would be so intolerable as to 
force us to take action. Faithfully yours 

^See Hay to McCormick, August 30, 1904, Foreign Rehuians, 1904, pp. 760-763. 

913 



3 2 1 8 • TO JOHN HAY 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, August 30, 1904 

Dear John: I am much amused and pleased with that editorial in the Boston 
Herald. But oh, John, John, I demand your sympathy! Patrick Ford, James 
Jeffrey Roche and O’Donovan Rossa have come out for me.^ Answer me 
frankly — have you tampered with them in any way? If so, I hope you have 
not promised any personal violence to the British Ambassador. At least, have 
no open rupture until after the dinner to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Faithfully yours 

P. S. It looks to me as if Castro was riding for a fall, and my present im- 
pression is that if he has to have a fall, we had better give it to him.^ If he 
misbehaves himself my idea would be that we had better promptly take pos- 
session of the custom house and put in the Belgians, or other representatives 
of The Hague Court. Of course I should want action deferred until after 
election. 

3219 • TO ROBERT GRANT ROOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September i, 1904 

Dear Bob: I have received both your notes. I wish there was any such chance 
of rest ahead of me as a visit to you, but it is simply out of the question. I 
shall have to wait until you can come to Washington. 

I am much amused over the indignation of both Sioux Falls and Sioux 
City. Faithfully yours 

P. S. I send you a queer letter I have received, which I shall ask you to 
return after reading it, I did not answer the man, thinking it might have been 
a campaign trick, but I have half a mind after election sending him a short 
note, expressing in great plainness my view about him and the young lady 
and gentleman to whom he refers. The older I grow the more profound is 
my disbelief in the hysterical and morbid type of reformer; and these two 
are Tolstoi’s attitudes on many subjects. He sees the evils of unjust war, and 

^Patrick Ford of the Irish World and O’Donovan Rossa of the United Irlsh^mn were 
like Roche, influential Irish-born, Irish-minded editors. 

• “President Castro,” Minister Herbert W. Bowen had cabled John Hay on August 
7, “has now reached the point where he will only yield to force. , . . Never since 
he has been in power has the situation been so bad as it is now.” For these strong 
words there was ample foundation, Venezuela’s dictator was preventing the setde- 
ment of the claims awarded his country’s creditors. Desperate for funds, he had 
demanded that foreign corporations pay his tribute or suffer confiscation of their 
property. Pursuing this direat, Castro seized the asphalt lake of the New York and 
Bennudez Company, an American concern of which Avery D, Andrews was vice- 
president, He sei^d^ also the company’s manager. Although this official was soon 
released, the continuing efforts of me United States to protect the company’s prop- 
erty were without effect. For the relevant cables, containing detailed data on the 
claims and confiscations and bn the negotiations going forth at this tinie, see Foreign 
Relations^ 1905, pp. 919 ff. 


914 



says what is of course true, that in any just war there are attendant evils. He 
could go further. You cannot build a railroad; you cannot dear or till a fann, 
without doing some inddental damage. To declaim against all war as im- 
moral is in itself as fundamentally immoral as to declare against all industry 
because there is an immense amount of evil in most industrial enterprises and 
an immense amount of sordidness and selfishness inevitable to the average 
industrial life. So he declaims against marriage because there are hideous evils 
attendant upon unregulated or twisted passion. I have alw'ays regarded his 
books, My Religion and the Kreutzer Sonata as supplementary to one another. 
The man has a diseased mind. He is not wholesome. He is not sane; and there- 
fore, bdng prone to hysterical excess of a wicked kind, he atones for it by 
hysterical assault on the good qualities which can be abused into being bad 
qualities. 


3220 • TO ALVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE RoOSeOelt MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, September 2, 1904 

To the Acting Secretary of State: Cannot diplomats be prevented from call- 
ing me “Your Excellency”? Let them call me “The President,” or “Mr. Presi- 
dent,” or “Sir,” but not a tide to which I have no right. [Handvmtten] (and 
one, incidentally, given to every third rate German potentate or beaurocrat). 


3221 • TO HENRY VAN 3 SnESS BOYNTON RoOSevelt MsS, 

Oyster Bay, September 2, 1904 

My dear General Boynton: ^ Permit me, through you, to extend my hearty 
good wishes to the Society of the Army of the Cumberland at its renmon in 
Indianapolis. I only wish it were in my power to be present. 

The record of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland is indeed note- 
worthy. Three of its members were Presidents of the United States — Grant, 
Garfield, and Harrison. Four commanded the Army after the Qvil War— 
Sheridan, Sherman and Schofield. Two reached the Supreme Court 
— Matthews and Harlan. You have had many members in the Cabinet, in the 
Senate, and in the House of Representatives; one of them. General Keifer, 

becoming Speaker of the House. ^ 

For this exceptional record you are entitled to the respect and admiration 
of your countrymen; but after all, the great claim, the undying claim that 
you have upon all the people of this nation rests upon the fact that all of you, 

»Henrv Van Ness Bovnton, Washington, D. C., newspaperman; president of the 
DSsSdoTEdnStionWete^oftheavatmdSp^ 
thfe time presidait of the Sodety of the Army of the Ctoberland. 
ing this to Boynton, requested the ^e^ to deliver copies to Ae^t^d 
PrAce dn/l Stin Press Associations. Letters smnlar m spirit were 



jwiij Veterans of Fore%u Swvice, during this campa^ year, 


9^5 



from the major general to the private, did your full part in that great brother- 
hood of men who formed the Union Army from i86i to 1865, and who dur- 
ing those four years rendered not only to our people but to all mankind the 
greatest service w'hich it was given to any men of the Nineteenth Century to 
render. The men who served in the great Civil War left to their children and 
their children’s children, unto the remotest generation, not merely a reunited 
country, not merely the sense of belonging to a nation which has before it a 
future so vast that even its most loyal sons can hardly venture to anticipate 
it; but you left to them also the memory of the way in which that formidable 
army of fighting men, when once the war was ended, turned forthwith to the 
pursuits of peace and showed themselves good citizens at home just as they 
had shown themselves good soldiers at the front. In any great crisis of war 
this nation must rely mainly upon its volunteer soldiery, and the veterans of 
the Gvil War have left us forever the model of what such a soldiery should 
be. We of the younger generation owe you a debt greater than we can ever 
pay, alike for the lessons you taught in war and for the lessons you taught in 
peace. 

With the heartiest regards, and with every cordial wish for the success of 
your reunion, believe me. Very faithfully yours 


3222 * TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 2, 1904 

Dear John: I have explained again and again and again to Scrymser, and also 
to Emlen, that the action taken was taken by my direction. Why in the world 
Cabot is so interested I do not know. I shall be surprised if affection for 
Edmund Baylies is all. He never mentioned him to us. Of course, it is for a 
good motive. Emlen, who is a trump, is naturally sure that he is right. He has 
been very loyal to me, and if only for the satisfaction it may give him I 
should like to have you and I and Taft, with Penfield, meet him and Scrym- 
ser, by preference sometime after election — certainly after you get back to 
Washington. Are we negotiating a treaty with Panama now? ^ 

Of course you must not think of coming to the Canterbury entertain- 
ment. I only wrote on the off-chance. 

The enclosed letter from Root explains itself. What do you think of the 
proposition? 

^Eitilea Roosevelt and Lodge were supporting Scrymser in his request for the assist- 
ance of die ifoveminent in maintaining the exclusive concession of his Central and 
Sot^ American Tel^raph Company in Panama. William L. Penfield, since 1897 
Solicitor of the State Department, and Root did not believe that Panama was bound 
by a previous agreement between Scry^r and Colombia, nor did they, apparendy, 
sustam Sctymsfer's claims to exclusive rights elsewhere in Larin America. Ultimately 
Scrymser had to compete with Madcay for cable rights in those areas. 

916 


How very interesting AlorganV letter is. I was immensely pleased with 
the account of the squad of Japanese enlisted men who felt utterly at sea 
when the Chinese officials wished to treat them as conquerors and pay them 
honor. I am equally delighted with the remark reported to have been made by 
one woman to another, “Really I do not think the British Consul will have 
many people for tennis today.” What nonsense it is to speak of the Chinese 
and Japanese as of the same race! They are of the same race only in the sense 
that a Levantine Greek is of the same race with Lord xMilner. Always yours 

P. S. What do you think of Obaldia’s request.^ ® Do whatever you think 
wise. 

As for Bowen’s letter, it is most interesting. He might just as well take his 
holiday. Of course we do not want to act in the closing weeks of the cam- 
paign, but I think we should make up our minds ourselves to take the initiative 
and give Castro a sharp lesson, and turn the custom house over to the Bel- 
gians. This would put into deeds the policy announced in my letter read by 
Root at the Cuban dinner. I think it will have a very healthy effect, in the 
first place because it will do away with the foreign nations having any pretext 
for interference on this side of the water, and in the next place it will show 
those Dagos that they will have to behave decently. 


3223 • TO JOHN MORLEY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 5, 1904 

My dear Mr. Morley: I am delighted to receive your note. I shall expect you 
on November 9th or loth. I never play bridge. I have gone shooting but once 

* Edwin Vemon Morgan, career diplomat, at this time was consul at Dalny, Man- 
churia; he was later appointed by Roosevelt minister to Korea, March 1905", and to 
Cuba, November 1905. 

* Jose Domingo de Obaldfa, Governor of Panama when the revolution occurred, 
later elected President of Panama, at this time Panamanian Minister to the United 
States, had addressed a memorial to Hay on August ii registering the official pro- 
test of his government against the tarin and postal policies of the United States in 
the Canal Zone. These issues, consdtuting the first major controvert between the 
two countries, involved the interpretation of American sovereignty in the Zone, The 
United States had levied Dingley rates on goods entering the ports she controlled, 
appiyit^ these rates to Panamanian products as well as to those of other nations. 
Post offices in the Zone accepted the mail of Panamanian citizens at postal rates 
substantially lower than those of the Panamanian government. Panama, perturbed 
by these practices, asserted that the Hay-Bunau-VarJlla Treaty permitted no such 
exercises of sovereignty. The United States, she maintained, had only tliose rights 
pertaining to “the construction, maintenance, operation, sanitation, and protecnon 
of the (Sinai.” This vital issue was complicated by the arbitrary rulings of the 
Canal Commission. Dissatisfied with the inertia in normal diplomatic channels, 
Roosevelt sent Tadt to Panama in November. The Secretary or War reached an 
agreement with the Panamanian government by which both parties modified their 
tariff and postal policies and the United States in effect recognized Panama’s inter- 
,pretatton of her sovereignty. For an excellent account of these problems and their 
setdement, see William D* mcC^dn, The Umted States and the Republic of Panama 
(Durham, North Carolina, 1957), ch, ii. 

9^7 



since I was President, and my ridii^ is now only of a decorous kind, and only 
occupies an hour or two in the afternoon; so you see I shall have plenty of 
time to talk and listen and to try to help you observe! There are very many 
things I want to go over with you; and if possible there are certain big poli- 
ticians I wish you to meet. 

With regard. Sincerely yours 


3224 • TO CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 7, 1904 

Dear Senator Fear banks: I am glad to hear what you say of Kansas. The results 
in Vermont and Arkansas are very encouraging. The Vermont election means 
that unless there is a cataclysm we shall do well in the Northeastern States; 
and unless I am greatly in error the result in Arkansas means that we have a 
chance in Missouri. I have just your feeling about Maryland. We have a 
chance, but it is a poor one.^ 

If you are to be at the Manhattan Hotel on Sunday cannot you come out 
Sunday afternoon and spend the night with me? 

With hearty regard, believe me. Sincerely yours 


3225 • TO CHARLES HARRISON TWEED RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 7, 1904 

My dear Air. Tweed: ^ Secretary Root has written me as to appointing one 
member of a joint international commission or junta to direct the operation 
of collecting and applying the requisite share of Venezuelan revenues to meet 
interest and sinking fund under a new refunding scheme which Speyer & 
Company are discussing with English, French and German bankers. Secretary 
Hay feels that we are hardly prepared to enter into such an arrangement. 
Confidentially, however, I will say that I am by no means satisfied with 
Venezuela’s present attitude — or rather President Castro’s — and when I re- 
turn to Washington and after Mr. Root’s return from Newfoundland I 
should like to have him come on and discuss with Secretary Hay and mjtself 
your proposition. AH I want Venezuela to do is to play square and to keep 

* Vermont paidcolarly pleased the Republicans. The Democrats had made Roose- 
velt the issue without effect The 32,000 plurality exceeded the estimates of the 
State Republican Ckimmittee by 30 per cent The concern of the Democrats was 
expressed by Joseph Pulitzer in a public letter to Josephus Daniels. The fault he 
argued, lay m the par^s lack of aggressiveness. Parker should take the stump. “The , 
people need a judidal chief magistrate," Pulitzer observed, “but not too judicial a 
candidate. ... It is the part of a leader to lead.”— New York Wmld, September 8. 

‘ Charl« Harrison Tweed, New York CSty lawyer and financier; general counsel, 
successively, far the Central Pacific Railroad, Chesapeake and OW, and Southern 
Pacific Company^ copartner in Speyer and Company, 1903-1907. 

918 



faith with us and with The Hague tribunal, and it may be that your com- 
pany can help toward this end. Sincerely yours 


3226 • TO EDWARD HUBERT BUTLER 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss, 
Oyster Bay, September 8, 1904 

De(^ Air, Butlei': ^ I thank you for your kind letter of the 7th instant. I agree 
entirely with you that the great point is now not to let our Republican man- 
agers feel overconfident so that they either begin to play antics, which the 
people will not stand, or become apathetic under the impression that the vic- 
tory is already won. In every Congressional district the Republican managers 
should make up their mind that all the nominees, local, State and National, 
should be of the highest type, and every effort made to get out the maximum 
vote. My own judgment is that the result in \^ermont and Arkansas, together 
with the result in Oregon last June, will make the Democracy wake up. I am 
rather inclined to think that w’^e shall not do particularly w^ell in Maine, be- 
cause they are in one of their usual rows over the enforcement of the pro- 
hibition law^s; and while this really has no earthly national significance, the 
Democrats will hail it as having such, and we shall see a revival of activity 
on their part. I think we may look to a revival of Democratic activity and 
pretensions. Moreover, it does not seem to me possible that Parker can fall as 
flat in his letter as he did in his speech, and this will give them some little re- 
vival. Therefore I think your advice most admirable. Unless w^’e throw it 
away ourselves, we have the victory; and it would be a %vicked thing to throw 
it aw^ay. Sincerely yours 


3227 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss, 


Oyster Bay, September 10, 1904 

Dear Will: I shall do as you outline about Edwards’ report^ and your letter, 
which sets forth the thing exactly. 

I am as pleased as Punch about Vermont. Maine often goes queerly, and 
while I hope for the best there I shall not be disappointed if we do only fairly 
well. As you say, I hope that the Vermont election will cut off some of the 
money supply of our adversaries. What infernal liars the independent press 
does contain! The New York Times, Evening Rost, Herald, etc., have been 
speaking of my raising money and sending a corruption fund to Vermont. 
As a matter of fact we did not send one dollar in Vermont, whereas they 

^Edward Hubert Butler, founder, editor, and proprietor of the Buffalo Evening 
News and Sunday News; former president of the Republican State Editorial Associa- 
tion; Republican elector in 1896 and 1900. 


^ A report on the Phiiijmine exhibit at the St. Louis Exposition by Colonel Clarence 
Ransom Edwards, chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs. Taft had requested that 
this report and his letter be forwarded tq the War Department, 

919 



know that corruption is the breath of the nostrils of Tom Taggart, and that 
his only hope of carrying Indiana is in buying the negroes to stay away from 
the polls, importing Kentuckians and paying floaters. 

Bishop told me that Odell had offered the nomination for Governor to 
your brother, and I asked Bishop to urge him to accept. However, he has felt 
obliged to decline. I am really sorry. Always yours 

3228 • TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, September 10, 1904 

My dear Colonel Wright: Yonx letter on the effect of the trades-union of 
Chicago in Americanizing voters is one of the most interesting documents I 
have come across in many a long day.^ I think it so important that in some 
shape or other I shall try to get it before Congress. Fahhftdly yours 

3229 ■ TO EUGENE A. PHILBIN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 10, 1904 

My dear Mr. Philbin: I think your advice most sound. Of course if people 
were reasonable they could understand, because they could not possibly mis- 
understand, my attitude, which is simply that I am not favoring Catholics 
any more than I am favoring Protestants; that I am simply acting as any 
decent man should by treating them exactly alike — just as I do in my social 
relations, for instance, where the fact that such good friends of mine as Grant 
La Farge and Gussie Montant are Catholics never enters my head from one 
year’s end to another. But unfortunately there are bigots of my own faith 
who utterly fail to realize this simple fact. I have been rather amused at seeing 
how some very good and broad men shied off from the suggestion in my 
letter about Catholic Presidents. Now, I not only hope, but believe, that this 
country will last with substantially its present form of popular government 
for many centuries. If so, there will be many Catholic Presidents. I trust that 
if any one of these Catholic Presidents happens to know anything of me or 
my conduct, he will feel that I have acted along just the lines that he can 
afford to set. In 1884, by the way, I was engaged in a movement, which 
proved abortive, to see if we could not nominate Phil Sheridan for the Presi- 
dency. 

Young Hammond ^ has sent a very excellent letter to the papers about my 
removal of Asa Bird Gardiner, that amiable Colonial Dame, which I wish you 
would look ati Fmthfully yours 

‘By instracdon in English and in American government, trade-unions in Chicago 
had be^n effccdvely to teach the immigrant what traditionally had been badly 
taught, if taught at all, by local political mbs. 

‘ John Henry Hammond, New York Qty lawyer; deputy attorney general of New 
York, 1899-1901, 


920 



3230 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, September 12, 1904 

Aly dear Sir: I accept the nomination for the Presidency' tendered me by the 
Republican National Convention, and cordially approve the platform adopted 
by it. In writing this letter there are certain points upon which I desire to 
lay especial stress. 

It is difficult to find out from the utterances of our opponents what are 
the real issues upon which they propose to wage this campaign. It is not 
unfair to say that, having abandoned most of the principles upon which they 
have insisted during the last eight years, they now seem at a loss, both as to 
what it is that they really believe, and as to how firmly they shall assert their 
belief in anything. In fact it is doubtful if they venture resolutely to press 
a single issue; as soon as they raise one they shrink from it and seek to explain 
it away. Such an attitude is the probably inevitable result of the effort to 
improvise convictions; for when thus improvised it is natural that they 
should be held in a tentative manner. 

The party now in control of the Government is troubled by no such 
difficulties. We do not have to guess at our own convictions, and then correct 
the guess if it seems unpopular. The principles which we profess are those 
in which we believe with heart and soul and strength. Men may differ from 
us; but they cannot accuse us of shiftiness or insincerity'. The policies we 
have pursued are those which we earnestly hold as essential to the national 
welfare and repute. Our actions speak even louder than our words for the 
faith that is in us. We base our appeal upon what we have done and are 
doing, upon our record of administration and legislation during the last seven 
years, in which we have had complete control of the Government. We in- 
tend in the future to carry on the Govcrmnent in the same w'ay that we have 
carried it on in the past. 

A party whose members are radically at variance on most vital issues, 
and if united at all, are only united on issues w'here their attitude threatens 
widespread disaster to the whole country, cannot be trusted to govern in 
any matter. A party which with facile ease changes all its convictions before 
election cannot be trusted to adhere with tenacity to any principle after 
election. A party fit to govern must have convictions. In 1896 the Republi- 
can party came into power, and in 1900 it retained power on certain definite 
pledges, each of which was scrupulously fulfilled. But in addition to meeting 
and solving the problems which were issues in these campaigns, it also be- 
came necessary to meet other problems w'hich arose after election; and it is 
ho small part of our claim to public confidence that these were solved with 
the same success that had attended the solution of those concerning which 
the battles at the polls were fought In other words, our governmental effi- 
ciency proved equal not only to the tasks that were anticipated, but to doing 
each unanticipated , task as it arose. 



When the contest of 1896 was decided, the question of the war with 
Spain was not an issue. When the contest of 1900 was decided, the shape 
which the Isthmian Canal question ultimately took could not have been 
foreseen. But the same qualities wlaich enabled those responsible for making 
and administering the laws at Washington to deal successfully with the tariff 
and the currency, enabled them also to deal with the Spanish war; and the 
same qualities which enabled them to act wisely in the Philippines and in 
Cuba, also enabled them to do their duty as regards the problems connected 
with the trusts, and to secure the building of the Isthmian Canal. We are 
content to rest our case before the American people upon the fact that to 
adherence to a lofty ideal we have added proved governmental eJEciency. 
Therefore our promises may surely be trusted as regards any issue that is now 
before the people; and we may equally be misted to deal with any new prob- 
lem which may hereafter arise. 

So well has the work been done that our opponents do not venture to 
recite the facts about our policies or acts and then oppose them. They attack 
them only when they have first misrepresented them; for a truthful recital 
would leave no room for adverse comment. 

Panama offers an instance in point. Our opponents can criticize what we 
did in Panama only on condition of misstating what was done. The admin- 
istration behaved throughout not only with good faith but with extraordi- 
nary patience and large generosity toward those with whom it dealt. It was 
also mindful of American interests. It acted in strict compliance with the law 
passed by Congress. Had not Panama been promptly recognized, and the 
transit across the Isthmus kept open, in accordance with our treaty rights 
and obligations, there would have ensued endless guerrilla warfare and pos- 
sibly foreign complications; while all chance of building the canal would 
have been deferred, certainly for years, perhaps for a generation or more. 
Criticism of the action in this matter is simply criticism of the only possible 
action which could have secured the building of the canal; as well as the 
peace and quiet which we were, by treaty, bound to preserve along the line 
of transit across the Isthmus. The service rendered this country in securing 
the perpetual right to construct, maintain, operate and defend the canal was 
so great that our opponents do hot venture to raise the issue in straightfor- 
ward fashion; for if so raised there would be no issue. The decisive action 
which brought about this beneficent result was the exercise by the President 
of the powers vested in him, and in him alone, by the Constitution; the power 
to recognize foreign governments by entering into diplomatic relations with 
them, and the power to make treaties which, when ratified by the Senate, 
become under the Constitution part , of the supreme law of the land. Neither 
in this nor in any other matter has there been the slightest failure to live up 
to the Constitution in letter and in spirit. But the Constitution must be ob- 
served positively as well as negatively. The President’s duty is to serve the 
country in accordance with the Constitution; and I should be derelict in my 





duty if I used a false construction of the Constitution as a shield for weakness 
and timidity or as an excuse for governmental impotence. 

Sunilar misrepresentation is the one weapon of our opponents in regard 
to our foreign policy, and the way the navy has been made useful in carry- 
ing out this policy. Here again all that we ask is that they truthfully state 
what has been done, and then say whether or not they object to it — for if 
continued in power we shall continue our foreign policy and our handling 
of the navy on exactly the same lines in the future as in the past. To what 
phase of our foreign policy, and to what use of the navy, do our opponents 
object? Do they object to the way in which the Monroe Doctrine has been 
strengthened and upheld? Never before has this doctrine been acquiesced 
in abroad as it is now; and yet, while upholding the rights of the weaker 
American republics against foreign aggression, the administration has lost 
no opportunity to point out to these republics that those w'ho seek equity 
should come with clean hands, and that whoever claims liberty as a right 
must accept the responsibilities that go with the exercise of the right. Do our 
opponents object to what was done in reference to the petition of American 
citizens against the ICisheneff massacre? or to the protest against the treatment 
of the Jews in Roumania? or to the efforts that have been made in behalf 
of the Armenians in Turkey? No other administration in our history, no 
other government in the world, has more consistently stood for the broadest 
spirit of brotherhood in our common humanity, or has held a more resolute 
attitude of protest against every wrong that outraged the civilization of the 
age, at home or abroad. Do our opponents object to the fact that the inter- 
national tribunal at The Hague was rescued from impotence, and turned 
into a potent instrument for peace among the nations? This Government has 
used that tribunal, and advocated its use by others, in pursuance of its policy 
to promote the cause of international peace and good will by all honorable 
methods. In carrying out this policy it has settled dispute after dispute by 
arbitration or by friendly agreement. It has behaved towards all nations, 
strong or weak, with courtesy, dignity, and justice; and it is now' on excellent 
terms with aU. 

Do our opponents object to the settlement of the Alaska boundary line? 
Do they object to the fact that after freeing Cuba we gave her reciprocal 
trade advantages with the United States, while at the same time keeping 
naval stations in the island and providing against its sinking into chaos, or 
being conquered by any foreign power? Do they object to the fact that our 
flag now flies over Porto Rico? Do they object to the acquisition of Hawaii? 
Once they “hauled dowm” our flag there; we have hoisted it again; do they 
intend once more to haul it down? Do they object to the part we played in 
China? Do they not know that the voice of the United States would now 
count for nothing in the Far East if we had abandoned the Philippines and 
refused to do what was done in China? Do they object to the fact that this 
Government secured a peaceful settlement of the troubles in Venezuda two 



years ago? Do they object to the presence of the ship of war off Colon 
when the revolution broke out in Panama, and when only the presence of 
this ship saved the Uves of American citizens, and prevented insult to the 
flag? Do they object to the fact that American warships appeared promptly 
at the port of Beirut when an effort had been made to assassinate an American 
official, and in the port of Tangier when an American citizen had been ab- 
ducted,^ and that in each case the wrong complained of was righted and 
expiated? and that within the last few days the visit of an American squadron 
to Smyrna was followed by the long-delayed concession of their just rights 
to those Americans concerned in educational work in Turkey? Do they 
object to the trade treaty with China, so full of advantage for the American 
people in the future? Do they object to the fact that the ships carrying the 
national flag now have a higher standard than ever before in marksmanship 
and in seamanship, as individual units and as component parts of squadrons 
and fleets? If they object to any or all of these things, we join issue with 
them. Our foreign policy has been not only highly advantageous to the 
United States but hardly less advantageous to the w'orld as a whole. Peace 
and good will have followed in its footsteps. The Government has shown 
itself no less anxious to respect the rights of others than insistent that the 
rights of Americans be respected in return. As for the navy, it has been and 
is now the most potent guarantee of peace; and it is such chiefly because it 
is formidable, and ready for use. 

When our opponents speak of “encroachments” by the Executive upon 
the authority of Congress of the Judiciary, apparendy the act they ordi- 
narily have in view is Pension Order No. 78, issued under die authority of 
existing la■w^ This order directed that hereafter any veteran of the Qvil War 
who had reached the age of 62 should be presumptively entitied to the pen- 
sion of six dollars a month, given under the dependent pension law to those 
whose capacity to earn their livelihood by manual labor has been decreased 
fifty per cent, and that by the time the age of 70 was reached the presumption 
should be that the physical disability was complete; the age being treated as 
an evidential fact in each case. This order was made in the performance of a 
duty imposed upon the President by an act of Congress, which requires the 
Executive to make regulations to govern the subordinates of the Pension 
Oflice in determining who are entitled to pensions. President Qeveland had 
already exercised this power by a regulation which declared that 75 should 
be set as the age at which total disability should be conclusively presumed. 
Similarly President McKinley established 65 as the sge at which half dis- 
ability should be conclusively presumed. The regulation now in question, in 
the exercise of the same power, supplemented these regulations made under 
Presidents Cleveland and McICinley. 

'After die abduedoa of loa Ferdicaris by die bandit Raisuli on May 18, 1904, Secre- 
tary Hay had sent his well-known message calling for “Ferdicaris ^e or Raisnli 
dead.” 



The men who fought for union and for liberty in the years from i86i 
to 1865 not only saved this Nation from ruin, but rendered an inestimable 
service to all mankind. We of the United States owe the fact that today we 
have a country to what they did; and the Nation has decreed by law that 
no one of them, if disabled from earning his own living, shall lack the pen- 
sion to which he is entitled not only as a matter of gratitude but as a matter 
of justice. It is the policy of the Republican party, steadily continued through 
many years, to treat the veterans of the Civil War in a spirit of broad lib- 
erality. The order in question carried out this policy, and is justified not 
merely on legal grounds but also on grounds of public morality. It is a 
matter of common knowledge that when the average man who depends for 
his wages upon bodily labor has reached the age of 62 his earning ability is 
in all probability less by half than it was when he was in his prime; and that 
by the time he has reached the age of 70 he has probably lost all earning 
ability. If there is doubt upon this point let the doubter examine the em- 
ployees doing manual labor in any great manufactory or on any great rail- 
road and find out how large is the proportion of men between the ages of 
62 and 70, and whether these men are still employed at the highly paid tasks 
which they did in their prime. As a matter of fact, many railroads pension 
their employees when they have reached these ages, and in nations where old 
age pensions prevail they always begin somewhere betw^een the two limits 
thus set. It is easy to test our opponents’ sincerity in this matter. The order 
in question is revocable at the pleasure of the Executive. If our opponents 
come into power they can revoke this order and announce that they will 
treat the veterans of 62 to 70 as presumably in full bodily vigor and not 
entitled to pensions. Will they now authoritatively state that they intend to 
do this? If so, we accept the issue. If not, then we have the right to ask why 
they raise an issue which when raised they do not venture to meet. 

In addition to those acts of the Administration which they venture to 
assail only after misrepresenting them, there are others which they dare not 
overtly or officially attack, and yet which they covertly bring forward as 
reasons for the overthrow of the party. In certain great centers and with 
certain great interests our opponents make every effort to show that the 
settlement of the Anthracite Coal Strike by the individual act of the Presi- 
dent, and the successful suit against the Northern Securities Company — the 
Merger suit — undertaken by the Department of Justice, were acts because 
of which the present Administration should be thrown from power. Yet 
they dare not openly condemn either act. They dare not in any authoritative 
or formal manner say that in either case wrong was done or error com- 
mitted in the method of action, or in the choice of mstruments for putting 
that action into effect. But what they dare not manfuUy assert in open day, 
they seek to use furtively and through special agents. It is perhaps natural 
that an attack so conducted should be made sometimes on die ground that 
too much, sometimes on the ground that too little, has been done. Some of 


925 



our opponents complain because under the antitrust and interstate commerce 
laws suits were undertaken which have been successful; others, because suits 
were not undertaken which would have been unsuccessful. The Democratic 
State convention in New York dealt with the Anthracite Coal Strike by 
demanding in deliberate and formal fashion that the national government 
should take possession of the coal fields; yet champions of that convention’s 
cause now condemn the fact that there was any action by the President at 
all — though they must know that it was only this action by the President 
which prevented the movement for national ownership of the coal fields 
from gaining what might well have been an irresistible impetus. Such mutu- 
ally destructive criticisms furnish an adequate measure of the chance for 
coherent action or constructive legislation if our opponents should be given 
power. 

So much for what our opponents openly or covertly advance in the way 
of an attack on the acts of the Administration. When we come to consider 
the policies for which they profess to stand we are met with the difiiculty 
always arising when statements of policy are so made that they can be inter- 
preted in different ways. On some of the vital questions that have confronted 
the American people in the last decade our opponents take the position that 
silence is the best possible way to convey their views. They contend that 
their lukewarm attitude of partial acquiescence in what others have accom- 
plished entitles them to be made the custodians of the financial honor and 
commercial interests which they have but recently sought to ruin. Being 
unable to agree among themselves as to whether the gold standard is a curse 
or a blessing, and as to whether we ought or ought not to have free and 
unlimited coim^e of silver, they have apparently thought it expedient to 
avoid any committal on these subjects, and individually each to follow his 
particular bent. Their nearest approach to a majority judgment seems to be 
that it is now inexpedient to assert their convictions one way or the other, 
and that the estabbshment of the gold standard by the Republican party 
should not be disturbed unless there is an alteration in the relative quantity 
of production of silver and gold. Men who hold sincere convictions on vital 
questions can respect equally sincere men with whose views they radically 
differ; and men may confess a change of faith without compromising their 
honor or their self-respect. But it is difficult to respect an attitude of mind 
such as has been fairly described above; and where there is no respect there 
can be no trust. A policy with so slender a basis of principle would not stand 
the strain of a single year of business adversity. 

We, on the contrary, believe in the gold standard as fixed by the usage 
and verdict of the business world, and in a sound monetary system as matters 
of principle; as matters not of momentary political expediency, but of per- 
manent organic policy. In 1896 and again in 1900 farsighted men, without 
regard to their party fealty in the past, joined to work against what they 
r^arded as a debased monetary system. The policies which th^ r’ham ptnnft'rl 

026 







have been steadfastly adhered to by the Administration; and by the act of 
March 14, 1900, Congress established the single gold standard as the measure 
of our monetary value. This act received the support of every Republican 
in the House, and of every Republican except one in the Senate. Of our 
opponents, eleven supported it in the House and two in the Senate; and one 
hundred and fifty opposed it in the House and twenty-eight in the Senate. 
The record of the last seven years proves that the party now in power can 
be trusted to take the additional action necessary to improve and strengthen 
our monetary system, and that our opponents cannot be so trusted. The 
fundamental fact is that in a popular government such as ours no policy is 
irrevocably settled by law unless the people keep in control of the govern- 
ment men who believe in that policy as a matter of deep-rooted conviction. 
Laws can always be revoked; it is the spirit and the purpose of those respon- 
sible for their enactment and administratioa which must be fixed and un- 
changeable. It is idle to say that the monetary standard of the Nation is 
irrevocably fixed so long as the party which at the last election cast approxi- 
mately forty-six per cent of the total vote, refuses to put in its platform any 
statement that the question is settled. A determination to remain silent can- 
not be accepted as equivalent to a recantation. Until our opponents as a 
party explicitly adopt the views which we hold and upon which we have 
acted and are acting, in the matter of a sound currency, the only real way 
to keep the question from becomii^ unsettled is to keep the Republican 
party in power. 

As for what our opponents say in reference to capital and labor, indi- 
vidual or corporate, here again all we need by way of answer is to point to 
what we have actually done, and to say that if continued in power -we shall 
continue to carry out the policy we have been pursuing, and to execute tihe 
law's as resolutely and fearlessly in the future as \ve have executed them in 
the past. In my speech of acceptance I said: 

We recognize the organization of capital and the organization of labor as 
natural outcomes of our industrial system. Each kind of organization is to be 
favored so long as it. acts in a spirit of justice and of regard for die rights of odiers. 
Each is to be granted the full protection of die law, and each in turn is to be held 
to a strict obedience to the law; for no man is above it and no man below it. The 
humblest individual is to have his rights safeguarded as scrupulously as those of 
the strongest organization, for each is to receive justice, no more and no less. The 
problems wdth which we have to deal in our modem industrial and social life are 
manifold; but the spirit in which it is necessary to approach their solution is 
simply the spirit of honesty, of courage, and of common sense. 

The action of the Attorney General in enforcing tiie antitrust and interstate 
commerce laws, and the action of the last Congrera in enlarging the scope 
of the interstate commerce law, and in creating tiie Department of Com- 
merce and Labor, with a Bureau of Corporations, have for tiie first time 
opned a chance for the national govenunent to deal intdligendy and ade- 


927 



quately with the questions affecting society, whether for good or for evil, 
because of the accumulation of capital in great corporations, and because of 
the new relations caused thereby. These laws are now being administered 
with entire efficiency; and as in their working need is shown for amendment 
or addition to them, — whether better to secure the proper publicity, or 
better to guarantee the rights of shippers, or in any other direction — this 
need will be met. It is now asserted “that the common law as developed 
affords a complete legal remedy against monopolies.” ® But there is no com- 
mon law of the United States. Its rules can be enforced only by the State 
courts and officers. No Federal court or officer could take any action what- 
ever under them. It was this fact, coupled with the inability of the States to 
control trusts and monopolies, which led to the passage of the Federal stat- 
utes known as the Sherman antitrust act and the interstate commerce act; 
and it is only through the exercise of the powers conferred by these acts, and 
by the statutes of the last Congress supplementing them, that the national 
government acquires any jurisdiction over the subject. To say that action 
against trusts and monopolies should be limited to the application of the 
common law is equivalent to saying that the national government should take 
no action whatever to regulate them. 

Undoubtedly the multiplication of trusts and their increase in power has 
been largely due to the “failure of officials charged with the duty of enforc- 
ing the law to take the necessary procedure.” Such stricture upon the failure 
of the officials of the national government to do their duty in this matter is 
certainly not w’holly undeserved as far as the administration preceding Presi- 
dent McKinley’s is concerned; but it has no application at all to Republican 
administration. It is also undoubtedly true that what is most needed is “offi- 
cials having both the disposition and the courage to enforce existing law.” 
This is precisely the need that has been met by the consistent and steadily 
continued action of the Department of Justice under the present adminis- 
tration. 

So far as the rights of the individual wageworker and the individual capi- 
talist are concerned, both as regards one another, as regards the public, and 
as regards organized capital and labor, the position of the administration has 
been so clear that there is no excuse for misrepresenting it, and no ground 
for opposing it unless misrepresented. Within the limits defined by the 
national Constitution the national administration has sought to secure to each 
man the full enjoyment of his right to live his life and dispose of his property 
and his labor as he deems best, so long as he wrongs no one else. It has shown 
in effective fashion that in endeavoring to make good this guarantee, it treats 
all men, rich or poor, whatever their creed, their color, or their birthplace, 
as standing alike before the law. Under our form of government the sphere 

‘The assemon was made by Judge Parker in his speech of acceptance. Roosevelt’s 
argument in rebuttal had already appeared in the editorial columns of the Republican 
papers in the ktter part of August. 


928 



in which the nation as distinguished from the state can act is narrowly cir- 
cumscribed; but within that sphere all that could be done has been done. 
All thinking men are aware of the restrictions upon the power of action of 
the national government in such matters. Being ourselves mindful of them 
we have been scrupulously careful on the one hand to be moderate in our 
promises, and on the other hand to keep these promises in letter and in spirit. 
Our opponents have been hampered by no such considerations. They have 
promised, and many of them now promise, action which they could by no 
possibility take in the exercise of constitutional power, and which if at- 
tempted would bring business to a standstill; they have used, and often now 
use, language of wild invective and appeal to all the baser passions which 
tend to excite one set of Americans against their fellow-Americans; and yet 
whenever they have had power they have fittingly supplemented this ex- 
travagance of promise by absolute nullity in performance. 

This Government is based upon the fundamental idea that each man, no 
matter what his occupation, his race, or his religious belief, is entitled to be 
treated on his worth as a man, and neither favored nor discriminated against 
because of any accident in his position. Even here at home there is painful 
difficulty in the effort to realize this ideal; and the attempt to secure from 
other nations acknowledgment of it, sometimes encounters obstacles that 
are well-nigh insuperable; for there are many nations which in the slow 
procession of the ages have not yet reached that point where the principles 
which Americans regard as axiomatic obtain any recognition whatever. One 
of the chief difficulties arises in connection with certain American citizens 
of foreign birth, or of particular creed, who desire to travel abroad. Russia, 
for instance, refuses to admit and protect Jews. Turkey refuses to admit and 
protect certain sects of Christians. This Government has consistently de- 
manded equal protection abroad for all American citizens, whether native 
or naturalized. On March 27, 1899, Secretary Hay sent a letter of instruc- 
tions to all the diplomatic and consular oflScers of the United States, in which 
he said; “This Department does not discriminate between native-bom and 
naturalized citizens in according them protection while they are abroad, 
equality of treatment being required by the la'W'S of the United States.” These 
orders to our agents abroad have been repeated again and again, and are 
treated as the fundamental rule of conduct laid down for them, proceeding 
upon the theory “that all naturalized citizens of the United States while in 
foreign countries, are entitled to and shall receive from this Government the 
same protection of persons and property which is accorded to native-born 
citizens.” In issuing passports the State Department never discriminates, or 
alludes to any man’s religion; and in granting to every American citizen, 
native or naturalized, Qiristian or Jew, the same passport, so far as it has 
power it insists that all foreign governments shall accept the passport as 
prima facie proof that the person therein described is a citizen of the United 
Stat^ and entitled to protection as such. It is a standing order to every Amer- 


929 


ican diplomatic and consular officer to protect every American citizen, of 
whatever faith, from unjust molestation; and our officers abroad have been 
stringently required to comply with this order. 

Under such circumstances, the demand of our opponents that negotia- 
tions be begun to assure equal treatment of all Americans from those govern- 
ments which do not now accord it, shows either ignorance of the facts or 
insincerity. No change of policy in the method or manner of negotiation 
would add effectiveness to what the State Department has done and is doing. 
The steady pressure which the Department has been keeping up in the past 
will be continued in the future. This Administration has on all proper occa- 
sions given clear expression to the belief of the American people that dis- 
crimination and oppression because of religion, wherever practiced, are acts 
of injustice before God and man; and in making evident to the world the 
depth of American convictions in this regard we have gone to the very limit 
of diplomatic usage. 

It is a striking evidence of our opponents’ insincerity in this matter that 
with their demand for radical action by the State Department they couple a 
demand for a reduction in our small military establishment. Yet they must 
know that the heed paid to our protests against ill-treatment of our citizens 
will be exactly proportionate to the belief in our ability to make these pro- 
tests effective should the need arise. 

Our opponents have now declared themselves in favor of the Civil Serv- 
ice law, the repeal of which they demanded in 1900 and in 1896. If con- 
sistent, they should have gone one step further and congratulated the country 
upon the way in which the Civil Service law is now administered, and the 
way in which the classified service has been extended. The exceptions from 
examinations are fewer by far than ever before, and are confined to individ- 
ual cases, where the application of the rules would be impracticable, unwise, 
unjust, or unnecessary. The administration of the great body of the classified 
civil service is free from politics, and appointments and removals have been 
put upon a business basis. Statistics show that there is little difference be- 
tween the tenure of the Federal classified employees and that of the employ- 
ees of private business corporations. Less than one per cent of the classified 
employees are over seventy years of age, and in the main the service rendered 
is vigorous and efficient. Where the merit system was of course most needed 
was in the Philippine Islands; and a civil service law of very advanced type 
has there been put into operation and scrupulously observed. Without one 
exception every appointment in the Philippines has been made in accordance 
with the strictest standard of fitness, and without heed to any other consid- 
eration. 

Finally, we come to certain matters upon which our opponents do in 
their platform of principles definitely take issue with us, and where, if they 
are sincere, their triumph would mean disaster to the country. But exactly 
as it is impossible to call attention to the present promises and past record 


9^0 



of our opponents without seeming offensive, so it is impossible to compare 
their platform with their other and later official ntterances and not create 
doubt as to their sinccnty. In their private or unofficial utterances many of 
them frankly advance this insincerity as a merit, taking the position that as 
regards the points on which I am about to speak they have no intention of 
keeping their promises or of departing from the policies now established, 
and that therefore they can be trusted not to abuse the power they seek. 

When we take up the great question of the tariff we are at once con- 
fronted by the doubt as to whether our opponents do or do not mean what 
they say. They say that ‘‘protection is robbery,” and promise to carry them- 
selves accordingly if they are given power. Yet prominent persons among 
them assert that they do not really mean this, and that if they come into 
power they will adopt our policy as regards the tariff; while others seem 
anxious to prove that it is safe to give them partial power, because the power 
would be only partial, and therefore they would not be able to do mischief. 
The last is certainly a curious plea to advance on behalf of a party seeking to 
obtain control of the government. 

At the outset it is worth while to say a word as to the attempt to identify 
the question of tariff revision or tariff reduction with a solution of the trust 
question. This is always a sign of desire to avoid any real effort to deal ade- 
quately with the trust question. In speaking on this point at Minneapolis, on 
April 4, 1903 , 1 said: 

The question of tariff re^nsion, speaking broadly, stands wholly apart from 
the question of dealing with the trusts. No change in tariff dudes can have any 
substantial effect in solving the so-called trust problem. Certain great trusts or 
great corporations are wholly unaffected by the tariff. Almost all the others that 
are of any importance have as a matter of fact numbers of smaller American com- 
petitors; and of course a change in the tariff which would work in]ury to the large 
corporation would work not merely injury but destruction to its smaller competi- 
tors; and equally of course such a change would mean disaster to all the wage- 
workers coimected with either the large or the small corporations. From the 
standpoint of those interested in the solution of the trust problem such a change 
would therefore merely mean that the trust was relieved of the competition of 
its weaker American competitors, and thrown only into competition with foreign 
competitors; and that the first effort to meet this new competition would be made 
by cutting down wages, and would therefore be primarily at the cost of labor. In 
the case of some of our greatest trusts such a chmge might confer upon them a 
positive benefit. Speakmg broadly, it is evident that the changes in the tariff will 
affect the trusts for weal or for woe simply as they affect the whole country. The 
tariff affects trusts only as it affects all other interests. It makes all those interests, 
large or small, profitable; and its benefits can be taken from the large only under 
penalty of taldng them from the small also. 

There is little for me to add to this. It is but ten years since the last at- 
tempt was made, by means of lowering the tariff, to prevent some people 
from prospering too much., The attempt was entirely successful. The tariff 
law of that year was among the causes which in that year and for some time 


0^1 



afterwards effectually prevented anybody from prospering too much, and 
labor from prospering at all. Undoubtedly it would be possible at the present 
time to prevent any of the trusts from remaining prosperous by the simple 
expedient of making such a sweeping change in the tariff as to paralyze the 
industries of the country. The trusts would cease to prosper; but their smaller 
competitors would be ruined, and the wageworkers would starve, while it 
would not pay the farmer to haul his produce to market. The evils connected 
with the trusts can be reached only by rational effort, step by step, along the 
lines taken by Congress and the Executive during the past three years. If 
a tariff law is passed under which the country prospers, as the country has 
prospa’ed under the present tariff law, then all classes will share in the pros- 
perity. If a tariff law is passed aimed at preventing the prosperity of some 
of our people, it is as certain as an)rthing can be that this aim will be achieved 
only by cutting down the prosperity of all of our people. 

Of course if our opponents are not sincere in their proposal to abolish 
the system of a protective tariff there is no use in arguing the matter at all, 
save by pointing out again that if on one great issue they do not mean what 
they say it is hardly safe to trust them on any other issue. But if they are 
sincere in this matter, then their advent to power would mean domestic 
misfortune and misery as widespread and far-reaching as that which we saw 
ten years ago. When they speak of protection as “robbery,” they of course 
must mean that it is immoral to enact a tariff designed (as is the present pro- 
tective tariff) to secure to the American wageworker the benefit of the high 
standard of living which we desire to see kept up in this country. Now to 
spealt of the tariff in this sense as “robbery,” thereby giving it a moral rela- 
tion, is not merely rhetorical; it is on its face false. TTie question of what 
tariff is best for our people is primarily one of expediency, to be determined 
not on abstract academic grounds, but in the light of experience. It is a mat- 
ter of business; for fundamentally ours is a business people — manufacturers, 
merchants, farmers, wageworkers, professional men, all alilce. Our experi- 
ence as a people in the past has certainly not shown us that we could afford 
in this matter to follow those professional counsellors who have confined 
themselves to study in the closet; for the actual working of the tariff has 
emphatically contradicted their theories. From time to time schedules must 
undoubtedly be rearranged and readjusted to meet the shifting needs of the 
country; but this can with safety be done only by those who are committed 
to the cause of the protective system. To uproot and destroy that system 
would be to insure the prostration of business, the clo^g of the factories, 
the impoverishment of the farmer, the ruin of the capitalist, and tihe starva- 
tion of the wageworker. Yet, if protection is indeed “robbery,” and if our 
opponents really believe what they say, then it is precisely to the destruction 
and uprooting of the tariff, and therefore of our business and industry, that 
they are pledged- When oiu opponents last obtained power it was on a plat- 
form declaring a protective tariff “unconstitutionai"; and the effort to put 


932 



this declaration into practice was one of the causes of the general national 
prostration lasting from 1S93 to 1897. If a protective tariff is either ‘‘uncon- 
stitutional” or “robber)^,” then it is just as unconstitutional, just as much rob- 
bery, to revise it down, still leaving it protective, as it would be to enact it. 
In other words our opponents have committed themselves to the destruction 
of the protective principle in the tariff, using words which if honestly used 
forbid them from permitting this principle to obtain in even the smallest 
degree. 

Our opponents assert that they believe in reciprocit\% Their action on 
the most important reciprocity treaty recently negotiated — that with Cuba 
— does not bear out this assertion. Moreover there can be no reciprocity’' 
unless there is a substantial tariff; free trade and reciprocity are not com- 
patible. We are on record as favoring arrangements for reciprocal trade 
relations with other countries, these arrangements to be on an equitable basis 
of benefits to both the contracting parties. The Republican party stands 
pledged to every wise and consistent method of increasing the foreign com- 
merce of the country. That it has kept its pledge is proven by the fact that 
while the domestic trade of this country exceeds in volume the entire export 
and import trade of all the nations of the world, the United States has in 
addition secured more than an eighth of the export trade of the world, stand- 
ing first among the nations in this respect. The United States has exported 
during the last seven years nearly ten billions of dollars’ w'orth of goods — 
on an average half as much again annually as during the previous four years, 
when many of our people were consuming nothing but necessaries, and some 
of them a scanty supply even of these. 

Tw’o years ago, in speaking at Logansport, Indiana, I said: 

The one consideration which must never be omitted in a tariff change is^ the 
imperative need of preserving the American standard of living for the American 
workingman. The tariff rate must never fall below that which will protect the 
American workingman by allowing for the difference between the general labor 
cost here and abroad, so as at least to equalize the conditions arising from the 
difference in the standard of labor here and abroad — a difference which it should 
be our aim to foster in so far as it represents the needs of better educated, better 
paid, better fed, and better clothed workingmen of a higher type than any to be 
found in a foreign country. At all hazards, and no matter what else is sought for 
or accomplished by changes of the tariff, the American workingman must be 
protected in his standard of wages, that is, in his standard of living, and must be 
secured the fullest opportunity of employment. Our laws should in no event af- 
ford advantage to foreign industries over American industries. They should in no 
event do less than equalize the difference in conditions at home and abroad. 

It is a matter of regret that the protective tariff policy, which during the 
last forty odd years, has become part of the very fiber of the country is not 
now accepted as definitely established. Surely we have a right to say that it 
has passed beyond the domain of theory, and a right to expect that not only 
its original advocates, but those who at one rime distrusted it on theoretic 


933 



grounds, should now acquiesce in the results that have been proved over and 
over again by actual experience. These forty odd years have been the most 
prosperous years this nation has ever seen; more prosperous years than any 
other nation has ever seen. Beyond question this prosperity could not have 
come if the American people had not possessed the necessary thrift, energy 
and business intelligence to turn their vast material resources to account. But 
it is no less true that it is our economic policy as regards the tariff and finance 
which has enabled us as a nation to make such good use of the individual 
capacities of our citizens and the natural resources of our country. Every 
class of our people is benefited by the protective tariff. During the last few 
years the merchant has seen the export trade of this country grow faster 
than ever in our previous history. The manufacturer could not keep his 
factory running if it were not for the protective tariff. The wageworker 
would do well to remember that if protection is “robbery,” and is to be 
punished accordingly, he wiU be the first to pay the penalty; for either he 
will be turned adrift entirely, or his wages will be cut down to the starvation 
point. As conclusively shown by the bulletins of the Bureau of Labor, the 
purchasing power of the average wage received by the wageworker has 
grown faster than the cost of living, and this in spite of the continual shorten- 
ing of working hours. The accumulated savings of the workingmen of the 
country as shown by the deposits in the savings banks, have increased by 
leaps and bounds. At no time in the history of this or any other country has 
there been an era so productive of material benefit alike to workingman and 
employer, as during the seven years that have just passed. 

The farmer has benefited quite as much as the manufacturer, the mer- 
chant, and the wageworker. The most welcome and impressive fact estab- 
lished by the last census is the wide and even distribution of wealth among 
all classes of our countrymen. The chief agencies in producing this distribu- 
tion are shown by the census to be the development of manufactures, and 
the application of new inventions to universal use. The result has been an 
increasing interdependence of agriculture and manufactures. Agriculture is 
now, as it always has been, the basis of civilization. The six million farms of 
the United States, operated by men who, as a class, are steadfast, single- 
minded and industrious, form the basis of all the other achievements of the 
American people and are more fruitful than all their other resources. The 
men on these six million farms receive from the protective tariff what they 
most need, and that is the best of all possible markets. All other elates 
depend upon the farmer, but the farmer in turn depends upon the market 
they furnish him for his produce. The annual output of our agricultural 
products is nearly four billions of dollars. Their increase in value has been 
prodigious, although agriculture has languished iir most other countries; and 
the main factor in this increase is the corresponding increase of our manu- 
facturing industries. American farmers have prospered because the growth 
of ^eir market has kept pace with the growth of their farms. The atiftirinml 


934 



market continually furnished for agricultural products by domestic manu- 
facturers has been far in excess of the outlet to other lands. An export trade 
in farm products is necessary to dispose of our surplus; and the export trade 
of our farmers, both in animal products and in plant products, has very 
largely increased. Without the enlarged home market to keep this surplus 
down, we should have to reduce production or else feed the world at less 
than the cost of production. In the forty years ending in 1900 the total value 
of farm property increased twelve and a half billions of dollars; the farmer 
gaining even more during this period than the manufacturer. Long ago over- 
production would have checked the marvelous development of our national 
agriculture, but for the steadily increasing demand of American manufac- 
turers for farm products required as raw materials for steadOy expanding 
industries. The farmer has become dependent upon the manufacturer to 
utilize that portion of his produce which does not go directly to food supply. 
In 1900 fifty-two per cent, or a little over half, of the total value of the farm 
products of the nation was consumed in manufacturing industries as the raw 
materials of the factories. Evidently the manufacturer is the farmer’s best 
and most direct customer. Moreover, the American manufacturer purchases 
his farm supplies almost exclusively in his own country. Nine-tenths of all 
the raw materials of every kind and description consumed in American 
manufactories are of American production. The manufacturing establish- 
ments tend steadily to migrate into the heart of the great agricultural dis- 
tricts. The center of the manufacturing industry in 1900 was near the middle 
of Ohio, and it is moving westw’ard at the rate of about thirty miles in every 
decade; and this movement is invariably accompanied by a marked increase 
in the value of farm lands. Local causes, notably the competition between 
new farm lands and old farm lands, tend here and there to obscure what is 
happening; but it is as certain as the operation of any economic law, that in 
the country as a whole, farm values will continue to increase as the partner- 
ship between manufacturer and farmer grows more intimate through further 
advance of industrial science. The American manufacturer never could have 
placed this nation at the head of the manufacturii^ nations of the world if 
he had not had behind him, securing him every variety of raw material, the 
exhaustless resources of the American farm, developed by the skill and the 
enterprise of intelligent and educated American farmers. On the other hand, 
the debt of the farmers to the manufacturers, is equally heavy, and the future 
of American agriculture is bound up in the future of American manufac- 
tures. The turn industries have become, under the economic policy of our 
Govenunent, so closely interwoven, so mutually interdependent, that neither 
can hope to maintain itself at the high watermark of progress without the 
other. Whatever makes to the advantage of one is equally to the advantage 
of the other. 

So it is as between the capitalist and the wageworker. Here and there 
there nay be an unequal sharing as between the two in the benefits that have 


935 



come by protection; but benefits have come to both; and a reversal in policy 
would mean damage to both; and while the damage would be heavy to all, 
it would be heaviest, and it would fall soonest, upon those who are paid in 
the form of wages each week or each month for that week’s or that month’s 
work. 

Conditions change and the laws must be modified from time to time to 
fit new exigencies. But the genuine underlying principle of protection, as it 
has been embodied in all but one of the American tariff laws for the last forty 
years, has worked out results so beneficent, so evenly and widely spread, so 
advantageous alike to farmers and capitalists and workingmen, to commerce 
and trade of every kind, that the American people, if they show their usual 
practical business sense, will insist that when these laws are modified they 
shall be modified with the utmost care and conservatism, and by the friends 
and not the enemies of the protective system. They cannot afford to trust 
the modification to those who treat protection and robbery as synonymous 
terms. 

In closing what I have to say about the system of promoting American 
industry let me add a word of cordial agreement with the policy of in some 
way including within its benefits, by appropriate legislation, the American 
merchant marine. It is not creditable to us as a nation that our great export 
and import trade should be well-nigh exclusively in the hands of foreigners. 

It is difiicult to know if our opponents are really sincere in their demand 
for the reduction of the army. If insincere, there is no need for comment, 
and if sincere, what shall we say in speaking to rational persons of an appeal 
to reduce an army of sixty thousand men which is taking care of the inter- 
ests of over eighty million people? The army is now relatively smaller than 
it was in the days of Washington, when on the peace establishment there 
were 3600 soldiers whfie there were a little less than four millions of popula- 
tion; smaller than it was in the peaceful days of Jefferson when there were 
5100 soldiers to five million three hundred thousand population. There is 
now one soldier to every fourteen hundred people in this country — less 
than one-tenth of one per cent. We cannot be asked seriously to argue as to 
the amount of possible tyranny contained in these figures. The army as it is 
now is as small as it can possibly be and serve its purpose as an effective 
nucleus for the organization, equipment and supply of a volunteer army in 
time of need. It is now used as never before for aiding in the upbuilding of 
the organized militia of the country. The War Department is engaged in a 
systematic effort to strengthen and develop the national guard in the several 
states; as witness, among many other instances, the great field maneuvers at 
Manassas which have just closed. If our opponents should come into power 
they could not reduce our army below its present size without greatly im- 
pairing its efficiency and abandoning part of the national duty., In short, in 
this matter, if our opponents should come into power they would either 
have to treat this ptoicukr promise of the year 1904 as tiiey now treat the 

9S6 



promises they made in 1896 and 1900, that is as possessing no binding force; 
or else they would have to embark on a policy which would be ludicrous at 
the moment and fraught with grave danger to the national honor in the 
future. 

Our opponents contend that the Government is now administered ex- 
travagantly, and that whereas there was “a surplus of §80,000,000 in 1900” 
there is “a deficit of more than §40,000,000” in the year that has just closed. 

This deficit is imaginary, and is obtained by including in the ordinary 
current expenses the sum of $50,000,000, which was paid for the right of 
w'ay of the Panama canal out of the accumulated surplus in the Treasury. 
Comparing the current or ordinary expenditures for the two years, there 
was a surplus of nearly eighty millions for the year 1900, and of only a little 
more than eight millions for the year that has just closed. But this diminution 
of the annual surplus was brought about designedly by the abolition of the 
war taxes in the interval between the two dates. The acts of March 2, 1901, 
and April 12, 1902, cut down the internal revenue taxes to an amount esti- 
mated at 105 millions a year. In other words the reduction of taxation has 
been considerably greater than the reduction in the annual surplus. Since 
the close of the w’ar with Spain there has been no substantial change in the 
rate of annual expenditures. As compared with the fiscal year ending in June, 
1901, for example, the fiscal year that has just closed showed a relatively 
small increase in expenditure (excluding the canal payment already referred 
to), while the year previous show'ed a relatively small decrease. 

The expenditures of the nation have been managed in a spirit of economy 
as far removed from waste as from niggardliness; and in the future every 
effort will be continued to secure an economy as strict as is consistent with 
efficiency. Once more our opponents have promised what they cannot or 
should not perform. The prime reason why the expenses of the Government 
have increased of recent years is to be found in the fact that the people, after 
mature thought, have deemed it wise to have certain new forms of work for 
the public undertaken by the public. This necessitates such expenditures, for 
instance, as those for rural free delivery or for the inspection of meats under 
the Department of Agriculture, or for irrigation. But these new expenditures 
are necessary; no one would seriously propose to abandon them; and yet it 
is idle to declaim against the increased expense of the Government unless it is 
intended to cut down the very expenditures which cause the increase. The 
pensions to the veterans of the Civil War are demanded by every sentiment 
of regard and gratitude. The rural free delivery is of the greatest use and 
convenience to the farmers, a body of men who live under conditions which 
make them ordinarily receive little direct return for what they pay toward 
the support of the Government. The irrigation policy in the arid and semi- 
arid regions of the West is one fraught with the most beneficent and far- 
reaching good to the actual settlers, the homemakers, whose encouragement 
is a traditional feature in America’s national policy. t>o our opponents grudge 



the fifty millions paid for the Panama canal? Do they intend to cut down on 
the pensions to the veterans of the Civil War? Do they intend to put a stop 
to the irrigation policy? or to the permanent census bureau? or to immigra- 
tion inspection? Do they intend to abolish rural free delivery? Do they 
intend to cut down the navy? or the Alaskan telegraph system? Do they in- 
tend to dismantle our coast fortifications? If there is to be a real and substan- 
tial cutting down in national expenditures it must be in such matters as these. 
The Department of Agriculture has done service of incalculable value to the 
farmers of this country in many different lines. Do our opponents wish to 
cut down the money for this service? They can do it only by destroying the 
service itself. 

The public work of the United States has never been conducted with a 
higher degree of honesty and efiiciency than at the present time; and a special 
meed of praise belongs to those officials responsible for the Philippines and 
Porto Rico, where the administrations have been models of their kind. Of 
course wrong has occasionally occurred, but it has been relentlessly stamped 
out. We have known no party in dealing wdth offenders, and have hunted 
down without mercy every wrongdoer in the service of the nation whom 
it was possible by the utmost vigilance to detect; for the public servant who 
betrays his trust and the private individual who debauches him stand as the 
worst of criminals, because their crimes are crimes against the entire com- 
munity, and not only against this generation but against the generations that 
are yet to be. 

Our opponents promise independence to the Philippine Islands. Here 
again we are confronted by the fact that their irreconcilable differences of 
opinion among themselves, their proved inability to create a constructive 
policy when in power, and their readiness, for the sake of momentary politi- 
cal expediency, to abandon the principles upon which they have insisted as 
essential, conspire to puzzle us as to whether they do or do not intend in 
good faith to carry out this promise if they are given control of the Govern- 
ment. In their platform they declare for independence, apparently — for 
their language is a little obscure — without qualification as to time; and 
indeed a quahfication as to time is an absurdity, for we have neither right 
nor power to bind our successors when it is impossible to forestall the condi- 
tions which may confront them; while if there is any principle involved in 
the matter, it is just as wrong to deny independence for a few days as to 
deny it for an indefinite period. But in later and equally official utterances 
by our opponents the term self-government was substituted for independ- 
ence; the words used being so chosen that in their natural construction they 
described precisely the policy now being carried on. The language of the 
platform indicated a radical change of policy; the later utterances indicated 
a continuance of the present policy. But t^ caused trouble in their own 
ranks; and in a still later, although less formal utterance, the self-government 
pronpse was recanted, and independence at some future time was promised 

938 



in its place. They have occupied three entirely different positions within 
fifty days. Which is the promise they really intend to keep? They do not 
know their own minds; and no one can tell how long they would keep of 
the same mind, should they by any chance come to a working agreement 
among themselves. If such ambiguity affected only the American people it 
would not so greatly matter; for the American people can take care of them- 
selves. But the Filipinos are in no such condition. Confidence is with them a 
plant of slow growth. They have been taught to trust the word of this Gov- 
ernment because this Government has promised nothing which it did not 
perform. If promised independence they will expect independence; not in 
the remote future, for their descendants, but immediately, for themselves. 
If the promise thus made is not immediately fulfilled they will regard it as 
broken, and will not again trust to American faith; and it would be indeed 
a wicked thing to deceive them in such fashion. Moreover, even if the prom- 
ise were made to take effect only in the distant future, the Filipinos would 
be thrown into confusion thereby. Instead of continuing to endeavor to fit 
themselves for moral and materid advancement in the present, they would 
abandon all effort at progress and begin factional intrigues for future power. 

To promise to give them independence when it is “prudent” to do so, or 
w'hen they are “fit” for it, of course implies that they are not fit for it now, 
and that it would be imprudent to give it to them now. But as we must our- 
selves be the judges as to when they become “fii^” and when it would be 
“prudent” to keep such a promise if it were made, it necessarily follows 
that to make such a promise now would amount to a deception upon the 
Filipinos. 

It may well be that our opponents have no real intention of putting their 
promise into effect. If this is Ae case, if, in other words, they are insincere 
in the promise they make, it is only necessary to say again that it is imwise 
to trust men who are false in one thing to deal with anything. The mere 
consciousness of broken faith would hamper them in continuing our policy 
in the islands; and only by continuing unchanged this policy can the honor 
of the country be maintained, or the interests of the islands subserved. If, on 
the other hand, our opponents came into power and attempted to carry out 
their promises to the Filipinos by givii^ them independence and withdraw- 
ing American control from the islands, the result would be a frightful 
edamity to the Filipinos themselves, and in its larger aspect would amount 
to an international crime. Anarchy would follow; and the most violent 
anarchic forces would be directed partly against the civil government, partly 
against all forms of religious and educational civilization. Bloody conflicts 
would inevitably ensue in the archipelago, and just as inevitably the islands 
would become the prey of the first power which in its own selfish interest 
took up the task we had cravenly abandoned. Of course the practical diffi- 
culty is adopting any such course of action — such a “policy of scuttle,” as 
President McKinley called it — would be found well-nigh insuperable. If 


939 



it is morally indefensible to hold the archipelago as a whole under our tute- 
lage in the interest of its own people, then it is morally indefensible to hold 
any part of it. In such case what right have we to keep a coaling station? 
what right to keep control over the Moro peoples? what right to protect 
the Igorrotes from their oppressors? what right to protect the law-abiding 
friends of America in the islands from treachery, robbery and murder? Yet, 
to abandon the islands completely, without even retaining a coaling station, 
would mean to abandon the position in the competition for the trade of the 
Orient which we have acquired during the last six years; and what is far 
more important, it would mean irreparable damage to those who have be- 
come the wards of the nation. To abandon all control over the Moros would 
amount to releasing these Moros to prey upon the Christian Filipinos, civ- 
ilized or semicivUized, as well as upon the commerce of other peoples. The 
Moros are in large part still in the stage of culture where the occupations of 
the bandit and the pirate are those most highly regarded; and it has not been 
found practical to give them self-goveriunent in the sense that we have been 
giving it to the Christian inhabitants. To abandon the Moro country, as our 
opponents propose in their platform, would be precisely as if twenty-five 
years ago we had withdrawn the army and the civil agents from withm and 
around the Indian reservations in the West, at a time when the Sioux and 
the Apache were still the terror of our settlers. It would be a criminal ab- 
surdity; and yet our opponents have pledged themselves thereto. If success- 
ful in the coming election they would either have to brealc faith, or else to 
do an act which would leave an indelible stain upon our national reputation 
for courage, and for good sense. During the last five years more has been 
done for the material and moral well-being of the Filipinos than ever before 
since the islands first came within the ken of civilized man. We have opened 
before them a vista of orderly development in their own interest, and not 
a policy of exploitation. Every effort is being made to fit the islanders for 
self-government, and they have already in large measure received it, while 
for the first time in their history their personal rights and civil liberties have 
been guaranteed. They are being educated; they have been given schools; 
they have been given libraries; roads are being built for their use; their 
health is being cared for; they have been given courts in which they receive 
justice as absolute as it is in our power to guarantee. Their individual rights 
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are now by act of Congress 
jealously safeguarded under the American flag; and if the protection of the 
flag were withdrawn their rights would be lost, and the islands would be 
plunged back under some form of vicious tyranny. We have given them 
more self-government than they have ever before had; we are taking steps 
to increase it still further by providing them with an elected legislative assem- 
bly; and surely we bad better await the results of this experiment — for it is 
a wholly new experiment in Asia — before we make promises which as a 
nation we might be forced to break, or which they might interpret one way 


940 



and we in another. It may be asserted without fear of successful contradic- 
tion that nowhere else in recent years has there been as fine an example of 
constructive statesmanship and wise and upright administration as has been 
given by the civil authorities, aided by the army, in the Philippine Islands. 
We have administered them in the interest of their own people; and the 
Filipinos themselves have profited most by our presence in the islands; but 
they have also been of very great advantage to us as a nation. 

So far from having ^‘sapped the foundations” of free popular government 
at home by the course taken in the Philippines, we have been spreading its 
knowledge, and teaching its practice, among peoples to whom it had never 
before been more than an empty name. Our action represents a great stride 
forward in spreading the principles of orderly libert}" throughout the world. 
“Our flag has not lost its gift of benediction in its v’orld-wide journey to 
their shores.” We have treated the power we have gained as a solemn obliga- 
tion, and have used it in the interest of mankind; and the peoples of the 
world and especially the weaker peoples of the world, are better off because 
of the position we have assumed. To retrace our steps w^ould be to give proof 
of an infirm and unstable national purpose. 

Four years ago, in his speech of acceptance President McKinley said: 

We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided by 
honor and duty. There will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow 
has been struck except for liberty and humanity, and none wdll be. We will per- 
form without fear every national and international obligation. The Republican 
party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the pssxy of lib- 
erty and emancipation from that hour; not of profession, but of performance. It 
broke the shackles of four million slaves, and made them free, and to the party 
of Lincoln has come another supreme opportunity which it has bravely met in the 
liberation of ten millions of the human family from the yoke of imperiafem. In 
its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duti^, it has had the 
support of members of ail parties in the past, and it confidently invokes their co- 
operation in the future. 

This is as true now as four years ago. We did not take the Philippines at 
will, and we cannot put them aside at will. Any abandonment of the policy 
which we have steadily pursued in the islands would be fraught with dis- 
honor and disaster; and to such dishonor and disaster I do not believe that 
the American people w^ill consent. 

Alarm has been professed lest the Filipinos should not receive all the 
benefits guaranteed to our people at home by the fourteenth amendment to 
the Constitution. As a matter of fact the Filipinos have already secured the 
substance of these benefits. This Government has been true to the spirit of 
the fourteenth amendment in the Philippines. Can our opponents deny that 
here at home the principles of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, have 
been in effect nullified? In this as in many other matters we at home can well 
profit by the example of those r^ponsiblc for the actual management of 

941 



afiFairs in the Philippines. In our several commonwealths here in the United 
States we as a people now face the complex problem of securing fair treat- 
ment to each man regardless of his race or color. We can do so only if we 
approach the problem in the spirit of courage, common sense, and high- 
minded devotion to the right, which has enabled Governor Taft, Governor 
Wright, and their associates, to do so noble a work in giving to the Philip- 
pine people the benefit of the true principles of American liberty. 

Our appeal is made to all good citizens who hold the honor and the inter- 
est of the nation close to their hearts. The great issues which are at stake, and 
upon which I have touched, are more than mere partisan issues, for they 
involve much that comes home to the individual pride and individual well- 
being of our people. Under conditions as they actually are, good Americans 
should refuse, for the sake of the welfare of the nation, to change the na- 
tional policy. We, who are responsible for the administration and legislation 
under which this country, during the last seven years, has grown so greatly 
in well-being at home and in honorable repute among the nations of the 
earth abroad, do not stand inertly upon this record, do not use this record 
as an excuse for failure of effort to meet new conditions. On the contrary, 
we treat the record of what we have done in the past as incitement to do 
even better in the future. We believe that the progress that we have made 
may be taken as a measure of the progress we shall continue to make if the 
people again entrust the Government of the nation to our hands. We do not 
stand still. We press steadily forward toward the goal of moral and material 
well-being for our own people, of just and fearless dealing toward all other 
peoples, in the interest not merely of this country, but of mankind. There is 
not a policy, foreign or domestic, which we are now carrying out, which it 
would not be disastrous to reverse or abandon. If our opponents should come 
in and should not reverse our policies, then they would be branded with the 
brand of broken faith, of false promise, of insincerity in word and deed; and 
no man can work to the advantage of the nation with such a brand clinging 
to him. If, on the other hand, they should come in and reverse any or all of 
our policies, by just so much would the nation as a whole be damaged. Alike 
as lawmakers and as administrators of the law we have endeavored to do our 
duty in the interest of the people as a whole. We make our appeal to no 
class and to no section, but to all good citizens, in whatever part of the land 
they dwell, and whatever may be their occupation or worldly condition. We 
have striven both for civic righteousne^ and for national greatness; and we 
have faith to believe that our hands will be upheld by all who feel love of 
country and trust in the uplifting of mankind. We stand for enforcement 
of the law and for obedience to the law; our government is a government of 
orderly liberty equally alien to tyranny and to anarchy; and its foundation 
stone is the observance of the law, alike by the people and by the public 
servants. We hold ever before, us as the all-important end of polity and 



administration the reign of peace at home and throughout the world; of 
peace, which comes only by doing justice. Faithfully yours 

3231 - TO ALVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, September 13, 1904 

Have requested Secretary Morton to send you Goodrich’s telegrams and 
my answer. Am entirely willing Collector of Port at San Francisco should 
be my agent in this matter, but if so the secretary of the Department of 
Commerce and Labor must report at once to you every telegram received, 
as he must act through State Department. In view of Goodrich’s telegram 
have Department of Commerce and Labor notify Collector and Navy 
Department that I shall wait twenty-four hours before deciding whether 
Lena must leave port at once or not.^ Then if it appears that the repairs 
must be very extensive she will be required to disarm, for in such case it 
would appear that she has in fact visited this neutral port by v^ay of asylum. 
If she refuses to disarm, then only such repairs must be allov^d as will enable 
the ship to put to sea and make the home voyage, and under such cir- 
cumstances she will be allowed to depart only upon our receiving a 
guarantee from Russia that the home voyage will be made in good faith. 
Of course this decision of mine must be provisional until I hear the exact 
status of the ship, how much repairing she needs, and how long this 
repairing will take. I wish to find out whether our chief engineer’s estimate 
of six weeks or the Russian Captain’s estimate of several months as the 
time needed for repairs is the right one. Would it not be possible to request 
the Russian Captain to say at once and definitely what he wanted done and 
how long a time he requested in order to have it done? At the same time 
I think that the Russian Ambassador should be told privately that if the 
repairs are to take any great length of time the Lena must be disarmed 
to remain in port during the war. Inform Japanese Minister that we are 
taking prompt action, 

3232 • TO WILLIAM BAYARD CUTTING, JUNIOR Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 13, 1904 

My dear Cutting: ^ You are right to go on -with your application. Of course 
I should prefer that you were a convinced Republican, and I think that 

^ The Russian transport Lem put in at San Francisco on September 13, needmg 
extensive repairs to her engines and boilers. Japan demanded that the ship, in ac- 
cordance with international law, either leave immediately or be disarmed and held 
in custody. Roosevelt promptly ordered, on September 15, that the ship be dismantled 
and held until the end of the war. For the relevant chplonjatic communications be- 
tween Adee and Cassini, see Foreign Relations^ 1904, pp. 785-790. 

^ William Bayard Cutting, Jr., hopeful of a career in the foreign service, was rewarded 
in 1909, jurt before Roosevelt left office, with an appointment as secretary to the 
legation af Tangier. 


943 


you would be if you get into the kind of politics where one struggles for 
achievement and is not content with criticism. You will never find a party 
with which you are in accord on all matters — and even if you limited 
that party to, say, two other men and yourself; and your useful work is 
conditioned upon ability to come to a working agreement with other men 
whose ideas, on the whole, suit you, though on some points they are not 
in accord with yours. I believe you have good stuff in you, and if I am 
able to do as you desire it will give me great pleasure. I cannot promise, 
because I do not know what vacancies there are, and there are some men 
to whom I am bound by more than one tie. For instance, one of the le- 
gitimate considerations to be taken into account is, what the man has 
done in politics. Thus, ex-Assemblyman Landon,^ of Columbia County, 
has applied for a position. He is a brother of my neighbor here, Colonel 
Landon, a Yale man and a very good fellow. He has served two or three 
terms in the New York Legislature, and that service, and the fact that 
he is on the stump this year, establish claims for him which it would not 
be right for me to disregard if he is otherwise fit. So it is with ex-Assembly- 
man Afayhew Wainwright. 

Personally I do not believe in a man taking a secretaryship abroad 
except for a short time. I do not think it is a good life for an American 
to lead, if he tries to lead it permanently. There are exceptions. Harry 
White, for instance, has rendered such service as a diplomat — a service 
greater than that of almost any ambassador. He is entitled to reu^ard, and 
if possible I shall give it to him. But normally I think it a mistake for a 
man to remain secretary to a legation for a long time — unless, of course, 
he finds he is rising in his profession and is able to accomplish real work, 
as, for instance, John Riddle has done. 

Did you see Garfield, or have you written him? In the case of one 
of my own sons, I would far rather have him take up the work under 
Garfield than have him go abroad. Of course I do not know that there 
is a vacancy under Garfield; but his work is of so technical a kind that 
the ordinary individual interested in politics cannot do it, and he often 
needs people who have made economics a special study. Sincerely yotirs 


3233 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 13, 1904 

My dear Cortelyou: Don^t you think Fairbanks ought to go to Wisconsin? 
We ought not to let them forget the national ticket there. It seems to 
me that it would be possible to prevent his appearing under the auspices 

• Frands G. Landon, a RepubKcan elector in 1904, was appointed in 1905 secretary of 
the embassy at Beilin. 


944 



of either side. I do not want them to get so absorbed in their local fight 
that they forget about the Presidency. 

Fairbanks thinks something can be done in Missouri. 1 hope we can 
give what help is possible both to Missouri and Nevada. 

I congratulate you upon what you accomplished in .Maine. Faithfidly 
yours 

P. S. If you are able to come out for a night, or for lunch Sunday or 
any other day prior to our leaving on Thursday of next week, of course 
I am anxious to see you. 

I think the enclosed pamphlet by Bishop is very good, and might 
well be circulated. 

3234 • TO JOHN HAY Rooscvelt Mss, 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 15, 1904 

Dear Johi: I am very glad that you like the letter so much. 

It certainly looks as if we were doing well. I quite agree with you 
that their Constitution Club is the most absurd feature of their absurd 
campaign. If I understand them aright, their position now is that the 
Constitution is itself in part unconstitutional; that is, that the Fourteenth 
and Fifteenth Amendments are unconstitutional. I see that one of their 
leaders on the constitutional issue has explained that my violations of the 
spirit of that document include the impeachment of Andrew Johnson 
and the defeat of Tilden for the Presidency! 

I enclose you a cartoon which, if you have not seen it, may amuse you. 
Well, my part is pretty nearly ended. The only disquieting thing in con- 
nection with the election is the Governorship fight in New York. Platt could 
not possibly name his man, and all that he succeeded in doing was to give the 
opposition a chance to say that Higgins is merely a tool of OdelFs.^ The Sun 
will do its best to beat Higgins, and this will neutralize whatever it has done 
for us against Parker. If it was not for this Governorship fight, I should feel 

^ “I am for Woodruff ” Piatt had warned Odell, “and shall expect you to fulfiU your 
pledge to keep your hands off.” The senator was disappointed. On September 14 
tihe New York State Republican Convention, following the wishes of Roosevelt and 
Odell, nominated Frank W. Higgins for governor. Higgins had not indeed been 
Odell’s favorite. The governor, opposing Woodruff from the first, supported at 
various times Root, Buder, and Mayor Knight of Buffalo. Knight’s weakness and the 
refusal of the others to run, however, left Odell without a candidate. Stranahan and 
Hendricks, Roosevelt’s agents before and at the convention, made it clear dwt the 
President wanted Higgins. The governor, preferring Higgms to Woodruff and 
Roosevelt to Platt, threw hfe strength behind Roosevelt’s man. At a conremnee ne 
called, Black, Payn, Raines, Barnes, and Aldridge also ^rced to rapport Higgins. 
Woodruff, giacefuUy bowing to the inevitable, withdrew his name m a speech from 
the floor. For the “easy boss” there was one consolation; M. Linn Bruce rec«ved 
the nomination for lieutenant governor. For detaOed accounts of the con\^uon from 
different points of view, see Pktt, Autobiography, pp. 455-459» omitn. 

History of Hew York State, IV, 94-97- 

945 



that we were reasonably sure of carrying New York; and of course New 
York’s vote is so large that to transfer it to the Democratic electoral column 
creates unpleasant possibilities. Airways yours 


3235 • TO WHITELAW REID RooSeVClt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 16, 1904 

My dear Mr, Reid: I am interested in what you tell me about Harriman.^ It 
seems to me that things look well. But isn’t it curious how our Republicans in 
New York always fight? Here is the New York Press bolting our candidate 
for Lieutenant Governor, not to mention the Su 7 i bolting the candidate for 
Governor. What information do you have as to the way the State ticket is 
regarded? 

I am delighted at the w’ay the Tribune took its stand this morning. Faith-- 
fully yours 


3236 • TO ERVIN WARDMAN Roosevelt MsS, 

Confidential Oyster Bay, September 17, 1904 

My dear Mr, Wardman: I am writing you in entire confidence. I am much 
concerned about the State ticket. I had no idea there was anything wrong 
about Bruce. What is the information you have as to the chances for the 
National ticket in New Jersey and Connecticut, and for both the National 
and State tickets in New York, both in the State and in the City? Are you as 
yet able to make any estimate of the probabilities? 

With regard, Faithfully yours 


3237 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 19, 1904 

Dear John: I return Spring Rice’s letter, which interested me greatly^ It is 
curious how they all think that Russia will win. I do not. Port Arthur has 
proved a harder nut than the Japanese anticipated, and the recent victory 
over Kuropatkin, though humiliating to Russia, was not decisive; but as yet 
I see no indication that Russia will win. 

^Harriman, Reid had reported, was about to see Cortelyou and Bliss to arrange a 
campaign contribution. The financier in a talk with Reid had been “disinclined” to 
discuss Roosevelt’s part in the campaign or even the letter of acceptance, but he had 
talked freely of other things. He believed that money would be a decisive factor in 
Nevada; he was confident of Higgins’ nomination and election; he expected De- 
pew’s defeat in 1905. Harriman felt that Odell should succeed Depew in the Senate, 
Reid wrote, or perhap should receive a diplomatic appointment, — Keid to Roosevelt, 
September 15, 1904, Koosevelt Mss. 

^ Spring Rice to Hay, August 31, 1904. See Gwynn, Spring Rsce^ I, 424-42(5. 

946 



I had not heard that MacVeagh had been talking. What has he been 
saying? 

With Bourke Cockran, thank God, I have no social or other relations to 
break oflF! Al’ways yoters 

3238 • TO GEORGE BRINTON MCCXELLAN HARVEY Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal and confidential Oyster Bay, September 19, 1904 

My dear Colonel Harvey: I do not think it well to go into any controversy 
on that matter, and I shall ask you to treat this letter as for your own personal 
information merely and not in any way for publication. I certainly cannot be 
put in the attitude of in any way apologizing for or regretting anything I 
have said about Jefferson Davis; but as my views about him are not of active 
moment in the present campaign, I do not think it necessary to bring them in 
at all. So that what I am about to write is for your private information 
merely. 

I have alwa)^ drawn a sharp line between the men who intrigued for 
secession and the men who, like Lee, when the Qvil War was on went with 
their section. If secession was not a crime, if it was not a black offense against 
humanity to strive to break up this great republic in die interest of the per- 
petuation of slavery, then it is impossible ever to commit any political crime, 
and there is no difference between good men and bad men in history. Jeffer- 
son Davis for many years had intrigued for secession — had intrigued for the 
destruction of this republic in the interest of slavery; and the evidence is 
overwhelming to my mind that in this course he was largely influenced by 
the eager desire to gratify his own ambition. 

If you will turn to Scott’s Memoirs you will see that he championed the 
repudiation of the Missksippi bonds. I never referred to his private financial 
conduct. 

In a public utterance of nune some eighteen or twenty years ago, I 
grouped together Jefferson Davis and Benedict Arnold. As a matter of pure 
morals I think I was right. Jefferson Davis was an unhung traitor. He did 
not, like Benedict Arnold, receive money for Ws treachery, but he received 
office instead. The difference is one of degree, not of kind. The two men 
stand on an evil eminence of infamy in our history. They occupy the two 
foremost positions in the small group of Americans which also numbers the 
names of Aaron Burr, of Wilb'mon, of Floyd. As a matter of exact historic 
accuracy I later came to the conclusion that Jefferaon Davis did not divide 
tiie first position with Benedict Arnold, but that if one were to draw degrees 
of infamy, he should come second; that is, taking into account his prominence 
and his crime, he came behind Benedict Arnold and ahead of Aaron Burr and 
WilkuBon on the roll of dishonor. In my Winning of the West you will sm 
that when I spoke of the different secestionists who had been prominent in 
our country, I coupled him with Aaron Burr. 

947 



Now, this is my personal belief. If it became necessary for me to give ex- 
pression to this beUef I should do so, but it is not necessary for me to say any- 
thing about it now’ and therefore I shall not. 

If you will turn to what I said of Lee in my Life of Thomas Hart Benton^ 
or to w’hat I have said about southerners and ex-confederates in speech after 
speech in the volume of my speeches which I enclose to you, you will see 
that I have been generous in speaking of them. While as a public man I expect 
to preserve proper reticence in what I say, yet people may as well understand 
that I have not the slightest apology to offer for having, as a historian, told 
the truth as I saw it. It is not my business now to speak of secession any more 
than to speak of the alien and sedition acts; but when I, in my writings, touch 
on secession, I shall say about it what I really feel, and I shall speak of its 
leaders as I think they deserve. 

Jefferson Davis wrote me a letter of violent protest after I had made the 
statement in question. I thought it most undignified of him to write me at all, 
and of course it would have been simply silly to have entered into an argu- 
ment with him as to whether his conduct did or did not compare unfavorably 
with that of Benedict Arnold; and I wrote him back that I must decline to 
enter into any controversy with him of any kind, sort or description. I can- 
not at the moment give you more than the substance of my letter, though I 
think I somewhere have preserved both his letter and a copy of my answer 
thereto, and if I can find them will send you copies; but as I say, I do not 
think it proper to go into any public discussion of the matter whatsoever. 

I ventui-e to send you a copy of my Rough Riders^ and ask that you look 
at the last appendix, in view of the statements of some of the Democratic 
southern press that I was not at the battle of San Juan Hill at all, was not 
under fire, and did not see a Spaniard that day. You will notice that these 
letters were written by regular army officers, recommending me for a Con- 
gressional medal of honor. On the day in question my regiment suffered a 
greater percentage of loss than any one of the twenty-two out of the twenty- 
four regular regiments engaged; and a greater loss than all the other volunteer 
regiments put together. Sincerely yours 

3239 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 20, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I think the result in Maine was very satisfactory myself. 

Armstrong has been more kinds of a jackass than I would believe possible. 
He has got me into a scrape with the tobacco people now.^ 

^ Domestic cigar manufacturers had protested to the Treasury Department that the 
American Tobacco Company, the largest importer of cigars, enjoyed an unfair 
trade advantage because of the distinctive customs stamp conspicuously placed on 
the top of every box of imported cigars. This stamp, they asserted, different in size 
and color from the internal revenue stamp that appeared on the domestic product, 

948 



I do not like to seem overconfident; and I have had enough experience of 
sIip“Ups in sure things, and I feel suJBcient concern over Wisconsin, West 
Virginia, Colorado, Rhode Island, and other states, to keep a perfectly open 
mind as to the result in November; but at the present things on the whole 
look well. The exception is here in New York. Higgins is an admirable man. 
He would make as good a Governor as we have had within my recollection. 
Perhaps, oh, descendant of the Puritans, I will make you realize best the kind 
of man I think him w’^hen I tell you that I w’ould regard him as above the level 
of the average of Massachusetts Governors — after which it is perhaps un- 
necessary for me to say w^here he stands in reference to the average New^ 
York Governor! He was Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Senate 
w’hen I w^as Governor; and he and Stranahan were my right-hand men. Nei- 
ther Odell nor Platt could control him any more than they could control me. 
When Black was Governor and nominated Lou Payn, Black, Platt and Odell 
combined W’ere utterly unable to get Higgins to vote to confirm him. But the 
Stm is against him; and any number of people who hate Odell will, with 
exasperating uninteUigence, vote against Higgins because Odell had the good 
sense to turn in and make him the candidate. How seriously the revolt will 
weaken the national ticket in this State I cannot yet say. 

I was immensely amused at Robert Treat Paine’s coming out in my sup- 
port.^ This is a case of unearned increment as far as I am concerned- 1 have 
no possible right to the support of a man w^ho indulges in such wild vagaries 
in crystallizing into action what he is pleased to call his principles. But, ap- 
parently, the gyrations of his crank mind have happened at this moment to 
take him around to a point w^here his very eccentric orbit impinges on mine. 

called the attention of consumers to the imported varieties. Perhaps overestimating 
the quality of their product, the domestic manufacturers felt that the stamp reduced 
their sales. Sympathetic to this argument, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Robert 
Bums Armstrong had ordered a new customs stamp which closely resembled the 
internal revenue stamp. To this order the American Tobacco Company immediately 
objected. 

In determining sales volume, the judgment of cigar smokers doubtless was of 
greater importance than the color of stamps, but political considerations gave the 
^ue inordWte significance. American cigar makers, w^ell organized and ably repre- 
sented by Samuel Gompers, sided with the domestic tobacco growers of Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee who, infiuenced in part by the agitation of John Wesley 
Gaines, were hostile to the American Tobacco Company. Gaines, an active Demo- 
crat, had been criticizing the Administration for failing to prosecute the company 
\rhich, he maintained, exercised monopolistic control over the purchase and sale of 
tobacco. 

The unpopular cotporation, however, complained with some justice that Arm- 
strong had acted after considering only one side of the case. Honoring this com- 
plaint, the Treasmy on September 24 held an official hearing at which Gompers, 
among others, testified in favor of the Assistant Secretary’s action. After die hearing 
Armstrong cleverly modified his order. The customs stamp was to retain its original 
distinctive color, but it was to be reduced in size and placed on the inconspicuous 
underside of a box of cigars. With this masterful compromise the affair ended. 

• Robert Treat Paine was a Boston political and social reformer, philanthropist, author 
of the motto of the Boston Associated Charities: "Not Alms but a Friend.” 


949 



However, these votes to which I am not entitled will perhaps offset some of 
those to which I am entitled and which I won’t get. 

With love to Nannie, Always yours 


3240 • TO MRS. c. H. BROWN Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, September 21, 1904 

My dear Mrs. Brown: Mrs. Roosevelt read me your letter aloud, and I like it 
SO much that I must send you a line to say so. I like to think of you reading 
my letter of acceptance in the intervals of putting up the preserves. I wish 
you could vote for me; but I am very glad you have a husband, and four sons, 
and an adopted son, and three kinsfolk, who I hope have your views. 

With real regard, believe me. Sincerely yours 


3241 • TO BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Private Washington, September 22, 1904 

Dear Governor: It seems to me that we ought to be able to make a slashing 
campaign against Herrick.^ Of all the Justices we have had since the days 
of Tweed he has been the man who has most shamelessly prostituted his 
office to the basest partisan abuses. How any decent man who has the honor 
of the bench at heart, or who believes in even ordinary political integrity can 
support Herrick is more than I can understand. I think we should begin a 
sharp aggressive campaign against him — not using hard epithets but simply 
showing by the record what he has done as Judge. The Tribune had an excel- 
lent article this morning. 

I do not know whetfier you think it worth while for me to see Secretary 
of State O’Brien now. Of course if you do, let me know and I shall send for 
him. 

I had a very pleasant time with Higgins. Faithfully yours 


3242 • TO EDWARD HENRY HARRIMAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, September 23, 1904 

My dear Mr. Harriman: I thank you for your letter. At present there is noth- 
ing to see you about, though there were one or two points in my letter of 

‘ Conceining Judge D., Cady Herrick, die Democratic nominee for Governor of 
New York, there was a difference of opinion. The New York Tribune on September 
22 called him the tool of Hill and Mtophy, the Democratic boss of Albany, the 
befriender of protectors of prostittites. Herrick, the Tribune maintained, was a man 
“ndiose indecent political activities. . . . have been a reproach to our courts.” The 
World, on the same day, confessed that Herrick had been active politically while on 
the bench. But the World found his character beyond reproach; “[He] wears no 
boss’s collar and bears no man’s tag. His ability, coura^ and honesty will be tjues- 
tioned by none. . . . He was .... ‘the ardent champion of Tilden, Robinson and 
Cleveland.’” 


950 



acceptance which I should have liked to discuss with you before putting it 
out. 

With regards, and thanks for your kind letter, believe me. Sincerely yours 

3243 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 23, 1904 

My dear Cortelyou: Do have Knox’s speech, enclosed herewith, called par- 
ticularly to the attention of the republican papers. It comes out on Saturday, 
October ist, and will be the first great answer to Parker’s letter of acceptance, 
which will appear on .Monday, September 26th. It ought to have universal 
circulation; and I think that you could do well to have certain parts of it, 
such as, for instance, what he says about the revoking of the pension order 
and his six questions about the Constitution, circulated in separate form. 

When Knox speaks in New’ York do not let them put him in a big riding 
academy. At the outside let him speak in Carnegie Hall. Give him a small, 
serious audience, before whom he can deliver a well-thought-out and elab- 
orate speech. 

The enclosed telegrams and letter are the ones that happen to come at the 
moment, and represent a great mass of letters and telegrams. I am afraid I 
cannot long defer action on that cigar stamp matter, but I shall keep it until 
after seeing you Monday. The democrats are just about putting out a long 
series of extracts from my w'ritings to show’ my attacks upon Jefferson, Madi- 
son, Jackson, etc., etc. My own view is that it is not worth w'hile answering 
these statements. Often they are twisted. Generally they are taken out of 
their context. Sometimes they represent the exact truth, by which I still stund. 
It seems to me diat it would be well simply to say that we are running my 
canvass upon what I have done as President, and not upon what my views 
as a historian are; and that these extracts are as a w’hole utterly misleading. 
I shall talk over this with you too. 

Are you coming to dinner Monday, or w'ill you simply come in in the 
evening? Faithfully yours 

P. S. I find that the speech will not be ready until tomorrow mornii^, but 
shall have it sent to Mr. Hitchcock at once. Will you please arrange with him 
about it? 

3244 ’ TO MARTHA MACOMB IXANDRAU SELMES RoOSeVelt MSS. 

Washington, September 23, 1904 

Dear Mrs, Selmes: I return you herew’ith the manuscript. There are parts 
about the story which I greatly like — the delightful old Kentuclqr lady for 
instance, the picture of the handsome, self-reliant girl harnessing the wild 
filly, and of comse all that is said about the Little Missouri country. But I 


951 



don’t like the conduct of the heroine in the end. Personally I prefer virtue, 
but if one deviates from virtue then for Heaven’s sake take the opposite 
course thoroughly. Don’t “play with light loves in the portal and wince and 
relent and refrain.” 

You see I am writing as if I were a prig and an uncle of Isabella! 

With warm regards to Mr. and Mrs. Cutcheon. Faithfully yours 

3245 • TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, September 24, 1904 

My dear Secretary Morton: The writer of the enclosed, Lieutenant Com- 
mander Sims, attracted my attention long ago when I was Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy, by his thorough knowledge of our naval needs. At that time he 
took a most pessimistic view of our marksmanship. Almost all the other men 
of our navy who came in contact with me laughed at him. As the Spaniards 
proved so much worse than we were, I myself thought him an alarmist. It 
proved, however, that he was entirely right, and I think that to him more 
than to anyone else is due the extraordinary advance we have made in our 
shooting. He, like Captain Diehl and Commander Winslow, is a man who 
does not merely reside in the Navy, but who actively works as a naval officer 
for the betterment of the service, and who has the judgment and the ability 
to make his zeal good. I regard what he says as to the structure of our battle- 
ships as being of the utmost importance. Will you not carefully read his 
letter yourself, and then submit it to the General Board? Afterwards I should 
like to meet you and them. I had long realized that our Navy would be at a 
serious disadvantage in battle because of some of the defects pointed out by 
Lieutenant Commander Sims; but I did not know how grave some of the 
defects v^ere. Sincerely yours 

3246 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, September 24, 1904 

Dear John: I have your letter of the 2zd, and return the enclosure. All right, 
I shall have nothing done about that Russian Jew matter at present.^ 

On the Newfoundland and the other reciprocity treaties I feel exactly as 
you do. I have had to say far less than I wished about reciprocity, simply be- 
cause I cannot get Senators who ought to — (and that means of course the 
people behind them) — to take a‘ really broad-minded view of the question. 

^ On April zi, 1904, the House of Representatives adopted a resolution requesting the 
President to renew negodladons with foreign countries in connection with the alleged 
discrimination against American Jews. McCormick forwarded this resolution to Count 
Vladimir Lamsdorif, the Rtissian Foreign Minister, on August 22, but it was not 
until October that Russia replied. LamsdorfF then iiiformed McCormick that a com- 
mission had been set up to revise passport regulations. See Foreipi Relations 3 1^4, 
pp. 790^94- 


952 



Whitridge says he thought it unfortunate that Choate should give a din- 
ner to Bourke Cockran. I did not know that he had done so; and I cannot 
help feeling that it was needless. Alvays yours 

3247 • TO WULLIAM MILLER COLLIER RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Washington, September 26, 1904 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter. Unquestionably feeling as you do you 
should leave the Department. You state in vour letter that under your origi- 
nal appointment as a Special Assistant to the Attorney General in connection 
with the antitrust law that you did not do the work which you were ap- 
pointed to do. This appointment has lapsed. You held under that commission 
for a little over a year and you are now out of it. The time for you to have 
discovered that you were not doing the work that you were paid to do, if 
such were the fact, was while you were holding that office, and you should 
have come to me then. I shah certainly not take up now the question as to 
whether you were performing the duties you were paid to perform during 
the year and over that you held the position when you made no complaint to 
me in reference thereto. At present you are holding office under the specific 
law creating a solicitor for the Department of Commerce and Labor. There 
is nothing in this law requiring the solicitor to do work in connection with 
the enforcement of the antitrust laws, so that what you say has no reference 
whatever to your present appointment. 

In the first annual report of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor it is 
specifically set forth that an officer of the Department of Justice had been 
detailed to act as solicitor, in order to meet the requirements of the Depart- 
ment in the way of legal assistance, but that the arrangement was merely 
temporary and that a definite appropriation should be made to enable the 
Department to employ its own solicitor. There was therefore no concealment 
of the facts of your temporary appointment from Congress, and you are now 
employed as solicitor in pursuance of the request of the Secretary of Com- 
merce and Labor that such a solicitor should be provided for the purpose 
of dealing with the cases which arise before the Department involving ques- 
tions of kw. When I decided to appoint you solicitor the Attorney General 
advised me not to do so on the ground that he considered you inefficient and 
not possessing either the industry or the ability which warranted your con- 
tinuance in the service of the Department. Mr, Cortelyou, however, although 
he said he had not been satisfied with all that you had done, believed that you 
would improve and desired that you should be given a trial as the regular 
solicitor. I accordingly made the appointment. 

You enclose a letter from Commissioner Garfield, written in response to 
, one of yours in which Mr, Garfield gives his views as to the functions of the 
Bureau of Corporations and its methods of acrion. This letter it appears was 
based upon one of yours which you wrote to Mr. Garfield stating what you 

,953 



understood his position to be. In view of your present threat, for it amounts 
to such, to make public his letter in the hope of making thousands of Repub- 
licans leave the party because of their feelings about corporate wealth and 
restriction of monopoly, I regard you as having sent an adroit decoy letter. 
I do not feel that Mr. Garfield fully set forth in his letter the function of the 
Bureau, and I do not accept his letter to you as an authoritative expression 
of that function. The circumstances of the correspondence show that he, an- 
swering in good faith a letter seemingly in good faith from you, and having 
his mind fixed only upon meeting your query as to whether you should 
render him service which he did not desire to have rendered, expressed him- 
self more carelessly than he would have done had he had the slightest reason 
to suppose that any public use would be made of his letter. Of course the 
Bureau of Corporations cannot enforce the antitrust laws. You can hardly 
be ignorant of the fact that they can only be enforced through the Depart- 
ment of Justice. But I feel that it can be an aid to the Department of Justice 
through the services it renders to the President in collecting information 
tending to show the existence of monopoly, or the restraint of trade, or acts 
in violation of law. However, this is not a question which it is necessary for 
me to consider. I shall speedily have before me the report of the Bureau as 
to the work it has done this year, and that report I shall lay before Congress. 
From what I am informed I believe that the work already done by the Bureau 
has many times over justified its existence and has shown that a very great 
field of usefulness has opened to it. 

I regard your conduct in this matter as being unprofessional and dis- 
honorable. You have made a threat. You have been asking for all kinds of 
other offices. You expect that I will yield to your threat lest it might do 
damage politically just at this time. I decline to be blackmailed by you. I 
decline to accept your resignation and hereby remove you.^ 


3248 • TO JOSEPH BUCBXiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, September 26, 1904 

My dear Bishop: I thought Parker’s letter a strong letter, and it was prepared, 
unless I am greatly mistaken, under the immediate eye of Gorman. It is not 
a firank or straightforward letter, but it is very adroit in the way in which it 
deals double. I have given out a letter of Luke Wright to me which speaks of 
the bad effects of the promise of independence to the Philippines; and most 
fortunately, Harry Taft’s letter on the pension order comes out at the same 

* Roosevelt had appointed Collier special assistant to the Attorney General, 1903- 
1904, and solicitor, 1904, for the Department of Commerce and Labor. In spite of 
the tone of this letter wd the brisk dismissal in the concluding par^psph, Roosevdt 
appointed Collier minister to Spain m 190;. 

954 



time with Parker’s.^ Of course Parker lays himself wide open on this pension 
order business. As Taft shows, I am acting under authority of law, and any 
money paid out under that order is paid out in pursuance to law'. Taft’s letter, 
to my mind, cannot be answered, and as it cannot be answered it means that 
Parker pledges himself to undo what has been legally and properly done, and 
to throw the whole matter into chaos by demanding new legislation. The 
matter is law now. Parker proposes to revoke it and invoke new legislation, 
and he knows perfectly well that that probably means either that there wdll 
be no law enacted at all, or that w'e shall have a sw’eeping and extravagant 
law. APways yours 

[Handviritten] Of course the order is revocable; the point I make is, is 
it wise or proper to revoke it? 


3249 " TO LESLIE MORTIER SHAW RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 26, 1904 

My decer Shaw: I have seen Armstrong, and I think he will not make any 
more decisions that will puzzle us until they have been submitted either to 
you or to me. The tobacco stamp business has made the situation so acute 
that I fear a decision will have to be made at once. 

I wish you would devote some time to the expenditures. As far as I can 
see, that is the only point the democrats can really make against us. Of 
course, the answer really is to ask them what they w'ish to cut down. They 
state they wish to cut down the army, but I do not think they really would 
do it. If they propose to cut down the navy, or for the matter of that the 
army, we must meet them squarely. I am giving some material to Taft. I 
think a speech from you on tWs point would do good. Your speech on irri- 
gation was admirable. Sincerely yours 


3250 • TO JOHN WILLIAM BROCK RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 26, 1904 

My dear Brock: ^ I understand that you have interests in Nevada. Is there 
any way you could help us carry that Smte? Cortelyou says he hears you 
would We weight there. We need all the help we can get; and, while at the 
moment things look favorable, politics are mighty uncertain, and the three 
electoral votes of Nevada may count for much. Sincerely yours 

‘First in a public letter and then in an interview Tstft anpvered Parker's criticism 
of ihe pensmn order. It was, he maintained, in keeping with die precedents set by 
Geveknd and McKinley and, therefore, clearly l^;m. ^airman SuHoway (R^bli- 
can. New Hampshire) of the House Committee on Invalid Pensions supported Taft’s 
view, adding that the order was in no sense a usui^jation of Congressional authority. 
For earlier partisan discnssimis of this matter, see Numbers 5947 and 3012. 


‘John 'William Brock, Philadelphia capitalist. Republican, civic reformer. 

955 



3251 ■ TO HORACE A. TAYLOR 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, September 28, 1904 

Sir: This case comes to me in the form of an appeal for the reversal of the 
decision of the Treasury Department made by the Acting Secretary of 
the Treasury in a matter peculiarly within the control and business knowl- 
edge of the Treasury Department. Complaint was made that a sufficient 
hearing had not been given to the parties in interest, and that the decision 
was so grossly unjust as to warrant the President’s interference. It is, of 
course, out of the question for the President to take up as an original propo- 
sition, and as if the appeal was specifically reserved by law for the President, 
such a case as this unless the circumstances are extraordinary. The present 
case does not, in my judgment, come within the category of extraordinary 
cases where I would be willing to reverse the action of the Department. I 
have examined all the testimony put before the Department in this case with 
care, and I do not consider that the showing is sufficiently strong to warrant 
the unusual action of reversing the action of the Department. However in 
this particular case, for the reasons set forth by you, I consider the action 
taken by the Dept, to be proper. 

The testimony seems to establish the fact that the present stamp is used 
as a trade-mark by the cigar importers; that this trade-mark is very valuable 
to them and therefore confers an advantage upon them as, against the manu- 
facturers of cigars in the United States; and furthermore, that cigars are in 
effect the only commodity imported into the United States that receives the 
benefit of such a trade-mark — imported silks, cottons, food products, etc., 
etc., having no such government trade-mark upon them. The strength of the 
opposition to the proposed change shows that this government stamp does 
give a pecuniary advantage to those using it. This is, of course, wrong. The 
Government’s business is to collect the revenue and to provide against fraud 
so far as may be; but once the revenue has been paid and the goods admitted 
it is not the Government’s business to furnish a guarantee in the form of a 
trade-mark for the benefit of the goods. This should be left in the tobacco 
business exactly as it is in all other business. It is urged by one side that the 
proposed change wiU diminish the chances of fraud, and by the other that it 
will increase them. This is a matter peculiarly for the decision of the Treas- 
ury experts, and I must assume that it has been carefully considered by you. 

Accordingly, I decline to interfere with the order of the Department. 
Very truly yarns 

3252 • TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, September 28, 1904 

Dear Morton: In Colorado the fight is very doubtful. We may be beaten 
anyhow, because our people have made the great error of permitting lawless- 

956 



ness on their side to offset lawlessness on the other; but it will help us if 
W olcott stands straight for the ticket. Do you think the Denver and Rio 
Grande and Colorado fuel people could make him stand straight for it? Sin- 
cerely yours 


3253 • TO HENRY WATERS TAFT Roosevelt AIsS. 

Personal Washington, September 28, 1904 

Aly dear T aft: I think that your interview leaves nothing more to be said on 
the pension business. If it comes up again it might be mentioned that four 
lawyers, including ex-Attorney General Knox, the present Attorney Gen- 
eral, Moody, Secretary of the Treasury Shaw, and Secretary of War Taft 
(an ex-United States Judge), all at the time passed on the matter and de- 
cided it constitutional. 

I need not tell you what a pleasure it was to sec you here. 

About the common law, it seems to me the answer is this: We have under- 
taken a large number of suits against the trusts, and we now have a large 
number of suits and a large number of examinations pending. There is not 
one of them which could be undertaken under the common law. There is not 
a capable lawyer in the land who would dream of bringing action under the 
common law to restrain a single monopoly with w'hich the Federal Govern- 
ment ought to or can interfere. If Will were Attorney General, for instance, 
he would simply laugh at the proposition to take any such action. You w'ould; 
anyone would. Mr. Cleveland, in his last message to Congress, and Mr. Hill, 
through the Democratic State platform in New York this year, took the 
ground that the question of regulating trusts was a State matter, I would 
not take Parker’s statement; I would take w'hat I said; that is, that to say that 
only the common law must be invoked is equivalent to saying that the Na- 
tional Government must give up all efforts to regulate trusts. This is literally 
true, and I should treat Parker’s effort to anstver it as what it is — that is, as 
an effort to evade it. 

As to the Philippine-Cuban comparison, the trouble is that that is a two- 
edged sword, simply because the average individual likes to be misled by 
names. I had thought myself of making the statement of giving independence 
as in Cuba, with what modifications are necessary; but I find that such state- 
ments as this (which was contained in Root’s speech) completely upset the 
average person as to what is meant. Academically, and before an audience of 
trained minds, I can show that we have not given independence in the full 
sense to Cuba, and that we could readily, in the Philippines, proceed along 
the lines we have followed in Cuba and give them a similar but less measure 
of independence, ultimately, with safety; but the distinction seems fine to 
honest men who have not thoi^ht deeply about it. Will did not much like 
Root’s comparison witii Cuba. Faithfully yours 

957 



3254 * TO OSCAR SOLOMON STRAUS RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 28, 1904 

My dear Mr. Straus: I think your suggestions about the Armenian matter 
admirable. If they persist in making any specific request of me, I shall simply 
say that I shall take all requests under consideration; that I have just said I 
would call a second conference at The Hague; that my offhand judgment 
was that all such questions should be left to be brought before tliat confer- 
ence, but that I could give them no definite answer of any kind at the 
moment.^ 

With regard, believe me, Faithfidly yours 


3255 • TO EUGENE A. PHILBIN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, September 28, 1904 

Dear Mr. Philbin: Referring to your letter of the 27th instant to Mr. Loeb 
in strict confidence I will say that John Hay has just written me about the 
proposed Congo matter to which you refer, ^ and has used the following 
language: 

“It is a well-meant impertinence, after all, for Englishmen to come to us 
to take up their Congo quarrel.” 

Of course this is for your own information merely. I shall be entirely 
polite to the gentleman in question, but you may rest assured that I shall say 
nothing to him beyond saying that I shall submit to the State Department 
anything that he chooses to lay before me, as a matter of course. 

I am glad to hear what you tell me about Sullivan.^ I forget who it was 
that recommended him, but someone who spoke very highly of him. I know 
he had a great number of letters in his behalf from excellent men. He has 
driven us nearly wild by insistent appeals for promotion; and I generahy find 
that the man who is always asking to be put up is not worth putting up. 
Faithfully yours 

^ There had been a continuous revolutionary movement within Armenia throughout 
1903 and 1904. The insurgents had made numerous requests to Roosevelt for foreign 
interference. At a reception for the Interparliamentary Union on September 24, 
Roosevelt had announced his intent to call a second Hague Conference to consider 
arbitration treaties and neutrality laws. The olficial State Department circular was 
sent out on October 21, 


^ On September 30, Roosevelt received a petition from the Congo Reform Associ- 
ation requesting American intervention in the affairs of the Congo Free State. The 
petition was presented by Edmund D, Morel, a British humanitarian, later a Mem- , 
her of Parliament., 

“Edward J. Sullivan, American consul at Trebizond, Turkey. 


958 









32 S 6 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 29, 1904 

My dear Cortelyou: I do not like the turn affairs are taking in New York. 
We are shifting the issues from the National to the State ticket, and look as 
if we w'ere entering upon a defensive campaign as to what our opponents 
are pleased to call “Odellism,” instead of an offensive campaign about Parker 
and the entire Democratic body. Our speakers should be taught to insist 
primarily upon Parkerism, Gormanism, Hillism, Belmonrism, McCarrenism, 
Murphy sim, Sheehanism, and Taggartism and to relegate the State matters 
to an entirely secondary place, bringing forward in the State business Hig- 
gins as the issue. 

Just at the moment the Democrats in New York, aided by the Sm, and 
by the w'ay our own State organization is running things, have made Odell 
appear as the real issue instead of Higgins or myself. Now, he is not the issue, 
and our people ought not to let him be made the issue. 

Moreover, in the matter of the expenditures, there should be no kind of 
apology on our part. The answer should take the form of an attack on 
Parker for his utter insincerity. We should say that w^e are going to go on 
exactly with our present policy; that we intend to continue to upbuild the 
Navy and to keep up the Army; to extend rural free delivery and maintain 
it where it is already established; to go on with the irrigation policy; to 
continue paying pensions to the veterans, etc., etc.; and that either Parker 
is utterly insincere, or else that he means to abandon these and similar poli- 
cies. I am going over with Moody and Taft speeches of theirs on these mat- 
ters, and when we get the proper ringing, aggresive speech we want to put 
it out in the Republican press with all possible emphasis. 

I hope the Republican papers will pay great heed to Knox’s speech next 
Saturday, and that Taft’s, and perhaps Moody’s speeches also, receive the 
widest possible circulation. , 

We have had the campaign, up to the last week, waged in aggressive fash- 
ion, and we must not let ourselves be put upon the defensive or permit the 
issue to be shifted in New York State. 

Understand me: In New York my judgment is that Higgins and I will 
win or lose t<^gether, and it is in the interest of both of us to make the fight 
oh the issues that are strongest. When I w'as elected Governor in 1898 ffiere 
was a great cry against Black — a cry in its essence utterly unreasonable, 
but which had produced a great effect. We were only able to win by refus- 
ing to fight on the defensive about the existing State administration, and by 
making an aggressive fight in which National affairs and my own personality 
were the decisive factors. So it is now. Odell has made a good Governor for 
the State of New York; but there is always dissatisfaction at the end of a 
man’s second term with what he has done, and it is a great tactical blunder 
to permit our enemies to push forw'ard as the real issue of the campaign what 

959 



they like to call “Odellism,” and to spend our time in defenses against their 
attacks. The fight should be kept mainly on National issues. The utter insin- 
cerity and double-dealing of the Parker canvass should be riddled continu- 
ally, and Higgins’ record and character dwelt upon in comparison with 
Herrick’s. It is Higgins who is up for election as Governor, just as I am up 
for election as President. Faithfully yours 

3257 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, September 29, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Simon Wolf has been in, anxious to get the Hay 
correspondence about the Jews. He thinks he could use it as President of the 
B’nai B’rith. Why wouldn’t it do to hand him a statement prepared by 
Loomis, which would give the facts of the case? He will be making non- 
partisan speeches, but the mere statement of the case is sufficient to show 
how well we have done. 

What is the truth about this alleged going over of Colonel Brumder, of 
Milwaukee, to the Democrats? Surely Spooner or some of these men ought 
to be able to get at him. Why cannot von Briesen or Bartholdt wire him at 
once? Brumder called on me with the Roosevelt German organization last 
spring, and was most warm in his expressions of loyalty. Faithfully yours 

3258 ■ TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt MsS. 

Memorandum Washington, September 29, 1904 

Do not in any speech take any position seeming in the least to be on the 
defensive. Attack Parker. Show that his proposals are insincere; his state- 
ments lacking in candor, and disingenuous. Announce that we have not the 
slightest apology to make; that we intend to continue precisely as we have 
been doing in the past; that we shall not abandon building up the navy and 
keeping up the army, or abandon rm-al free delivery, or irrigation of the 
public lands. Either Parker is insincere, or else he must propose to abandon 
these works and other works like them in order to economize. 

3259 • TO JAMES RUDOLPH GARFIELD RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, September 30, 1904 

My dear Mr. Garfield: In a copy of a letter from you to Mr. Collier, recently 
laid before me, the opening sentences run as follows: 

“The function of the Bureau of Corporations is not to enforce the anti- 
trust laws. It was not created either as a prosecuting agency or as an aid to 
thd Department of Justice in collecting information tending to show the 
existence of monopoly or restraint of trade or acts in violation of law.” 

Of course, neither the Buteau of Corporations nor any other Bureau or 



Department of the Government, save only the Department of Justice, can 
enforce the antitrust law or any similar laws — it is the doty of the Depart- 
ment of Justice and only of the Department of Justice to enforce such laws 
as are broken. But as to the methods which the Bureau of Corporations shall 
use to do the most efficient work of which it is capable, in collecting informa- 
tion w'hich will give us the full knowledge necessary alike to the enforcement 
of existing laws and to making recommendations upon which to ask for 
legislation amending or supplementing them, I am not yet quite clear; and, 
indeed, I think that in this opening period of the Bureau’s w’ork we cannot 
yet lay down with exactness w'hat lines will hereafter be followed. For exam- 
ple, the Attorney General has just been to me on the question of the beef 
trust suit, where the District Attorney of Northern Illinois, Mr. Bethea, in- 
sists that he should be given all of the information on the subject which cor- 
porations (for experience has shown that the control exercised by the several 
States is necessarily partial and imperfect) must be largely conditioned upon 
what is shown by your investigations. The law creating the Bureau explicitly 
set forth this publicity which was to be attained by you as the main object 
of its creation. At the same time I do not wish as yet to commit myself on one 
side or the other of the proposition that incidentally to this main object you 
may be able to secure information which will be of value in securing the 
better execution of the law through the Department of Justice, Very truly 
yotars 

3260 • TO FRANK AVAYLAND HIGGINS KoOSeVelt h/LsS. 

Confidential Washington, September 30, 1904 

My dear Governor Higgins; I earnestly hope that you will, at an early date, 
appear in the canvass. You are the candidate for Governor, and the issue 
must be made you, what you have done, and what w'e have reason to expect 
you will do. Pray get out and put yourself into the canvass at the earliest 
possible moment. They are putting us on the defensive on what they are 
pleased to call Odellism. They do not know what they mean by this, and 
the way they lie on the subject is simply scandalous, but it hurts for us to be 
on the defensive. Our people should attack Herrick for what he has done as 
Judge, and should force the national issue to the front, and you should take 
the lead, so that the newspaper people w'ill write, not about Odell, but about 
you. 

Pray treat this letter as confidential and simply for your owm information. 
You and I are in the ^me boat. We shall sink or swim together. Now% it is 
my deliberate judgment that it is a better thing for both of us that the na- 
tional issue should be forced to the front. Get our people to show’ forth my 
position, to attack Parkerism, Hillism, McCarrenism, Belmontism etc. Make 
the tnatn fight on national issues, and then in State matters have you come 
to the front. T believe that there is a good chance of bodi of us winning New 

9di 



York if we make the fight predominantly on national issues, and aggressively 
so. I believe there is a good chance of both of us losing if we make the fight 
chiefly on State issues, and make it a defensive fight in addition. Faithfully 
yours 


3261 - TO wn.LiAM HENRY MOODY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October i, 1904 

My dear Mr. Secretary: I have received your two letters containing the in- 
formation about the Isthmian Canal. Evidently there must be a complete 
rearrangement of the duties of the Commission, and possibly of the person- 
nel. I suppose Walker is the disturbing element, but I do not quite understand 
the point alleged to have been made by Parsons.^ As soon as I can see Colonel 
Hecker* and Parsons, I shall. When do they return? 

I return your enclosures herewith. Sincerely yours 


3262 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October i, 1904 

My dear Bishop: I agree with every word you have written. I hope you wiU 
again see Cortelyou and impress upon him that Platt should be reached, and 
that the republican workers who are hot for Roosevelt must be impressed 
that they are to be just as hot for Higgins, and that not only because Higgins 
is a first-class man and admirable public servant, but also because any failure 
on their part would invite retaliation from the Odell people. Every republi- 
can who wishes to punish Odell should be whipped into line by it being 
shown him that he is imperiling the success of the national ticket.^ Ever yours 


3263 • TO BROOKS ADAMS Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October i, 1904 

My dear Adams: I hope you will read what Knox says in his speech at Phila- 
delphia this evening about the common law. He puts it just as you suggest* 

^ Admiral Walker’s difficult personality was only one of many factors producing 
the spectacular inefficiency of the Panama Canal Commission. The unwieldy size of 
the commission, the absence of most of its members from Panama, the requirement of 
unanimous approval for decisions, trivial and important, the lack of authority for the 
engineers and physicians doing the actual work created insurmountable obstacles to 
adequate performance. For a discussion of these conditions, persistent until the re- 
organization in April 1905, see Mack, Land Divided^ ch. xi; Miles P. DuVal, Jr., 
And the Moimtains Will Move (Stanford University Press, 1947), ch. vii. 

* Colonel Frank Joseph Hecker, the military representative on the commission, re- 
signed in November* 

^ Roosevelt’s concern over New York increased steadily in October. A letter similar 
in spirit was sent ihe same day to Platt* 



Of course, in Parker’s first statement and in my statement in reference thereto 
what we say about the common law must be taken as applying to suits insti- 
tuted by the United States Government against trusts or monopolies. As 
regards such suits my statement is literally true. His statement was unques- 
tionably meant to be accepted by Wall Street interests as an expression of 
agreement on his part with the views of the minorin^ Judges in the merger 
suit. I do not see how I can vtry well answer him; but I am strongly tempted 
to take up the campaign myself! Sincerely yozm 


3264 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Important and confidential Washington, October i, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The editorials in the Times and World and Brook- 
lyn Eagle show that there is to be a concerted attack made upon you> I 
should think it a disadvantage to remain on the defensive as regards the 
National ticket any more than as regards the State ticket; and I should have 
the most savage counterattack possible made upon Taggart, Belmont, Shee- 
han, McCarren,^ and Parker. All that precious gang are in together. They 
have got any amount of money, and Parker’s whole plea about the common 
law was simply pandering to the trust people, who desire nothing so much 
as that the President should take the ground which Mr. Qeveland took in 
his last message to Congress, and which the Democratic convention of last 
April, in New York, took in another shape, that the common law is sufficient, 
and therefore that the matter must be relegated to the States. Cannot our 
papers and our orators hit back as savagely as possible? 1 believe that Parker’s 
statement about the common law was made with the purpose of showing 

^The Democrats had began to make “Cortelyouism” the central feature of their 
campaign. Edward M. Shepard, while stumping Vermont in September, fim defined 
that issue. Cortelyou, he argued, had had access, as Secretaiy of Commerce and 
Labor, to information regarding corporations which he could use, as chairman of 
the National Committee, to faciHtate fund raising. On October 1 the Worlds Ttmes^ 
and Eagle gave this argument new emphasis. The World implied that the trusts 
were buying protection. The Tmes^ in an editorial entitled ^‘Buying the President” 
which attacked Aldrich as well as Cortelyou for alleged connections with corpora- 
tions, blamed Roosevelt for permitting them to manage the campaign. ‘‘No man 
would have the hardihood to assert that any other than private and political ends 
are served when the chief of the department which has become the custodian of 
corporation secrets is put at the head of the partisan committee whose principal 
function is to collect campaign contributions which come chiefly from great cor- 
porations” the Tknes declared. ‘The assumption of these funcuons by Mr, Cor- 
telyou is a public scandal, a nadonal disgrace. . . « [that] involves the head of the 
nation, whose creature, agent and personal representative is the offender.” Parker, 
^parentl]f convinced by the press’s iteration of such contentions, in October made 
Cortelyouism the favored subject of his speeches. 

•Patrick H. McCairen, Tammany leader of the Borough of Brooklyn; assemblyman 
and state senator. 



the great Wall Street interests that he was in harmony with the minority 
judges on the merger decision. If he is sincere in his statement about the 
trusts and the common law, then he is determined not to use the powers con- 
ferred by law upon the Government of the United States so far as the trusts 
are concerned. This supposition enables us to understand what he meant by 
the position he took about the common law. Cannot our people use this? 
Also, let them point out that w’hen the Times speaks of Aldrich, the record 
falsifies exactly w^hat the Thiies says. The Times says he gave a pledge or 
assurance to the chief men of the tobacco trust when he called for their con- 
tribution, but that this pledge was in part violated. As a matter of fact, any 
such pledge, if made, would have been violated not in part but in whole, 
because our decision was entirely in favor of the domestic cigar manufac- 
turers, except that the stamp was not to be colored and placed so as to make 
it look like a part of the internal revenue stamp, and thus make the Govern- 
ment connive at fraud. 

Keep in mind that if it is deemed advisable I am perfectly willing when 
the time comes to appear in the campaign myself, either by speech or letter. 
I should like to get at Brother Parker and his associates. Of course, if I can 
avoid appearing I think it is better, but I am perfectly willing to appear if 
it is necessary. At any rate, I hope our people will fight aggressively on this 
issue. 

I have heard but one criticism upon the way the National Committee is 
doing its work. It has been stated to me by several people (and upon talking 
the matter over with Brooker® today I found that it had been suggested to 
him also) that we should have some man at headquarters whose duty it 
should be to receive all people and talk to them pleasantly — to keep a man 
like Walter Wellman feeling good-tempered when he calls. You cannot pos- 
sibly do this because you have more important work on hand, and I do not 
think that Scott ^ is the right man for it, besides which he cannot leave his 
work; but I think it would be a good thing to have done. How would some 
such man as Tim Byrnes® do? I do not necessarily mean Tim (for he might 
not do at all) but some man of his stamp. 

I hope you will follow up that Democratic campaign document contain- 
ing the quotations from my books with the ‘‘Square Deal” pamphlet. That is 
the pamphlet that, in my judgment, will act as the best antiscorbutic to any 
extracts they can possibly make from my writings. I think it is a pamphlet 
that has had a very good effect. 

Do you think the enclosed could be used to any advantage? Faithfully 
yarn’s 

* Charles Frederick Brooker, Republican national committeetnan from Connecticut. 

‘Nathan Bw Scott, chairman of the Speakers’ Bureau in 1904. 

®Timothj^ Edward Byrnes, Boston lawyer and railroad official. Republican, joiner: 

Algoncjum, Beacon, Cohasset Golf, Engineers’, Exchange, Merchants’, Railroad, 

Union Wigue, and so forth. 


964 



3265 ’ TO EDWARD WINGATE HATCH RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October i, 1904 

Aly dear Mr. Jzistice: ^ I am verj^ much obliged to you for your most inter- 
esting letter. Your correspondent described the situation in Utah substan- 
tially in accord with the news I had already received, but he put the matters 
clearer. I entirely agree with him that this unfortunate affair is attributable 
not in the least to any real movement against the Mormons, but to pure fac- 
tion fighting. The bolting faction, for instance, was trying to renominate a 
Mormon for Governor, and some of the leading members of the victorious 
faction are non-Mormons. The polygamy business is a mere pretense. At the 
same time I do not see how I can interfere one way or the other in the mat- 
ter.- We have some of the same trouble in Idaho, and these troubles, together 
with the labor trouble in Colorado, have complicated vtry much the situa- 
tion in the inter-Mountain States. 

I am greatly interested in what you say about New York; but don’t you 
think we are in grave danger on account of the bolt in which the New York 
Sun has taken the lead? I can only hope, my dear Judge, that your estimates 
are right. 

I have directed the District Attorney to use to the utmost vigilance in 
prosecuting Colonel Shepard’s assailants. 

With warm regards and many thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours 

3266 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 2, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Poor Payne is sick either unto death or nigh unto death. The 
next few hours will decide. I think that his sickness just at this time is due 
more to the outrageous and unscrupulous attacks upon him than to any one 
cause. Payne has not always been wise in his management of the Post Office, 
but his errors have been due primarily to his trustfulness and sweetness of 
nature. I have never seen one least suspicion of anything that was not abso- 
lutely upright and honorable in him; yet a man like Edward M. Shepard has 
the audacity to say that he ought to have been removed because, forsooth, 
under his administration was discovered wrongdoing perpetrated under the 
administrations of Cleveland and McKinley. This attack on him in McClure^s 
Magazine by Steffens was, I think, the immediate cause of breaking him 
down; and I am convinced that it is an infamously false attack. 

^ Edward Wingate Hatch, Justice, Appellate Division, New York Supreme Court. 
® In September non-Monnon Utah Republicans, led by United States Senator Thomas 
Keams, had split veith the Mormon Republicans, led by Senator Reed Smoot, and 
nominated a separate state ticket. Both factions, however, supported Roosevelt, The 
President was probably correct in considering “the polygamy business a mere pre- 
tense,” but AJormonism Still complicated Utah politics as officeholders tendea to 
direct patronage to the truly faithful. 



By the way, speaking of the Atlantic article, I was half amused and half 
exasperated at their having chosen McCall as Shepard’s opponent in cham- 
pioning our issues. I have a great contempt for McCall, In conviction he is 
against (me) us, and he simply calls himself a republican because he cannot 
get elected to Congress save under that title, but his whole public career is 
an attack upon, and represents a weakening of, the republican party. In this 
article, for instance, I think he was quite as untruthful and shows quite as 
malignant a spirit toward the republican party as Shepard himself.^ 

The Connecticut people seem to be fairly confident, but say frankly that 
if the Democrats put in a great corruption fund during the last few days of 
the campaign it may make the State doubtful. The same thing is true of 
West Virginia. In New York if they can keep Odellism as the main issue 
they will probably beat us. If we can force the Presidential issue to the front 
rank I think we can beat them. The Sun is doing all it can to keep Odellism 
as the chief issue, and is therefore doing all it can to beat us. In New York 
it is absolutely astounding to see the average decent fool, in contradistinction 
to the decent wise man, going for Herrick, whose career has been literally 
infamous, and whom the SuHy the Tmies, the Worlds the Brooklyn Eagle ^ 
and the Evening Post have again and again denounced as infamous. The 
democrats of New York have all the ablest politicians and biggest financiers 
in the State heartily at work for their ticket, and Tammany is enthusiastic 
for Herrick; that means, of course, for the whole ticket. OdeU now realizes 
that the situation is very doubtful, but I do not know whether he yet realizes 
to the full the fact that it is his own folly which is chiefly responsible for it. 
If he had effaced himself, put someone else in as Chairman, and tried to keep 
out of sight, there would have been a good chance of his retaining power. 
Just at present the odds are heavily against our carrying New York for the 
State ticket, and in my judgment this makes the odds against us for carrying 
it for the national ticket. However, we may change this in the next few 
weeks. For the last ten days the tide has run against us, Parker speech was 
insincere and dishonest, but it was adroit and effective and helped the demo- 
cratic cause everywhere; and this fight against Odellism has not only hurt us 
in New York, but has some little effect in other parts of the country. More- 
over, the democrats are making the most infamous and unjustifiable assault 

^The Atlantic Monthly in October 1904 printed a debate on the campaign. Edward 
M. Shepard wrote ‘The Democratic Appeal”; Congressman Samuel W. McCall of 
Massachusetts, “A Republican Point of View.” McCall’s article disturbed Roosevelt 
on several counts. The congressman wrote that Grover Cleveland “heroically per- 
formed” the task of laying ‘^a secure foundation for the national credit.” He called 
Parker “a man of courage and independence.” Advocating tariff revision, he held 
that the Republicans were better equipped to accomplish it, but he preferred radical 
revision by the Democracy to no revision at all. He called, also, for a change in our 
relations tvith the Philippines and for the substitu4ion of serenity for bullying in our 
foreign relations. He described the Spanish War as one “between a cripple and a 
Colossus.” With such cdntentions Roosevelt had no patience, particularly m October 
1904. Indeed, it is difficult to understand wherein they constituted “A Republican 
Point of View.” 


966 



upon Cortelyou, and an assault which by sheer impudent mendacity may 
carry a certain weight. In a fortnight, however, Parker's letter will be prac- 
tically as old as mine, and then when they come to compare them together 
I hope that some change will result. Moreover, by that time, as the election 
comes closer, the matter of the Presidency may be pushed more to the front 
in New York and that will undoubtedly help us. 

Knox made a great speech, and Moody's speech will do great good also. 
The democrats will get much more money than we are getting. A peculiarly 
infamous side of the democratic attack on Cortelyou is the- statement that 
he is making promises, express or implied, to the big trust people. Last Mon- 
day he was here and told me then that if I won I would find myself unham- 
pered by a single promise of any kind, sort or description. To think of the pro- 
fessionally virtuous creatures like the Tmes^ Eveumg Post, etc., venomously 
attacking Cortelyou, as upright a man as ever lived, while their own hope 
lies in what ® can accomplish in the way of foul corruption! 

Poor Senator Hoar! I regret his death, although I know to him it was a 
happy release, I do wish that Murray Crane would take the Senatorship, and 
I hope that nothing will occur to add to your already sufficiently worrying 
difficulties. Ever yours 

I hear well from the West. 


3267 • TO JOHN FRANas DOBBS Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October 3, ^904 

My dear Mr, Dobbs: I am in receipt of your communication of the ist 
instant. Pray consider this letter entirely private, simply because I cannot 
begin to answer such ridiculous allegations, for if I did I should spend my 
time in replying to scores of others. Any statement such as that you mention, 
namely, that there is any agreement of any kind, sort or description to the 
effect that the Mormon vote is to be given to the Republicans in response to 
a promise to seat the Mormon Senator is not merely a lie, but is so absurd a 
lie that no human being with any knowledge of the facts can take any part 
in its circulation without being morally culpable. No man who knew the 
Senate would make such an assertion. If there is one thing that the Senate 
is sensitive about it is any question of interference with Its right to judge of 
the qualifications of its own members. To suppose that any outside body 

*This letter is incomplete in the Roosevelt Mss. All after “is the” is taken from the 
published Roosevelt-Lodge correspondence, voL H, p, 102. 

•The five names deleted by Lodge, jud^g from Roosevelt’s other letters in 1904, 
were Belmont; Taggart, McCarren, SheAan, and Hill. 

Mohn Francis Dobbs, pastor of the Mott Haven Reformed Church in New York 
Gty. 


967 



could dictate to or influence men like Senator Burrows,^ Senator Allison, 
Senator Fairbanks, and their associates, in such a matter as this, is to suppose 
something even more absurd than it is wicked. In short, the assertion is one 
of the cheapest campaign lies that we have seen in our time, without one 
particle of foundation of any kind, sort or description. Sincerely yours 

3268 • TO ELiHu ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October 3, 1904 

Dear Elihu: Like the fat boy in Pickwick^ I wish to make your blood run 
cold! 

First, 1 want to congratulate you on what I see in the papers as to the 
success of your hunt. 

I enclose Knox’s answer to Parker about the common law. As Parker 
and the Constitution Club have been making a great point of this common 
law business, I do hope that in your speech you will take it up. We stand 
badly in need of a speech or two from you in New York. There has been 
the most widespread revolt against what the Sun calls “Odellism” in New 
York. Higgins has not yet succeeded in impressing himself as being really 
the State issue. I have written urging him to come out. If they succeed in 
keeping Odellism the main issue we shall be beaten out of our boots. If, on 
the other hand, we can succeed in keeping the National issues to the fore, 
we shall win. My own judgment is that State matters should be altogether 
subordinated, and that where they are emphasized at all there should be no 
allusion to Odell, but an insistence upon the admirable record and qualities 
of Higgins. If we can get tw^o or three big meetings in New York, and have 
a couple of big speeches by you, and in addition, say one each from Taft, 
Hay and Knox, all insisting upon the great National issues at stake, I think 
we can pull through. I do hope you will see Cortelyou as soon as possible. 
Always yours 

3269 • TO EUGENE A. PHILBIN RoOSevelt MSS» 

Personal Washington, October 4, 1904 

My dear Mr, Philbin: Of course I have to expect both that some of my friends 
wffl. be unwise and that some of my enemies will be unfair. As every presiden- 
tial candidate has millions of supporters and millions of opponents, this state- 
ment is merely a truism. Two years ago I was in danger of being violently 

® Julius Caesar Burrows, representative and senator from Michigan. His active polin- 
cal career began when he stumped for Lincoln in i860 and ended with his retirement 
from the Senate in 1911. For years he was an unobtrusive member of the imxer circle 
that ran the Republican organization in the House. After 1894 he was again a quiet 
force in the Senate as chairman of the Committee on Privileges and Elections and 
as a member of the Finance Committee. He was primarily responsible for the decision 
to exclude Al. S. Quay from the Senate after his appoinunent by the Governor of 
Pennsyivaniau 

968 



assaulted by the Catholics simply because some of the leaders perversely re- 
fused to see that it was best that the Catholic Church should receive absolutely 
f^ treatment in the Philippines afid no more than fair treatment. At present 
Bishop Rooker’s friends are attacking me on the same ground. On the other 
hand, prize idiots, like the writer of the letter you send me from the Globe, 
and knaves, like the writer of the editorial you send me from the Post, will 
take the opposite ground, that I am too friendly to Catholics. 

I do not believe I ever said that I was half Dutch and half Irish. I have said 
that like many Americans of the present, and like most Americans of the 
futme, I am of mixed blood — Dutch, Irish, Scotch, and French Huguenot, 
beside slight traces of German, English and Welsh. I made these statements 
chiefly in connection with my opposition to the A.P.A. movement many 
years ago, and in the effort to instill into the minds of everv decent American 
that the vital question as to any man is not his national origin or his creed, but 
his spirit and purpose. The writer of the letter you send doesn’t understand 
that descent has nothing to do wnth a man’s being a good American. 

It seems to me that you are peculiarly fit to w'rite to the Evening Post to 
expose the iniquity of its editorial. You know how I have handled myself, 
from the inside. You know that when I appointed Lawrence Murray Assistant 
Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor, for instance, I did not 
even know that he was a Catholic. I should have appointed him just the same 
if I had known it, but as it happens I did not know it. You know from your 
own experience when you served under me and by my appointment, that all 
I asked for was an exactly square deal for every man, without regard to his 
creed. You know that I have opposed the Catholic when he was wrong and 
the Protestant when he was wrong equally, without any hesitation. You 
know that the Evening Post lies when it says or implies that the Catholics are 
supporting me because they expect unfair discrimination in their favor. You 
know that in addressing Catholic audiences I have never said anything in 
favor of Catholics; that my statements in favor of Catholics have been made 
to Protestant audiences, or to Protestant individuals like that Protestant 
clergyman to whom I wrote in reference to the visit of Cardinal Satolli. You 
know that this statement in the Post represents an effort on behalf of the 
Democratic managers to stir up the remains of the old A.P.A. feeling against 
me. I do wdsh that you would write to the Post, after seeing Mr. Cortelyou, 
and put these facts out as clearly as they ought to be put out. 

Hoping that your indisposition wfll be of but short duration, I am. Sin- 
cerely yours 

3270 • TO WILUAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 4, 1904 

Dear Will: The enclosed letter has impressed me much. I -wish you would 
read it, carefully through so that when you come back I can go over with you 

969 



not only this case, but all similar cases. Here is a man, apparently an educated 
and patriotic fellow, who served in the regular army and went to the Philip- 
pines; who enlisted to go back to the Philippines, and found he was only to 
stay in this country, and after a year gets discontented, plays the fool and 
deserts. He now wishes to retrieve himself by serving another term, and is 
impelled to this action not from the least danger of being apprehended, for 
evidently there is none, but because there is a stain upon him. One of the very 
best men in my regiment, a man who did admirable work in the actual cam- 
paigning and fighting, had, I found, deserted from the regular army because 
he could not stand the monotony of work in peace. It seems to me that the 
cast-iron army officer’s way of looking at this crime, and judging all men 
alike in reference thereto, is not wise. I know well the danger of rekxaiion of 
punishment in the matter, and it may be that these dangers will prove so great 
that we cannot get over them; but I earnestly wish that we could try to see 
whether it is not possible to vary the punishment, and where a man wishes 
to atone, to give him the chance to atone. 

Will you take it up with me when you come back? Of course there may 
be nothii^ whatever to do. Faithftdly yoms 


3271 - TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELTOU RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 4, 1904 

My dear Air. Chairman: I send you a check for $3000 which W. Bayard Cut- 
ting* has sent me. It might be used for Nassau County.^ However, do as you 
think best about this. 

I also send you Philbin’s letter. I think we want to carefully avoid pushing 
ostentatiously the movement of which he complains. 

Thurlow Weed Barnes’ letter explains itself. I do not know whether any- 
thu^ can be done about it or not. 

I earnestly hope that Higgins takes the aggressive. If it were not for the 
Presidential contest this year, New York would on State issues go at least a 
hundred thousand against us. It is the most unjust movement against Higgins 
that can be imagined, but it is a very po-werful one. 

Won’t you try to get Hay to speak in New York? Senator Elsberg wants 
him to speak at Carnegie Hall on the 26th. I shall do my best with him. Would 
it not be better to have him speak in Cooper Institute. He would have an 
audience there with whom he would be a great help. In Carnegie Hall he 
would probably have an audience of people who are already staunch republi- 
cans. 

’Wflliatn Bayard Cutting, wealdxy New York City lawyer; New York civil service 
convmissioner, 189(5-1897; in 1898 one of the leaders of Roosevelt’s intransigent Inde- 
pendent opposidon. 

’Roosevelt’s concern for Nassau County (see also No. 3283), produced a substandal 
Republican victory there. 


970 



It would be advisable to write to Senator Dick that rumors have come that 
he is soliciting contributions, and has his name on letters in which contribu- 
tions are solicited from Government employees. If he is doing this he will get 
into trouble, and had better be stopped forthwith. 

I think your letter to General Horatio C. King admirable. If necessary it 
might be well to publish it. I agree with you that there does not seem to be 
any likelihood of my having to speak or write anything more. Parker’s letter 
has really been answered so far as it needed any answer by Knox. Hay, I find, 
is most reluctant to go to New York on account of his health. 

I shall have Woodruff, Mayer,* and Munsej’^ to lunch the latter half of 
the week. 

Let me know if you receive the check safely. Faithfully yours 


3272 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RooSeVClt AisS, 

Strictly personal Washington, October 5, 1 904 

Aly dear Cortelyou: Poor Payne’s death raises an important question. Under 
the law I can permit a thirty days’ vacancy, which I can either lea\'e unfilled 
— the First Affiistant Postmaster General acting as Postmaster General — or 
fill by designation, but at the end of the thirty days I have to make the ap- 
pointment. I enclose an opinion of the law and precedents. This means that on 
November 2d or 3d I must appoint you; or else must appoint some man with 
the understanding that he wiU only serve the very short time until you wish 
to take up the work. We have time to think over what should be done, but I 
want you to reflect upon it. There will remain but five days of the canvass. 
It would be possffjle for you to resign the Chairmanship of the National Com- 
mittee and yet remain in virtual control of the situation, letting Bliss or any- 
one else you desired act as Chairman for those five days. It would also be 
possible for you to take the appointment and simply continue to serve as 
Chairman for the last five days on the ground that the time was altogether too 
short for any useful purpose to be served by your resigning. The only objec- 
tion to this last course would be the yell that would be raised by the demo- 
cratic papers, and I do not know that that yell would count. My own view 
is that when the campaign is over you ought to get out for a month or six 
weeks’ genuine holiday, during which you should not think of work of any 
kind. If you do not do this, I think you will be laying up trouble for yourself. 

‘Judge Julius H. Mayer, in 1904 the successful Republics candidate for district 
attorney of New York State. 

‘Frank Andrew Munsey, then at the height of his remarkable career, had already 
profoundly altered die number and nature of American periodicals by^ his restless 
and erratic creations, purchases, and consolidations in the field of journalism. Among 
his large holdings in 1904 were the Argosy, Munsey's Magasdne, the New kork 
Daily News, Boston Jot/raal, and Washington Times. The consistent spokesman of 
red-blooded adventure, bourgeois morality, and conservative politics, Munsey gave 
Roosevelt enthusiastic joiumalistic and financial support; even in 1911. 

971 



If you do this I can appoint a man now to serve a couple of months. I might 
put in Wynne to serve for that couple of months. Think over this, and per- 
haps consult Root about it. 

I am concerned at the feeling of the La Follette people about the speakers 
from the National Committee. I think Scott should be told that our speakers 
are not to recognize either faction, or go under the auspices of either faction. 
I am by no means easy as to the Wisconsin situation even yet. 

I W'ish to Heaven that our people could take Gaines out of the race in 
West Virginia. He is very unpopular with the colored voters; and if necessary 
he and Edwards should both be forced to withdraw and another man nomi- 
nated. That state will be close, and this contest may easily jeopardize it.^ 

I also hope that we will circulate that interview with Congressman Heflin 
of Alabama expressing the wish that some Czolgosz had thrown a bomb under 
the table at which Booker Washington and I sat. Faithfully yours 


3273 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP RooSeVClt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 5, 1904 

Dear Bishop: I am very glad to hear from you, and am extremely pleased at 
your taking such an effective interest in the campaign. All I am afraid of 
about that difficulty in marking the ballot is that it will act both ways. It will 
undoubtedly strengthen the ticket by making people who are hostile to Odell, 
but more friendly to me, vote for it; but it will of course weaken the ticket 
by making a certain number of people, whose prime desire is to attack what 
they ignorantly call Odellism, vote the straight Democratic ticket. 

Did you see in this morning’s Washington Post the speech of Congressman 
Heflin, of Alabama, in which he deliberately incites murder, using the expres- 
sion that if some Czolgosz had thrown a bomb under the table at which I sat 
with Booker Washington, no great harm would have been done the country.^ ^ 
The Evening Post and Carl Schurz might, with advantage, have this extract 
called to their attention. By the way, Carl Schurz claims to have been an old 
friend of mine, and speaks as if he had once been my supporter.^ It has been 
just twenty years since we had any intimacy together, and in 1886, when I 
ran for Mayor of New York, he opposed me heartily. I next ran for office in 

Hohn Holt Gaines, incumbent Republican congressman, and William Seymour 
Edwards, the party’s unsuccessful candidate in 1898, later the Progressive senatorial 
candidate, 1912, were campaigning for the same seat, Edwards withdrew in time to 
facilitate Gaines’ re-election. 

^This suggestion was typical of the constructive proposals James Thomas (“Tom- 
Toin *0 Heflin continued to make as representative, 1904-1920, and senator, 1921- 
1931, from Alabama. 

•A public letter from Schurz to the Parker Independent Club had been released 
to the press October 2. In the letter Schurz assaued Republican tariff, trust, and 
foreign poHcy. Roosevelt, he concluded, once an honest man, had viplated all stand- 
ards of political decency by his association widi such men as Clarkson. 


972 



1898 and he opposed me again. I then ran in 1900 and he opposed me again. 
So his opposition is rather an old story. Alnrays yours 

3274 • TO WILLIAM SOWDEN SIMS RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 5, 1904 

My dear Conmiander Smis: I think your correspondent a trifle hysterical, but 
no doubt he means well. 

Evans insists that we ought to have on our battleships merely big twelve- 
inch guns and fourteen-pounders, with nothing between. What do you think 
of this?^ Sincerely yours 

3275 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 6, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I think Babcock and his people should be told that, 
especially in view of the decision of the Supreme Court, there must not be 
any kind of favoritism shown by us toward the ‘‘stalwarts.” ^ Under the 
decision of the Supreme Court, any weakening of the La Follette ticket is a 
weakening of the National ticket. The “stalwart” crowd have acted badly 
from the beginning, and the National Committee had no business to take sides. 
I should assume that Spooner, Quarles, and the rest -would at once withdraw 
their State ticket and leave but one Republican ticket in the field. This cer- 
tainly ought to be done. 

The enclosed letter from Colonel McCook may interest you. 

I also enclose a letter from ex-Senator Chandler. If Foraker has gone to 
Wisconsin under the auspices of the “stalwart” committee, he should be re- 
called at once. Indeed, the “stalwart” State committee is a bolting State com- 
mittee, as Mr. Babcock and Senator Spooner should be informed, and 
should not be implicated in supporting a bolting State committee. If Babcock 

^ The armament for the authorized Neni) Hafiipshtte wa^ the subject of much con- 
cern to Roosevelt at this time. The Navy Department’s Board on Construction, in 
a rare and unhappy moment of creative energy, had proposed a hatcerj,’' of four 
12-inch, eight 8-inch, twelve 7-mch, and twenty 3-pounder guns. Roosevelt was 
seeking to substitute a main battery of single-caliber guns. In this effort he had the 
support of Sims, who replied to this letter the next day, and Bradley Fiske. On 
October 8, Roosevelt, in a memorandum to the Board on Construction, ^ked that 
body to consider a main battery of 12-inph guns for the Hampshire. In an 
elaborate rebuttal the board rejected this proposal. A year later Lord John lisher 
laid down the keel of the Dreadnought, the first all-big-gun battleship. See No. 3276. 

' On October 5 the Wisconsin Supreme Court had declared La Folletre’s ticket the 
legal Republican ticket. Congressman Babcock, however, a Stahvart, then chairman 
of the Republican Congre^ional Campaign Committee and himself a candidate for 
re-election, through his control of campaign policy and funds could still have dam- 
aged Republican chances- Fortunately for the party, the La Follette group concen- 
trated on state offices, the Stalwarts on their congressional campaigns until after the 
election, 


97 ? 



will not be reasonable, then can’t you take everything concerning Wisconsin 
out of his hands? Faithfully yours 

P. S. It seems to me very important that unless Watson is going to speak 
in Indiana after Bryan, some ex-Bryan man should follow him up through that 
State and follow him up close.^ 

3276 • TO PAUL MORTON RoOSeVSlt MsS- 

Washington, October 6, 1904 

To the Secretary of the Navy: I am sorry that the New Hampshire is to have 
1 2-inch, 8-inch and 7-inch guns. It seems to me that her armament should be 
composed simply of 12- or i i-inch guns, and of a secondary battery of 3 -inch 
guns. In other words, I am inclined to believe that it is unwise to have 3- and 
i-pounder guns, and 7- and 8-inch guns. I should like a full report on this 
from the proper authorities.^ 

3277 • TO LEONARD WOOD RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 6, 1904 

Dear Leonard: I cannot send you a long letter, and before you receive this 
the election will be decided, but I think I shall write you anyhow. 

We have had rather a dull campaign so far, but it is gettmg lively now. I 
have not the slightest idea as to the outcome. I regard the Republicans as 
having about 216 electoral votes fairly sure. In addition, there are the States 
of Connecticut, Delaware, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Indiana, Idaho, and 
Montana, in each of which I think the chances are slightly in our favor. If I 
am correct in this judgment we shall win by rather a small majority; but of 
course we may lose, or we may win by a somewhat larger majority than I 
anticipate. We would undoubtedly win in New York, West Virginia and 
Colorado were it not tliat in each State there are savage local fights which I 
think rather incline the balance against us. Still, it is perfectly possible we may 
carry them, in which case our majority would be very substantial. 

You will be amused to know that the Democrats have announced that 
General Miles is to take the stump, and that one of the worst crimes of which 
I am to be convicted by him is your promotion. Whether the General will 
really take the stump or not I do not know. 

You have probably seen the Democratic platform and Parker’s speech 
and letter. They demand independence for the Philippines; condemn the ac- 
quisition of the Panama Canal Strip, and so forth and so forth. 

® The Democrats had arranged appeals to every group of Indiana voters. In October, 
Bryan, Charles S. Hamlin, and M. E. Ingalls, one of the state’s leading Gold Demo- 
crats, were to make extensive speakmg tours. 

* On the same day Roosevelt wrote again to Morton sending him a long paper by 
, Sims on the advantages of single-caliber main batteries. 


974 



In any event, as I have said before, I am ahead of the game, however it 
turns out. I have had three first-rate years and have accomplished certain 
things of which I am proud. I should like to have four years more, but if I am 
beaten I am three years to the good anpvay. 

Bishop Brent^ was here at lunch the other day, and talked most enthusi- 
astically of you. 

I am very busy, having not only all the work that comes to a President, but 
also the additional work that comes to a presidential candidate. My exercise, 
I am sorry to say, is of a purely decorous, old gentleman character. The days 
when I was physically fit are over now, I suppose, for good. 

Give my love to Mrs. Wood and the children, xMrs. Roosevelt enjoyed so 
much hearing from her. Faithfully yours 

3278 • TO LESLIE MORTIER SHAW RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 7, 1904 

My dear Shaw: I know that you do not mean to take the ground ascribed to 
you that Congress must not investigate an Executive Department, but op- 
position papers have professed to understand your language that way, and 
it has raised a perfect hornets’ nest here. I do not know whether this has been 
called to your attention, and w'rite on the off-chance that it has not.^ S/72- 
cerely yours 

3279 • TO lyma:n ABBOTT Roosev'elt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October 7, 1904 

My dear Dr. Abbott: Let me thank you for your excellent editorial on some 
of the campaign lies, and particularly for what you said as to the infamous 
attack upon Chairman Cortelyou. A week ago this Monday Cortelyou was 
on here, and he then said to me that if I was elected I would be elected with- 
out a promise or pledge of any kind, express or implied, to any corporation 
or individual He told me of two or three amusing instances of efforts to get 
some kind of assurance from him, to which his invariable answer was that 
they could count upon just treatment — upon my doing nothing that I did 
not regard as fair and right; but that there must be no misapprehension as to 
my purpose to go steadily forward along the lines which had marked our 

^Charles Henry Brent, Protestant Episcopal bishop of the Philippines, 1901-1918; 
member of the commission appointed by the Philippine government to investi|jate 
the opium question in the Orient, 1903-1904; later chief of the Chaplain Service, 
G.H.Q., AEE., 1918-1919. 

^Parker, m his acceptance speech, had reiterated the Democratic platform demand 
that, in view of the exposure of Post-Office Department corru]^don._ there be a 
congressioni investigation of all executive depa.mnents. Shaw, in his speech at 
Indianapolis on October 5, disagreed. He asserted that these investigadoas seldom 
discovered delinquencies and were never free from partisan bias. 

975 



course for the last three years. Then a concrete instance came up of the way 
in which he was handling things. You may have noticed that I had to decide 
the customs stamp cigar question. After careful consideration I found that 
my decision had to be against the so-called tobacco trust, and in favor of the 
independent tobacco manufacturers. Cortelyou had hoped that I would not 
have to make the decision, as from the political standpoint, at this stage of the 
campaign, it was sure to cause irritation \vhichever way it wxnt. I told him, 
however, that I had looked into the matter very carefully, and had gone over 
it with Taft and Moody, and we had come to the conclusion that there was 
but one way we could decide, and that w^s in favor of the independent to- 
bacco men. He said, very well; that he wished to know at once, because under 
such circumstances he could not accept any contributions from the independ- 
ent tobacco men, for we must not be put in a position where it could be 
falsely alleged that we got any quid pro quo for such a decision. 

It seemed to me that this action of his emphasized the distinction between 
the campaign he was running and the campaign most others have run in like 
circumstances — the campaign, for instance, that Gorman and Taggart are 
now running. Faithfully yours 

[Handnmitten] I think the Evening Post faked letter of mine, even though 
meant as a sarcasm, was a pretty poor piece of business.^ 

3280 * TO NATHAN BAY SCOTT RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 7, 1904 

My dear Senator Scott: I have written you about the clerks here. They have 
a right to associate so as to get their comrades home to vote. They must not 
if in the classified service form political associations of the old type. Let me 
assure you, of my personal knowledge, that for one vote gained by the 
formation of such associations, we should lose three. 

New York State is a hard battleground, and there is a thousand times as 
much to be accomplished there by intelligent spealdng work on the East Side 
as could be accomplished by any possible hanging of Government clerks in 
Washington. The East Side should be flooded by speakers who will dwell 
upon what this administration has done in foreign matters — which I find is 
one of the great taking cards on the East Side; who will recapitulate my 
action in the coal strike, calling to their memory the terrible suffering from 

^In an editorial on August i, the New York Evening Post had printed a letter 
Roosevelt “might have written” to Michael Donnelly, president of the Meat Cutters’ 
Union. This sarcastic document revealed the PosPs unfavorable views of the Presi- 
dent’s labor and trust policies. On August 4, the Nation reprinted the editorial and 
letter. Unfortunately, the editors of the Miners^ Magazine^ the organ of the Western 
Federation of Miners, reading carelessly, assumed the letter to be genuine and 
reprinted it as such in September, Roosevelt at once denounced the document as a 
forgery, a fact immediately confirmed by Donnelly. By that time, however, the 
Po^s editorial had served in Colorado as an effecdve campaign document for the 
Pemocrats. 



which they were saved; who will describe what the administration did in the 
brakemans suit, which we took up and championed the first time in the 
histor)^ of the Government, contrasting this with Judge Parker’s decisions 
in similar suits. 

Mr. William Dudley Foulke can give you full particulars of the kind of 
campaign that should be managed. If you would see him and Julius H. Alayer 
(the Republican Candidate for Attorney General of New York) together; I 
believe that a campaign could be worked out on the East Side that "would 
really count. Of course they must work in harmony and in touch with the 
State Committee. 

Meanwhile, I feel that great damage is being done in Wisconsin by those 
who persist in keeping up the bolting Republican organization. Surely as 
things are now the National Committee can do nothing but recognize the 
La FoUette State Committee, and make it evident that the National Adminis- 
tration and National Committee are not responsible for a faction fight which, 
having become hopeless so far as electing any Republican is concerned, is 
now determined to elect Democrats. The stalwarts themselves submitted the 
matter to the court, and they should now abide by the court’s decision. Faith-- 
fully yours 

3281 • TO JACOB AUGUST Riis Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, October 8, 1904 

Dear Jake: In my message to Congress I would like to recommend legislation 
as regards tenement houses, children, sweatshops and the like, for the city of 
Washington, which will make it a model city of the United States. Can you 
give me any scheme or outline of the kind of legislation I ought to recom- 
mend?^ Ever yowrs 

3282 • TO STEWART EDWARD WUITE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 8, 1904 

My dear White: Thanks to Commissioner Richards, you will be made a 
special inspector for the California Forest Reserves. You will receive your 
commission in a few days. 

Ted has just come home from a trip with an old friend of mine. Dr. 
Alexander Lambert, in the Canadian backwoods, where he killed a moose 
with horns that spread 56 inches, and is as happy as a boy can be. He shot him 
at night, having gone out in a canoe and landed where the bull was grunting 

* In his message of December 6, the President reviewed the discreditable conditions 
in the District of Columbia. He asked for legislation to protdde for slum clearance, 
pubKc parks, the regulation of factory conditions, and compulsory public education. 
He especMly requested that Congress authorize a "Commission on Housing and 
Health Condfitions in the National Capital.” See State Fapers^ Nat. Ed. XV, 227-231. 


977 



among some thick spruce and birch timber. He is now hard at work with a 
tutor to try to enter Harvard next spring. If he slips up he will have to work 
in the summer and enter in the fall. In thb case he would not be able to go out 
with you. Otherwise he will turn up any time after, say, July i zth -which you 
name. Please go right ahead with your plans without any reference to him, 
and then he will join you unless he comes to grief in his spring examination. 

I am immensely impressed with your account of your hunting trip with 
those two dogs and the knife. It certainly seems to me that a record of 105 
pigs in two weeks is tremendous. My dear fellow, Ted would have loved to 
be -with you, but personally I am by no means sure that I am now fitted for 
just that kind of foot race! I am too old and stiff and fat. I have a bully knife, 
however, with a fourteen-inch blade, and I firmly believe that one thrust 
would do the business with that -weapon even against a boar. 

Now I want you to write a straight-out hunting book. You have had 
great hunting experiences. I want you now to be collecting chapters on your 
hunting experiences, told in perfectly serious style with scientific accuracy, 
but giving in full detail your personal adventures; say in this particular boar- 
hunt; and your experience with rifle and pistol in l^ing game of all kinds. 
We do not have enough really first-class hunting books, and we have alto- 
gether too many second-rate hunting books — the kind that are inaccurate, 
or tedious, or untruthful, or what is almost worse than any of them, the 
would-be funny kind. 

Give my warm regards to Mrs. White. Faithfully yours 


3283 - TO NATHAN BAY SCOTT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 9, 1904 

My dear Senator Scott: Naturally I take a particular interest in my own Con- 
gressional District. They feel down there that as I come from it they should 
receive some special consideration, especially in the way of speakers. They 
wanted to get Taft for Huntington. I doubted if this was possible. Now they 
are to have a big meeting at Mineola, the County seat of Nassau (my own) 
County. They should have some man like Moody. Can’t we have him go 
do-wn there, or someone who will carry similar weight.^* May I beg of you to 
pay heed to this matter personally? I take a peculiar interest and pride in my 
o-wn district of course, and unless speakers of the first rank are sent there they 
-will naturally feel great disappointment. Can you not also provide a good 
speaker for Huntington, which is also in my County? 

Can you not tell our speakers to dwell more on the Panama Canal? It does 
not seem to me that nearly enough stress is laid on this. Give them Mr. Root’s 
speech about Panama, and tell them to dwell on it. The more they force that 
issue the better it is. We have not a stronger card. Sincerely y ora's 

978 



P. S. Lodge for Mineola and Moody for Huntington would be a good 
combination. 


3284 ■ TO BOIES PENROSE Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Washington, October 10, 1904 

Have promoted Wynne to be Postmaster General, which I take for granted 
is pleasing to you. "l^en I did this was under the impression he was from the 
District of Columbia. Find he w'as from Pennsylvania and was backed by 
Senator Quay when he was made First Assistant Postmaster General. If you 
can come on here w'ill go over whole matter in detail with you. 


3285 • TO WILLUM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Washington, October 10, 1904 

To the Secretary of War: The Rowan alluded to here is the man who carried 
the message to Garcia. It would be a real pleasure to me if it proves to be 
proper to grant the request made for him, for he is a thoroughly good manA 
Sincerely yours 


3286 * TO EDW^ARD HENRY HJVRRIMAN RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 10, 1904 


My dear Mr. Harrmim: When you wrote me before I did not feel the situ- 
ation was such that I was warranted in acting you to take the trouble to come 
down here, but in view of the trouble over the State ticket in New York I 
should much like to have a few W’ords with you. Do you think you can get 
down here within a few days and take either lunch or dinner with me?^ Sin- 
cerely yours 

‘In spite of this reques^ Andrew Summera Rowan, most celebrated of American 
messengers, remained with his infantry raiment. 


’It was at the conference requested in this letter and in No. 3293, ttet Roosevelt 
allegedly promised Harriman to appoint Depew ambassador to France in return for 
Harriman’s promise to give 1150,000 to the New York Republican carapa%n fund. 
Clearly Roosevelt took the irdtiative in calling the conference, and it is at least pos- 
sible to assume that Harriman did not donate so much money without some stAstan- 
tial qtiid pro quo. This cannot be proved. Later, when both men vrorc angry, Harn- 
man as fervently insisted the pronnse had been made as Roosevelt mamtamed that 


it had not. , „ . . 1.- „ £ i. 

The relatimiship between Roosevelt and Harriman m 1904. a subject of much 
speculation and controversy, is not yet completely cWr. Yet there is w 

suspect that the President did not commit himself as firmly as Harnman said ne had. 
From hfe correspondence with Reid (see No. 3235)* Roosevelt knew that Haixmian 
contemplated making a contribution, was not enthusiastic about the national ticket, 
and was interested in Odell’s political future. j 

Thus informed, always carefully neutral as b^een Platt and Odell, and 
ably of the opinion that Harriman himself aspired to the &nate (see Frmgle, 
Roosa/elt, p. 450, and Loeb interview with Hermann Hagedo^ August 1917, 
R.MA. Mss.), Roosevelt was surely cautions and probridy dismdined tt> comma 


979 



3287 • TO HARRY STEWART NEW RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October ii, 1904 

My dear Mr. Nev:: Colonel Edward G. Halle has been one of our most 
vigorous and successful workers. He knows the voter of German birth or 
antecedents as few other men know him. I feel that he could do the same kind 
of work in Indiana that he has already done in Illinois. Recently I have heard 
two or three things from Indiana which make me feel a little uneasy. The 
democrats believe our people are supine. They count upon great help from 
the Bryan tour, and think that they are going to surprise our people and 
carry the State. I do not think we can ajSFord to take any chances in Indiana; 
and Colonel Halle can do remarkable work with the Germans. Sincerely 
yotirs 


3288 • TO WILLUM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October ii, 1904 

Dear Will: Fiddle-dee-dee! I shall never send you another letter of complaint 
if it produces such aw^ful results.^ I do not think it worth while again to touch 
on the tobacco business; but New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, are the places I most want you, bar Indiana. As for your retiring from 
the Cabinet, upon my word, Will, I think you have nerves, or something! If 
you arrive here early enough on Thursday come to breakfast or else to lunch. 
At any rate, be sure to see me. Always yours 


3289 • TO GILBERT D. B. HASBROUCK RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 12, 1904 

My dear Judge Hasbrouck: I have received, in addition to your letter, Gover- 
nor Odell’s message on behalf of Rodie. I am sure, my dear Judge, you and the 

himself to removii^ Depew for die sake of Harriman and Odell. It is just possible that 
he might have discussed such a maneuver with a tolerance that Harriman interpreted 
as a promise. There is the further and far more likely possibility that no such dis- 
cussion was necessary, for Harriman, as the investigation of the Equitable Company 
later disclosed, expected in return for his generosity indulgence from the state Repub- 
licans, Odell had promised this indulgence without Roosevelt’s Imowledge, much 
less his consent. 

For detailed discussions of this episode, see Pringle, Roosevelt, pp. 449-455; 
George Kennan, E. H. Harriman (Boston, 1922), vol. H, chs. xxv, xxvi. Kennan 
based his analysis, which confirms Harriman’s view, partly on a strained interpreta- 
tion of two routine letters from Roosevelt to Harnman of June 23 and 29, 1904, 
Roosevelt Mss. 

^ In his campaign speeches Taft had favored tariff reduction. Roosevelt, still unde- 
cided on that matter and sensitive to its political ramifications, had protested. Taft 
thereupon offered to retire from the Cabinet. For a detailed discussion of this epi- 
sode, see Pringle, Taft^ I, 261. 


980 



Governor understand the reluctance I feel in taking action that will be dis- 
agreeable to either of you, but in such a case as this it is out of the question 
for me to consider anything whatever but the merits of the case; and on 
these merits the verdict of the Commission is, in my judgment, conclusive. 
This commission included the Assistant Secretary of the Department of 
Commerce and Labor, ]VIr. Murray, and the Assistant Commissioner of Cor- 
porations, Mr. Smith, Alajor General Wilson, U.S.A.5 retired, and Com- 
mander Winslow, U.S.N. — all four of them men "whom I personally know, 
and in whose judgment and rigid sense of honor I have complete confidence. 
They offered me two thousand-odd pages of testimony to go over, but this 
of course was impossible. I appointed that commission because the case was 
one of such great, and indeed terrible, importance, that I wanted to have men 
in whose decision I could implicitly trust. It would have been v’orse than 
foolish to appoint them if I had felt such little confidence in them as to be 
willing to reverse what they did, for I took a very unusual position in putting 
representatives of the army and navy on the board. 

The head of the inspection service, Mr. Uhler, stood by Mr. Rodic, al- 
though in rather half-hearted fashion; but it seems to me out of the question 
for Mr. Rodie to be exculpated from blame. The work of the service in New 
York has been done with a laxness which is shocking in view of the fact that 
such laxness might at any time, and on this occasion actually did, help to 
bring about one of the most appalling disasters our city, and indeed our 
country, has ever seen. I do not wish to blame the subordinates and excuse 
those ultimately responsible for the way in which they did their duty. To do 
so would be, in my judgment, an unpardonable thing, and W'ould put a pre- 
mium upon the recurrence of such disasters.^ 

With deep regret that I am unable to agree with you, I am, Sincerely 
yours 

^On June 15, the excursion steamboat General Slocimt burst into flames in New 
York’s East River. In the scene of horrible confusion that followed, manv passen- 
gers, mainly women and children on a day’s outing to the country, perished. The 
captain, instead of beaching the ship, went full speed ahead into a strong wind. 
The inexperienced crew forgot the meboats. The life preservers were later found 
to contain a heavy piece of bar iron. “Passengers,” said the Boston Journal^ “roasted 
or in agony jumped into the water to be drowned.” The Department of Justice later 
indicted the captain of the ship, who was discharged from the service. On June id, 
Roosev'elt ordered a thorough investigation, appointing a commission of die men 
listed in this letter and George Uhler, inspector general, steamboat inspection serv- 
ice. The commission’s report, made public on October id, was divided in its recom- 
mendations, Inspector Uhler’s minority report being less severe on local ofiScials. 
Roosevelt, however, removed Robert S. Rodie, the New York supervising inspector, 
James A. Dumont, inspector of hulls, and Thomas H. Barrett, inspector of boilers. 
The President also ordered an investigatiott of the steamboat service throughout the 
country. 



3290 • TO EDGAS DEAN CRUMPACKER RoOSeVelt AlSS. 

Personal Washington, October 12, 1904 

My dear Judge: ^ I am pleased with what you write. I have been a little con- 
cerned about Indiana, fearing among other things lest Bryan’s visit to the 
State would result in a great rally of strength to the democratic ticket. 

What an insincere canvass our opponents are waging this year! They are 
trying to carry New York by putting Cleveland on the stump and keeping 
out Bryan; and Indiana by putting Bryan on the stump and keeping out 
Cleveland; and are explaining in the East that if Parker is elected Bryanism is 
dead; and in the West that if Parker is elected it means that Bryan, as a 
sharer in the triumph, will gain an immense amount of political influence. 

With hearty thanks, beUeve me. Faithfully yours 

3291 - TO LAFAYETTE BLANCHARD GLEASON RoOSevelt AlsS. 

Personal Washington, October 12, 1904 

My dear Mr. Qleason: ^ I have your letter of the i ith instant. I really believe 
that Hay would cut his throat or else instantly resign from the Cabinet if I 
ventured to propose to him to make half a dozen speeches on the East Side, 
and close at Cooper Union! He could not stand it physically. In the next 
place I have had the greatest dUKculty getting him for any speech in New 
York at all. I am afraid that you will have to make up your mind that he can 
make but the one speech; at Carnegie Hall. I should suppose it would be too 
late now to change him to Cooper Union, though personally I had desired he 
should speak at Cooper Union rather than anywhere else. I hope you can get 
Foulke, Riis and James B. Reynolds to speak on the East Side. 'ITiey know the 
things to talk about to those people. 

Let me assure you how I appreciate the good work you are doii^. I hear 
about it continually. Faithftdly yours 

3292 • TO HARRY STEWART NEW Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 14, 1904 

My dear Mr. Neio: I regard the enclosed letter from Mr. R. R. ShieV of 
Indianapolis, as important. Certain things I have heard recently makes me 

‘Edgar Dean Crumpacker, hidiana Republican, state appellate judge, 1891-1893, con- 
gressman, 1897-1913. 

^Lafayette Blanchard Gleason, since 1896 chairman of the Speakers’ Bureau of the 
Republican State Committee of New York-, clerk of the New York Senate, 1905- 
191:; secretary of the State Committee, 1906-1937, 

Roger R, Shiel, prominent Indiana Republican, veteran of every Republican Na- 
tional Convention since 1868. One of the largest independent purchasers of livestock 
in lie United States, Shiel was the vigorous opponent of the packers whom he 
“ejcposed” in his amusing, discursive Tnpenty Years in Hell mtb the Beef Trust 
(Indianapolis, X909>. 


982 



feel uneasy about Indiana. It seems to me that Corporal Tanner, Senator 
Fairbanks, and several others can do the best work in Indiana from now on. 
Indiana and New York are the States where we want to put in our best 
efforts. 

It seems to me that very close watch should be kept upon Indiana, Colo- 
rado and Montana for what Brj.'^an does. I think he otU have strong effect on 
his followers in favor of the democrats in all three of those States. He should 
be followed up. In Colorado it is for the advantage of the State ticket that as 
far as possible our fight should be made upon national issues. All the speakers 
and managers should be so instructed. Indeed, the same is true of Montana. 
Sincerely yours 

3293 • TO ED\V.4RD HENRY HARRIMAN RoOSCVelt AISS. 

Personal Washington, Oaober 14, 1904 

My dear Air. Harrhmn: A suggestion has come to me in a roundabout way 
that you do not think it wise to come on to see me in these dosing weeks of 
the campaign, but that you are reluctant to refuse, inasmuch as I have asked 
you. Now, my dear sir, you and I are practical men, and you are on the 
ground and know the conditions better than I do. If you think there is any 
danger of your visit to me causing trouble, or if you think there is nothing 
special I should be informed about, or no matter in which I could give aid, 
why of course give up the visit for the time being and then a few weeks hence, 
before I write my message, I shall get you to come down to discuss certain 
government matters not connected with the campaign. 

With great regard, Sincerely yours 

3294 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT ROOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, October 15, 1904 

Darling Kermit: The weather has been beautiful the last week — mild, and 
yet with the true feeling of Fall in the air. M^hen mother and I have ridden 
up Rock Creek through the country round about, it has been a perpetual 
delight just to look at the foliage. I have never seen leaves turn more beauti- 
fully. The Virginia creepers and some of the maple and gum trees are scarlet 
and crimson. The oaks are deep red-brown. The beech®, birches and hicko- 
ries are brilliant saffron. Just at this moment I am dictating while on my way 
with mother to the wedding of Senator Knox’s daughter, and the country is 
a blaze of color as we pass through it, so that it is a joy to the eye to look upon 
it. I do not think I have ever before seen the coloring of the woods so beauti- 
ful so far south as this. Ted is hard at work with Matt Hale,^ who is a very 

'Matthew Hale was at this time tutoring Hieodore Roosevelt, Jr. A graduate of the 
Harvard Law School in 1906, Hale later became a member of the Boston CouncU, 
1910-1913, chairman of the Massachusetts Progressive State Comnuttee, and a mem- 
beir of the Progressive National Coimiutcee ia 1912. 

983 



nice fellow and has become quite one of the household, like good Mademoi- 
selle. I am really fond of her. She is so bright and amusing, and now seems 
perfectly happy, and is not only devoted to Archie and Quentin but is very 
wise in the way she takes care of them. Quentin, under parental duress, rides 
Algonquin every day. Archie has just bought himself a football suit, but I 
have not noticed that he has played football as yet. He is spending Saturday 
and Sunday out at Dr. Rixey’s. Ted plays tennis with Matt Hale and me and 
Mr. Cooley. We tried Dan Moore. You could beat him. Yesterday I took an 
afternoon off and we all went for a scramble and climb down the other side 
of the Potomac from Chain Bridge home. It was great fun. Tomorrow (Sun- 
day) 'we shall have lunch early and spend the afternoon in a drive of the 
entire family, including Ethel, but not including Archie and Quentin, out to 
Burnt Mills and back. When I say “we all” scrambled along the Potomac, I 
of course only mean Matt Hale and Ted and I. Three or four active male 
friends took the walk with us. 

In politics things at the moment seem to look quite right, but every form 
of lie is being circulated by the democrats, and they intend undoubtedly to 
spring all kinds of sensational untruths at the very end of the campaign. I 
have not any idea whether we shall win or not. Before election I shall send 
you my guess as to the way the different States will vote, and then you can 
keep it and see how near to the truth I come. But of course you will remem- 
ber that it is a mere guess, and that I may be utterly mistaken all along the 
line. In any event, even if I am beaten you must remember that we have had 
three years of great enjoyment out of the Presidency and that we are mighty 
lucky to have had them, 

I generally have people in to lunch, but at dinner, thank fortune, we are 
usually alone. Though I have callers in the evening, I generally have an hour 
in which to sit with mother and the others up in the library, talking and read- 
ing and watching the bright wood fire. Ted and Ethel, as well as Archie and 
Quentin, are generally in mother’s room for twenty minutes or a half hour 
just before she dresses, according to immemorial custom. 

Last evening mother and I and Ted and Ethel and Matt Hale went to the 
theatre to see The Yankee Consul^ which was quite funny. Your loving father 

[Hmdvoritten] We have just returned from the 4:hours» ride around by 
Burnt Mills, and it was a great success. 

3295 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Taft MsS.'' 

Washington, October 17, 1904 

Dear Mr. Taft: Mr. Cromwell has some ideas and suggestions about Panama 
matters which have impressed me much.^ Will you talk them over with him? 
and then, with him, call on me tomorrow, Tuesday, at 2,45? 

* WilHam Nelson Cromwell was actmg as an intermediary for the Panamanian gm’’- 

emment in the negotiations over the interpretation of the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty. 

984 



3296 - TO CORINNE ROOSEVELT ROBINSON RoOSSVelt MsS. 

Washington, October 18, 1904 

Darling Corinne: 1 am verj' glad that Jim and Fannie^ are enjoying them- 
selves. It would not be possible to consider him as Ambassador. He has not 
the prominence that would entitle him to be thought of for it, and it would 
be put down as too much a piece of mere personal favoritism. Edith, with her 
usual thoughtfulness, suggested my giving him the Consul Generalship, and 
of course I had to do even this as a piece of personal favoritism. At the time 
I ojffered him the iVlinistership to l^uador, but he preferred to be Consul 
General. I may add that he would be exceedingly foolish to accept the Am- 
bassadorship, as his salary would be more than eaten up in entertaining. 

Edith was delighted with your letter this morning, which she read to me. 
We felt that you were really in good spirits, and therefore we hoped in fairly 
good health. I look forward to seeing you both at Thanksgiving. 

That was a very nice article in the French paper which Grace Bigelow 
sent you. 

We greatly enjoy having Ted studying here. Edith and I ride every other 
afternoon, and when I do not ride I usually play tennis with Ted and Matt 
Hale, or else take scrambles with them. 

Of course I am excited about the election, but there really is not much that 
I can do about it, and I confine myself chiefly to the regular presidential work. 
Nobody can tell anything about the outcome. At present it looks rather 
favorable to me. Ever yours 


3297 • TO wn-LiAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt Aiss. 

Washington, October 18, 1904 

Sir: By Executive Order of May 9, 1904 , 1 placed under your immediate 
supervision the work of the Isthmian Canal Commission both in the con- 
struction of the canal and in the exercise of such governmental powers as it 
seemed necessary for the United States to exercise under the treaty with the 
Republic of Panama in the canal strip. There is ground for believing that in 
the execution of the rights conferred by the treaty the people of Panama have 
been unduly alarmed at the effect of the establishment of a government in 
the canal strip by the Commission- Apparently they fear lest the effect be to 
create out of part of their territory a competing and independent community 
which shall injuriously affect their business, reduce their revenues and 
di min ish their prestige as a nation. The United States is about to confer on 
the people of the State of Panama a very great benefit by the expenditure of 
millions of dollars in the construction of the canal. But this fact must not 
blind us to the importance of so exercising the authority given us under the 

' Mi. and Ate. James Russ^ Faisons, Jr. 

9^5 



treaty with Panama as to avoid creating any suspicion, however unfounded, 
of our intentions as to the future. We have not the slightest intention of 
establishing an independent colony in the middle of the State of Panama, or 
of exercising any greater governmental functions than are necessary to enable 
us conveniently and safely to construct, maintain and operate the canal, 
under the rights given us by the treaty. Least of all do we desire to interfere 
with the business and prosperity of the people of Panama. However far a 
just construction of the treaty might enable us to go, did the exigencies of 
the case require it, in asserting the equivalent of sovereignty over the canal 
strip, it is our full intention that the rights which we exercise shall be exer- 
cised with all proper care for the honor and interests of the people of Panama, 
The exercise of such powers as are given us by the treaty within the geo- 
graphical boundaries of the Republic of Panama may easily, if a real sym- 
pathy for both the present and future welfare of the people of Panama is not 
shown, create distrust of the American Government. This would seriously 
interfere with the success of our great project in that country. It is of the 
utmost importance that those who are ultimately responsible for the policy 
pursued should have at first hand as trustworthy information as can be ob- 
tained in respect to the conditions existing in Panama and the attitude and 
real interest of the people of that State. After a conference with the Secretary 
of State and yourself, I have concluded that it will be of great advantage if 
you can visit the Isthmus of Panama in person and hold a conference with 
the President and other governmental authorities of the Republic of Panama. 
You are authorized in doing this to take with you such persons as you desire, 
familiar with the conditions in the Isthmus, who may aid you with their 
counsel. The earlier you are able to make this visit the better. The Secretary 
of State w’ill instruct the United States Minister at Panama to render you 
every assistance in his pow’^er, and the Governor of the canal strip, General 
Davis, will of course do the same thing. You will advise the President of the 
Republic what the policy of this government is to be, and assure him that it 
is not the purpose of the United States to take advantage of the rights con- 
ferred upon it by the treaty to interfere with the welfare and prosperity of 
the State of Panama, or of the cities of Colon and Panama. You will make due 
report of the result of your visit on your return. Very tndy yours 

32^98 - TO CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 19, 1904 

My dear President Eliot: I had seen in the papers that you had intended to 
support me,^ but what one sees in the press is not always true, and I hardly 
liked to write you, until last evening Senator Crane told me that the state- 

' Eliot had announced his intention to support Roosevelt on October 14, explaining 
that “the Democrats have not succeeded in identifying the party with any important 
principle or measure ” 


986 



ment 'ivas true. I wish you to understand how much I appreciate your sup- 
port. 

Now if I am elected I greatly desire to have you, sometime at your con- 
venience, come down and spend a night at the White House. I shall get Taft 
to meet you, for I want you to go over at length with him just what is being 
done in the Philippines. 

Again expressing my appreciation, believe me. Sincerely yours 


3299 • TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TRUEBLOOD RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, October 20, 1904 

My dear Sir; ^ I thank you for your letter and for the copy of the resolutions 
passed by the American Peace Society, This Government is already taking 
the preliminary steps in the endeavor to secure another peace conference at 
The Hague. You can rest assured that all we can do wdll be done to bring 
nearer the day when the peace of justice shall obtain throughout the world.^ 
Sincerely yours 


3300 • TO THOMAS WILLIAM LAWSON RoOSeVelt AISS. 

Private Washington, October 21, 1904 

My dear Mr. Lawson: ^ I wish to thank you for your announcement that you 
intend to support me. 

Now, this letter is private; not in the least because I am afraid of its being 
made public, but because if I write to one man I shall have to write to many 
others. Your correspondent from Toledo says: “You cannot possibly be ig- 
norant of the fact that Mr. Roosevelt stands for Addicks and his record and 
that he turned down in favor of Addicks the good men who went from Dela- 
ware to the late National Convention opposed to that pirate, and recognized 

‘Benjamin Franldin Trueblood, Quaker, general secretary of the American Peace 
Society, 1892-1915. 

* Mr. Dooley, one of the many who observed Roosevelt’s unusual restraint in dealing 
with or speatog on international affairs during the campaign, remarked to his friend 
Hennessy; “Sicrity Cortilyou authorizes me to deny th* infamous rayport that th* 
Prizidint was iver at San Joon Hill. At th’ time iv this gloryous an’ lamimable per- 
formance, th’ good man was down with measles conthracted at th’ Internaytional 
Peace Convintion.” 

‘Thomas William Lawson, Boston banker, broker, and yachtsman, at this time 
earning his muckraking reputation with his serial publication of FremJed Finmce in 
Every body'*$ Magazine. Lawson shordy announced that he would support Roosevelt, 
in part because the evil genii of the Rockefeller group, hating die President, had 
engineered Parker’s nominadon. A facile, versatile, but unreliable writer, Lawson 
was the victim of his insatiable desire for publicity. By 1904 his publications included 
The Krank, Secrets of Success, History of the Americans Cup, and History of the 
Republican Tarty, Four copies of this last work, one of which Lawson had jpven to 
President Harrison, were printed on satin. 

987 



said Addicks as ‘it’ in Delaware.” To use your own vigorous language, your 
correspondent when he spoke this way lied. When I use the expression “lied” 
I do not mean merely that he told an untruth, but that he has told it willfully 
and maliciously; because if he is capable of reading at all he knows that there 
is not one word of truth in what he has said. It is a lie to say that I stand for 
Addicks and his record; a lie to say that I turned down in favor of Addicks 
the good men from Delaware who went to the late National Convention 
against him. It is a lie to say, as your correspondent does, that I am a co- 
worker in politics of Mr. Addicks; that I acknowledge him as a leader and 
associate with him socially and politically. I have never made an appointment 
for Mr. Addicks since I have been President. I have seen him perhaps three 
times, just as I have seen thousands of other men of every shade of political 
belief and of every kind of standing in politics — just as I have seen Mr. John 
Sharp Williams, for instance. I suppose your correspondent has been reading 
the New York Evening Post^ than which there is no more mendacious sheet, 
nor a more grossly slanderous sheet, in this entire country. I should be glad 
to have you send him a copy of this letter. 

With regard, Sincerely yours 


3301 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOseVclt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 21, 1904 

My dear Air. Cortelyou: I agree entirely with this letter of Mr. Rose. I do not 
want to see New York, Indiana, or West Virginia neglected, but I do most 
earnestly wish that we could have a vigorous canvass of Maryland for the 
next two weeks. I think we stand a fair chance of carrying it if we do this, 
and for the reasons given in Mr. Rose’s letter, to carry it would be a striking 
victory for decency and fair dealing. It would be more than a victory for the 
Republican party; it would also be a victory for the basic principles upon 
which this government rests. 

Of course, we cannot afford to neglect the three vital States of New York, 
Indiana and West Virginia. I know you are doing everything that can be 
done in New York. In West Virginia and in Indiana, as I have already written 
you, I do not think things are in as good shape as they should be. I think we 
shall win in both States if everything that is possible is done on our side, and 
not on other terms. (Of course, this applies to New York too, but in New 
York I am sure our local people are awake to the fact.) In Indiana Bryan has 
cost us a good deal by his tour. Of course the democrats who in the East say 
that Parker’s triumph means Bryan’s political death, say the direct reverse in 
the West. In West Virginia there is, of course, a heavy moneyed, campaign 
being carried on against us. We cannot meet a moneyed campaign, but we 
can send speakers and do our best to get out our own vote. Faithfully yours 

988 



3 302 • TO OLIVER WEKDELL HOLMES Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 2i, 1904 

Aly dear Judge: I have read the Montesquieu pamphlet with the utmost inter- 
est, and return it herewith. I appreciate your having sent it to me. I think 
that an immense idea of yours, that in one sense it is only the second-rate that 
lasts, and that the greatest works of intellect soon lose all but their historic 
interest. In other words, the man who writes of what is deepest, about what 
goes below the surface, must be only a pioneer as regards those who come 
after him, no matter how much he may have profited by and improved upon 
the work of those who were ahead of him. Of course what you call, for con- 
venience’s sake, the second-class, may be very good indeed, and in its o\vn 
way the first-class. Thus Macaulay and Sydney Smith may very possibly be 
read with interest and profit a couple of thousand years hence, if anybody 
then knows English, and if all our books have not vanished. But Darwin, who 
was one of the chief factors in working a tremendous intellectual revolution, 
will be read then just as we read Lucretius now; that is, because of the interest 
attaching to his position in history, in spite of the fact that his ow’n work 
will have been superseded by the work of the very men to whom it pointed 
out the way. 

As a side issue, don’t you think Bagehot failed to see that George III was 
really much more of an executive than the Prime Minister of the day, and 
that the founders of our Constitution of course had the English King, as he 
actually was at the moment, in mind? 

It was delightful seeing you last night. Remember to tell Mrs. Holmes 
what we said. Faithfully yours 

3303 ' TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 22, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I am at work upsetting the Treasury about the frame business, 
and will advise you as soon as I receive word from the Department.^ 

I thought your statement as to Culberson’s “bomb” concerning Panama 
admirable. What creatures they are, and how short the memory of man is! 
Evidently the democratic papers when they got Culberson’s speech did not 
realize that that letter of mine had been published a year ago; and of course 
Hay’s letter to Herran about “reasonable time” referred to reasonable time 
for perfecting the treaty before laying it before the Senate for ratification, 
while ?ny statement about reasonable time referred to the action of Colombia 
after the Senate had ratified the treaty — that is, the two statements referred 
to totally distinct acts. 

^ Lodge had discovered an attempt to charge duty on the frames of some pictures 

that as, works of art had entered the country free of duty. Roosevelt altered the 

Treasury’s stand. 


989 



I have just read in the Tribune the parallel quotations of what you wrote 
about me, and Cleveland about Parker, in McClure^s. I am delighted with 
what you said about me; and I think the contrast between both the matter 
and the manner of what you wrote and Cleveland’s turgid fatuity, all that 
could possibly be desired. 

With love to Nannie, Ever yours 


3304 • TO ROBERT JOSEPH COLLIER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Private Washington, October 22, 1904 

My dear Mr. Collier: ^ I have your letter of the 21st. I am concerned at what 
you tell me of the letter of Dr. Shaw’s, and I shall write to him and find out 
the exact facts. Dr. Shaw spoke to me about Folk’s nomination, originally 
feeling, as I did, that it would be wise for him to be nominated. He afterw'ards 
informed me that after sounding out the Republican leaders he had come to 
the conclusion that it was impossible for the Republicans to be persuaded to 
nominate Folk, and I think he had experienced a change of heart about Folk. 
He then came to me to know if it were true that I had advised people to sup- 
port Folk against Walbridge, or something to that effect. I told him of course 
it was not, saying to him just what I said to you in my last letter, that I as a 
Republican President and Republican Presidential candidate was to be as- 
sumed to be for, and was for, the Republican ticket in each State, and that it 
was nonsense to suppose I could take any other position. I never said anything 
about the comparative merits of Mr, Folk and Mr. Walbridge as individuals, 
and I do not for a moment believe that Dr. Shaw has said that I said anything 
about their comparative merits, or has stated that I regarded Walbridge as a 
better man than Folk, or vice versa. As for denying the authenticity of the 
letter, which has not appeared in public, and about the phraseology of which 
I am totally ignorant, of course that must not be done, on any account. Sena- 
tor Cockrell the other day, for instance, was reported as saying that I had 
told him that I supported Folk. Doubtless the Senator was incorrectly re- 
ported, for of course he referred to the support I gave to Folk in connection 
with his boodle trials, in securing the extradition of the man he was after, and 
in backing up and in carrying to completion work which he had started and 
which ultimately helped to secure the conviction of United States Senator 
Burton. But I should no more deny Cockrell’s statement, in public, than any 
statement to the reverse. There must be no denials, no public notice of the 
matter at all, on my part. 

The trouble is that most men do not think accurately. They cannot under- 

^ Robert Joseph Collier, son and successor of Peter Fenelon Collier, the founder and 

editor of Colliers Weekly. 


990 



stand that I support a district attorney, who is doing his duty, heartily in 
doing that duty, and yet that that does not necessarily mean that I would 
support him if nominated for Governor against a reputable man on my own 
ticket; any more than the fact that he has publicly endorsed my work and 
spoken of my honesty and efficiency in office means that he is foreclosed 
from supporting Parker; just as Judge Gray and ex-Secretary Fairchild are 
supporting Parker, although both of them have borne and still bear, in hearty 
fashion, their testimony of belief in the good work I have done. Again, other 
people cannot understand that I may hav'e thought it wise to nominate a cer- 
tain man for Governor (and for the matter of that, may remain with, my 
opinion unchanged) and yet may feel that as long as those immediately con- 
cerned do not agree with me, there is no possible warrant in my taking the 
very extraordinary step of advising or conniving at a bolt from the ticket 
whose supporters are backing me, in the interest of a man who is doing all he 
can to beat me. 

Let me repeat that it would be far more incumbent on Air. Folk to come 
out for me than on me to come out for Mr. Folk; and of course no sane man 
would advocate either course while Folk is running on the same ticket with 
my opponent, Mr. Parker, and I on the same ticket with his opponent, Mr. 
Walbridge. 

I shall write to Dr. Shaw at once, but my judgment is very strongly that 
the tone to take is just that indicated above, namely, that it is nonsense to 
expect Mr. Folk to support me against Parker, or to expect me to support 
him against Walbridge; and that any statement that I have said that Folk is 
personally a worse man than Walbridge, or a better man than Walbridge, is 
wholly unfounded on fact. I w'ill add that I have been informed that Mr. 
Folk in some of his speeches has been making personal attacks on me. This 
I shall certainly not believe unless evidence is produced. If it were proved it 
would afford reason for the strongest denunciation of Mr. Folk, in view of 
what he has said in the past and of what I have done for him in the past.^ 

I shall write to Dr. Shaw at once. Sincerely yours 

conflict between conviction and party regularity disturbed both Roosevelt and 
the voters of Missouri in 1904. Folk, an able man, headed a Democratic ticket which 
included a number of the rascab he had fought; Cyrus Packard Walbridge Md his 
fellow Republican candidates were undistinguished though honest. Faced with this 
choice, a number of the regulars of both parties announced that they would vote foi 
Folk for governor but for Republicans for the lesser offices. The alignment of this 
group on the national issue, however, was uncertain. 

Roosevelt had previously expressed his hope that the Republicans would nomi- 
nate Folk (No. 3025). When they did not, he objected to statements that he pre- 
ferred Folk to Walbridge, for hs preference was not strong enough to pe;^de 
him to endanger the national ticket in Missouri. On the other hand, he objected 
eqt^y to the Republicans’ use of his alleged statement to Shaw that Walbridge was 
a better man than Folk. This he did not bdieve. Denying both stttenients, Roosevdt 
maintain ed an effective neutrality. Except for the governorship, the Repiffiliesns 
, carried the state. See Numbers 3311, 3312, sjid, and 3319. 

991 



3 305 • TO JOHN MORLEY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October 25, 1904 

My dear Mr. Morley: I look forward to seeing you on the 9th or loth. On 
the iith I am having some people to meet you at dinner, these people being a 
different type from those whom I should ask to meet most politicians of im- 
portance. But I know both your books and your deeds, and I think you will 
rather enjoy seeing applied democracy. Among my supporters in the Presi- 
dency have been certain labor leaders, notably the chiefs of certain railway 
organizations. 1 have asked these men, together with two or three members 
of my Cabinet who have had much to do with labor matters, to dine on 
Friday evening, because I think you can tell better from my relations with 
them just exactly how some of our problems are being worked out here than 
you could in any other way. I did not want to hold the dinner before elec- 
tion, because it would be ascribed to demagogic motives.^ 

Looking forward to seeing you on the 9th, I am. Sincerely yours 


3306 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, October 26, 1904 

Blessed Kermit: Mother read me your letter in which you want a “list of the 
doubtful states,” so I am going to write you a letter about nothing but poli- 
tics. I enclose you a check for $5.00, with which you can celebrate after 
election if tve win, or console yourself if we lose. 

In the first place, be sure not to leave this letter about where any janitor 
or anyone else could get a glimpse of it and make public the information. It 
W'ouldn’t do to have our opponents get hold of it, because they would be 
sure to twist and garble it. 

On the whole this has been an easy campaign for me, because my real 
campaign w'ork has been done during Ae three years that I have been Presi- 
dent; in other words, I am content to stand or fall on the record I have made 
in these three years, and the bulk of the voters will oppose or support me on 
that record and will be only secondarily influenced by what is done during 
the campaign proper. There remains, however, a sufficient mass of voters to 
decide the campaign overwhelmingly one w'ay or the other, w’ho have to be 
aroused from apathy and forced to vote or converted or kept from going 
over to the enemy, and it is to influence these voters that the active manage- 
ment of the campaign has been directed. In the campaign proper I made my 
letter and my speech which have, I think, formed the basis of our line of 
atlack, and I have taken a hand in what I regarded as crises, as for instance, in 
getting Taft to have Luke Wright cable over denials of Parker’s falsehoods 

‘The dinner included Warren S. Stone, head of the Order of Railway Conductors; 

P. H. Morrksey, head of the Railway Trainmen; and J. J. Hanrahan, president, 

Brotherhood of Loemnotive Firemen. 


902 



about the Philippines, in furnishing Knox most of the statement, and getting 
him to make the remainder of the statement, ^vhich he delivered yesterday 
so effectively smashing Parker because of his attitude on the trust question, 
in getting the Treasury statement ready showing how Parker has misstated 
the facts about our expenditures, etc., etc. But, speaking generally, I have 
not had to do much actual work because of the campaign. As you know, 
while at Oyster Bay I was really freer and able to enjoy myself more than in 
previous summers. In a sense, however, this freedom from work has meant 
more worry, because I have felt as if I was lying still under shell fire just as 
on the afternoon of the first of July at Santiago. I have continually wished 
that I could be on the stump myself, and during the last week or ten days I 
have been fretted at my inability to hit back, and to take the offensive in 
person against Parker. He lays himself \\ ide open and I could cut him into 
ribbons if I could get at him in the open. But of course a President can’t go 
on the stump and can’t indulge in personalities, and so I have to sit still and 
abide the result. I shall be heartily glad when the next two weeks are over 
and the election is decided one way or the other, I am the first Vice-President 
who became President by the death of his predecessor, who has ever been 
nominated for the Presidential office. This is no small triumph in itself. As the 
result of my being President I at least won the unquestioned headship in my 
own party, and I have to my credit a big sum of substantive achievement — 
the Panama Canal, the creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor 
with the Bureau of Corporations, the settlement of the ^Alaska boundary, the 
settlement of the Venezuela trouble through the Hague Commission, the 
success of my policy in Cuba, the success of my policy in the Philippines, 
the Anthracite Coal Strike, the success of such suits as that against the North- 
ern Securities Company which gave a guaranty in this country that rich man 
and poor man alike were held equal before the law, and my action in the so- 
called Miller case w^hich gave to trades-unions a lesson that had been taught 
corporations — that I favored them while they did right and was not in the 
least afraid of them when they did wrong. 

Now as to the election chances: At present it looks as if the odds were in 
my favor, but I have no idea whether this appearance is deceptive or not. I 
am a very positive man and Parker is a very negative man, and in consequence 
I both attract supporters and make enemies that he does not in a way that 
he cannot* He can be painted any color to please any audience; but it is im- 
possible to make two different pictures of any side of my character, I have 
done a great many things and said a great many things; and a great many 
people who like my general course dislike some particular thing I have said 
or done. Often people are against me for directly conflicting reasons. Thus, 
the Evening "Post and Carl Schurz profess loud sympathy for my attitude 
toward the colored man of the South, but in spite of this oppose me because 
of my attitude toward the Filipinos. On the other hand, Collkfs Weekly 
and a much larger body of men profess great syiripathy with my attitude 


993 



toward the Filipino, but attack me because of my attitude toward the colored 
man of the South. These tiiVo sets of people are therefore diametrically op- 
posed to one another, and for diametrically opposite reasons unite on the one 
point of opposing me. As a matter of fact I am right both as regards the point 
upon W'hich the Evening Post attacks me and as regards the point upon which 
Colliefs Weekly attacks me! but the fact that I am right does not alter the 
further fact that because of my attitude on both points I lose a certain num- 
ber of votes. In the same way the great capitalists who object to any restraint 
being exercised over the deeds of corporations oppose me, while the rather 
hysterical men who want to go to lengths against capital, and especially 
against corporate wealth which would bring ruin to this country also oppose 
me. So it is in many other matters. 

There are thus many conflicting currents of feeling. I will have accessions 
of strength of unknown force, and I have repelled interests whose actual 
elfect on election day we cannot now reckon. It is, therefore, utterly impos- 
sible to say what the outcome will be. The betting is in my favor, and our 
people are very confident that I will be elected. Some of our opponents are 
not so confident in Parker’s success, but those at headquarters undoubtedly 
are. Moreover, in the next ten days there is always the possibility that some- 
thing will happen that will upset all calculations. So what I am about to say 
you must remember is a guess only and I may be hopelessly wrong at that, 
but you shall have my guess in detail as to actual conations. 

We need 239 votes in the electoral college to give me a majority. Of these 
I think we are practically sure to have 200 from the following states: Cali- 
fornia 10, Illinois 27, Iowa 13, Kansas 10, Maine 6, Massachusetts 16, Michigan 
14, Minnesota 1 1, Nebraska 8, New Hampshire 4, North Dakota 4, Ohio 23, 
Oregon 4, Peimsylvania 34, South Dakota 4, Vermont 4, Washington 5, 
Wyoming 3. Then in addition it looks now as though we should probably 
carry the states of Wisconsin 13, Utah 3, Connecticut 7, New Jersey 12, 
Idaho 3, which number 38 votes all told. This leaves us just one short of a 
majority, and we now come into the region of entire doubt. I should put the 
following states as doubtful: New York 39, Rhode Island 4, Delaware 3, 
Indiana 1 5, West Virginia 7, Colorado 5, Montana 3, Nevada 3, 79 votes. If 
we get all those I have enumerated as sure and as probably our way and also 
any one of these doubtful states we win. Then, in addition, there is a very 
small chance of carrying Nevada or Maryland, and an even smaller chance 
of carrying Missouri; but in all probability these three states will vote in 
company with the eleven ex-Confederate states, which are solidly Demo- 
cratic because there is in reality no popular election in them and their Demo- 
cratic majorities represent a mixture of force and fraud. 

From the above you will see how difficult it is to make anything like a 
certain guess. In New York the revolt against what people call, without 
exactly understanding it, Oddlism threatens defeat to the State ticket, d- 
though our nominee, Higgins, is a most admirable man. If it were not for this 


994 


revolt I am very sure I should carry New York by a lar^e majority; but it 
is perfectly possible that the revolt may bring me down in ruin as well as 
Higgins, although I hope the contrary will take place and that instead of the 
State ticket pulling me down to defeat I shall pull through the State ticket to 
victory. Indiana ought to go our way, but Bryan has made a most telling 
canvass there for Parker, while Qeveland has helped Parker in the East, 'i ou 
see the Democratic canvass is absolutely double-faced. In the East they are 
trying to get everybody to vote for them on the ground that if Parker and 
his people keep control of the Democratic organization it means the death 
of Bryanism. In the West they try to get votes by saying that the success of 
Parker really means the success of Bryanism and Bryan’s ultimate mastery 
of the party which will control the country. 

So, Kermit, we shall know nothing about the result until the votes are 
counted, and in the meanwhile must possess our souls in patience. If things go 
wrong remember that we are very, very fortunate to have had three years 
in die White House, and that I have had a chance to accomplisii work such as 
comes to very, very few men in any generation; and that I have no business 
to feel downcast or querulous merely because when so much has been given 
me I have not had even more. Yoitr loving father 


3307 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELVOU RoOSevelt AlSS. 

Confidential Washington, October 26, 1904 

My dear Air. Cortelyou: I have just been informed that the Standard Oil 
people have contributed one hundred thousand dollars to our campaign fund. 
This may be entirely untrue. But if true I must ask you to direct that the 
money be returned to them forthwith.^ I appreciate to the full the need of 
funds to pay the legitimate and necessarily great expenses of the campaign. 

* Desiring no gifts from donors who might later demand favors and already per- 
turbed by the “Cortelyouism” issue, Roosevelt in thk and several other commum- 
cations ordered that a contribution from Standard Oil, then said to be $100,000, be 
returned at once. Confident that Cortelyou had obeyed this command, the :^stdOTt 
felt righteously indignant when, on November 3, Parker implied that the Republi- 
cans had blackmailed corporations, promising protection in wtu™ for contnbuaons. 
“Certain slanderous accusations as w Mr. Cortelyou and myself have been rented 
time and again by Judge Parker," Roosevelt stated to the press on Nowmber 4. 
“He neither has produced nor can produce any proof of their truth. . . . The srate- 
ments made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously fal». As hlr. Cortelyou 
has said to me more than once during this campaign, if elected I shall go mto the 
Presidency unhampered by any pledge, promise, or understanding .... save my 
promise . . that so far as in my power lies I shall see to it that every man has a 
OTuare deal” (Washington Port, November 5, 1904). , - . • 

Parker’s reply was weak. Reasserting that “a notorious and offensive situation 
existed, he furled no proof. This exchange of the candidates may have helped 
and certainly did not hurt Roosevelt’s cause. , - , t t_ ji 

In 1012, testimony before the Clapp Committee reveal^ that Roosevelt had 
told die lOTdi as he knew it, but that he knew Me of die ^ and *e squmes of 
Republican funds. Large corporadons had supplied most of Ae Republican $*,19^- 
0(» in 1004. Carefufly concealing his operations, Treasmer Bln looted Roo^el* 
order onthe Standarf Oil gift as “this vws someihing about which he “brooked no 

995 



I appreciate to the full the fact that under no circumstances will we receive 
half as much as was received by the National Committee in 1900 and 1896. 
Moreover, it is entirely legitimate to accept contributions, no matter how 
large they are, from individuals and corporations on the terms on which I 
happen to know that you have accepted them: that is, with the explicit un- 
derstanding that they were given and received with no thought of any more 
obligation on the part of the National Committee or of the National Admin- 
istration than is implied in the statement that every man shall receive a square 
deal, no more and no less, and that this I shall guarantee him in any event to 
the best of my ability. The big business corporations have a tremendous stake 
in the welfare of this country. They know that this welfare can only be se- 
cured through the continuance in power of the republican party; and if they 
subscribe for the purpose of securing such national welfare, and with no 
thought of personal favors to them, why they are acting as is entirely proper; 
but we cannot under any circumstances afford to take a contribution which 
can be even improperly construed as putting us under an improper obliga- 
tion, and in view of my past relations with the Standard Oil Company I fear 
that such a construction will be put upon receiving any aid from them. In 
returning the money to them I wish it made clear to them that there is not 
the slightest personal feeling against them, and that they can count upon 
being treated exactly as well by the Administration, exactly as fairly, as if we 
had accepted the contribution. They shall not suffer in any way because we 
refused it, just as they would not have gained in any vray if we had accepted 
it But I am not willing that it should be accepted, and must ask that you tell 
Mr. Bliss to return it. Sincerely yours 

3308 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Washington, October 27, 1904 

Greatly desire that before leaving for Washington request contained in my 
letter of yesterday be complied with. 

3309 • MEMORANDUM Roosevelt M$s, 

Washington, October 27, 1904 

Until Tuesday morning I never knew that any contribution had been made 
by the Standard Oil people, and do not know so yet; but a newspaperman, 

interference.” Cortetyou, if he was, as he insisted, unaware of Bliss’s policies, was at 
least sin^larly indifferent to the demands of his chief. There was, however, no evi- 
dence or blackmail. Furthermore, some of the major contributors were later prose- 
cuted under the antitrust laws; others were offended by the Hepburn Act. For the 
voluminous testimony on contributions in 1904, see Campdgn Contributions; Testi- 
mony before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Privileges md Elections, United 
States Senate, 62 Cong., 2 and 3 sess. (Washington, 1913). For a brief, lively account 
of the issue, see Pringle, Roosevelt, pp, 354”*358. &e also Numbers 3308, 3309, 3310, 
and 33x7. 


996 


whose name I hardly think I ought to mention because it might cause him 
trouble, asserted most positively that he had seen the check. Another news- 
paperman asserted to me that Mr. Ben Cable^ had told him that the Standard 
Oil people had contributed, and had stated that they had done so practically 
in duress; that they did not wish to contribute and grumbled about doing so, 
but were persuaded into doing it by a representative of the National Com- 
mittee, and did it because they feared from the insistency of the request lest it 
might be to their disadvantage if they did not. Understand, I do not guarantee 
in the least that Mr. Cable said this. I only state that a newspaperman con- 
fidentially said he had said it, and I put it out as being merely the kind of ugly 
gossip that is going about. Furthermore, yet another man, a New Yorker, 
whose name again I am not permitted to mention, stated that the Standard 
Oil people had announced that they were supporting Parker; that they 
thought it of great consequence to do so in order to beat down Bryanism, but 
that they had from motives of safety yielded to the urging of the Republican 
National Committee and made a contribution. 

In view^ of these statements, and in view of my past relations wdth the 
Standard Oil people at the time of the passage of the Corporation Bureau 
feature of the act creating the Department of Commerce and Labor, I should 
in any event be unwilling to have their money used in my campaign. These 
reasons I do not care to blazon out, but for the information of the Standard 
Oil people in returning the check, they may be told the following reasons, 
which are additional to those enumerated above, and which are themselves 
sufficient; 

The Standard Oil people have just published a statement that they have 
taken no part in politics and are not for either side; that is, using words which 
bore this effect. It seems to me that as they have thus publiclv disavo%ved any 
concern as a matter of principle to either side, this fact alone is decisive 
against our accepting their pecuniary support. I cannot consent to be under 
an obligation that may be construed as a personal obligation. If an individual 
or a group of individuals feel that the success of, the party of which I am at 
the moment the head is vital to the welfare of the counm\ and therefore of 
the group of industries w'hich they represent, it is entirely proper for them 
to contribute to the expenses of the campaign; and such a contrition entails 
no possible obligation upon me save the obligation on me to treat them as I 
treat all other citizens — that is with equal and exact justice; but I would 
never be willing to accept a contribution about which there could be the 
suspicion that it was given to put me under a personal obligation. I shall never 
as President do or leave undone any act in reference to any corporation or 
any individual because that corporation or that individual has contributed or 
failed to contribute. 

'Probably Benjamin Taylor Cable, Gold Democrat; congressman from Illinois, 
1891-1893; still active in Democratic politics. Possibly Benjamin Stickney Cable, 
political independent, lawyer for the cShicago and Rock Island; later Taffs Assist- 
ant Secretary of Oammerce and Labor, 

997 



In returning the contribution of the Standard Oil Company, whatever 
amount it may be, I wish it emphatically stated, as I have indicated in my first 
letter, that there is not the slightest ill-feeling of any kind on my part toward 
them, and that, exactly as if the contribution had been accepted I would have 
shown them no improper favor, so now that it is returned they may rest abso- 
lutely at ease that there will be no discrimination against them. They wiU be 
treated, individually and in their corporate capacity, exactly as all other in- 
dividuals and corporations are treated, and can rest assured that in any deal- 
ings which the National Government may have with them, or in reference 
to them, they will receive exact justice. 

I desire that the money be returned to them at once. 

3310 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, October 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou: As supplemental to my letter of yesterday, contain- 
ing my request that any contribution which the Standard Oil people may 
have made to the campaign be immediately returned, I wish to add that my 
judgment as to the propriety of this action is confirmed because of the fact 
brought into especial prominence by the Standard Oil Company’s publication 
in the newspapers (which I saw after my letter was written and sent) that 
much importance seems to be attached to the political attitude of this Com- 
pany. Furthermore, in view of the open and pronounced opposition of the 
Standard Oil Company to the establishment of the Bureau of Corporations, 
one of the most important accomplishments of my Administration, I do not 
feel willing to accept its aid. I request therefore that the contribution be re- 
turned without further delay. 

Of course, I do not wish any public statement made about this matter, nor 
to take any step that will seem as if I were casting any reflection upon the 
Standard Oil people or their motives in making the contribution. 

I greatly wish to see you in person. Please come on at the earliest oppor- 
tunity; but have the contribution returned immediately. Sincerely yours 

3311 'TO ALBERT SHAW Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal » Washington, October 27, 1904 

My dear Dr. Shaw I have just received your letter and the supplementary 
letter of your Secretary. Our difference of memory would chiefly be as to 
the statement that I said that Walbridge was a better man than Folk, and even 
here our variance is more a matter of terminology. As expressed in the letter 
of your secretary, my view is in effect as you have put it; not that Walbridge 
is the better man, but that he is the candidate to support. 

I felt just as you do about Collier and Hapgood writing to me as they 
have, but I have become casehardened to answering all kinds of people on all 

998 


kinds of subjects about which they really have no right to information. I 
have sent certain extracts of your letter to Mr. Collier, as they put the case 
even more strongly than I had already put it to him.^ 

Do come down here just as soon as you can. Faithfully yours 


3312 • TO ROBERT JOSEPH COLLIER RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, October 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Collier: I have received a long letter from Dr. Shaw. He insists 
strongly that he cannot be mistaken that I said that I thought Walbridge was 
a better man than Folk “as candidates for the ofSce of Governor of Missouri 
under the present political circumstances in that State.” My memory is 
equally clear — lam equally positive — that I did not use the expression; but 
most certainly I should not go into any public discussion of any kind on the 
point. Dr. Shaw, in his letter, writes me as follows: 

On the day before yesterday I was called up on the telephone by Mr. Adams,^ 
of McClure^s Magazine^ and Mr. Norman Hapgood, of Colliefs. They undenrook 
to inform me that some kind of use was being made in Missouri of this particular 
letter. Yesterday I happened unexpectedly to meet iMr. William F. Saunders^ on 
the street in New York. I spoke to him about the matter, and told him that these 
gentlemen (Mr. Adams, as I understood it, representing Mr. Lincoln Steffens) had 
told me the letter was being made use of. Mr. Saunders assured me that no public 
use of any kind had been made of the matter, but said that the letter had been 
shown in confidence to certain Republicans in order that they might Imow" clearly 
your entire cordiality towards the Republican movement in Missouri. In talking 
over the telephone to Mr. Adams and Mr. Hapgood on the day before yesterday, I 
had said that my information was to the effect that there had been a most assiduous 
attempt on the part of the Democrats to convey the impression to every high- 
minded and independent Republican in Missouri that you were personally favor- 
able to Mr. Folk’s election as governor. If the facts are as they have been stated to 
me, this attempt in Mr. Folk’s interest has been extremely dismgenuous and unfair. 
I have no direct knowledge of my own as to the facts. I said, however, to th^e 
two gentlemen that if any use had been made of the letter from me to Saunders, it 
probably was in a private and confidential way and for purely defensive purposes 
as against a most offensive and dishonorable attempt to put you on the Democratic 
side in the Missouri campaign. I have no words to expre^ as emphatically as I 
should feel like doing my detestation of the practise of a class of men who attempt 
to give a public character to a matter of private and confidential correspondence. 
I can conceive of no reason why you should not regard Mr. Walbridge as the 
better candidate of the two for governor of Missouri, and — apart from your con- 
sistent rule not to be participating actively in State situations - 1 can see no reason 

‘No. 33U. 

‘Samuel Hopkins Adams, managing editor and later special writer for McClme^s 
Magazine. A versatile, clever author, he ordinarily produced, along wth a continu- 
ous flow of magazine articles, light fiction and lighter history. In ad^n, he 
one of the most literate moving-picture scrmcs of the thim^ (It Happened One 
Night) and one of the most miderrated novels (Revelry) ot me mmtm. ^ 
'William Flewellyn Saunders, secretary of the Business Mens League, St. Loms. 

999 



why you should not be sending Mr. Walbridge every possible message of political 
sympathy and good will. If it should appear that Judge Parker had sent earnest 
wishes for success to Mr. Kern as the Democratic candidate for governor of 
Indiana, or to Mr. Peck® as the Democratic candidate for governor of Wisconsin, 
I confess myself unable to see why the Republicans should be surprised. On the 
contrary, it would be cause for surprised comment on both sides if it were thought 
that such encouragement had been intentionally withheld. The Missouri Republi- 
cans in turn might well have felt it a cause of surprise if they had been left to sup- 
pose that your sympathies this year were with the Democratic candidate for 
governor as against the Republican candidate. 

Let me again state that of course this whole matter is one which I should 
never dream of discussing in public, and one which it greatly surprises me to 
have any person attach importance to. The entire correspondence you are 
very welcome to show Mr. Hapgood and Mr. Lincoln Steffens, but also only 
for their private use. 

I wish, in summing up, again to state with all possible emphasis that I can- 
not conceive of anyone failing to understand my position in the matter, or 
failing to sympathize with it. That for partisan purposes, during the closing 
days of the campaign, my position can be misrepresented, is of course possi- 
ble; but that it can be misunderstood, or viewed save with entire commenda- 
tion, I believe is impossible. Sincerely yours 


3313 • TO ARTHUR VON BRIESEN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, October 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. von Brteseii: Of course, I was very much pleased by your letter 
and its remembrance of me, and I thank you from the bottom of my heart. 
But, my dear fellow, please do not talk about 1913 . 1 have no idea whether 
I shall be elected this time; but if elected I say to you privately that nothing 
would make me a candidate again, I do not want to say this publicly until 
after election, Paithftdly yours 


3314 * TO BOIES PB2W10SE Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, October 28, 1904 

My dear Senator: I have gone carefully through Bunn’s^ affidavit and through 
the testimony of Bunn himself before the Civil Service Commission, and 

* George Wilbur Peck, editor, author, wit, and Governor of Wisconsin, 1891-1895. 
A. Democrat, he was virtually a perennial candidate for governor against such 
powerful Republican fig^es as Spooner and La Foliette at the mm of ihe century. 
Before he began his pphdcal career, he was the author of the minor autobiographical 
classic, Feck^s Bad Boy md His Fa. 

^ Jacob G. Bunn, finance clerk at the Philadelphia post ofiSce. 


1000 



looked through the circular, I am sorry to say that it seems to me out of the 
question to excuse Bunn. This circular contains advice as to how Mr. Bonn’s 
political subordinates are to act and to fill up certain blanks as well as collect 
subscriptions from officeholders, and forthwith give them to Mr. Bunn as 
financial secretar)’^ of the Ward Committee. Among the things that they are 
required to report to Mr. Bunn about these federal officeholders is of the use 
each one is as an organization worker, and if he is of no use what “hustler 
should be recommended for appointment in his stead.” Furthermore, “as a 
voluntary contributor are his contributions the amount suggested? Does he 
contribute appreciatively, begrudgingly, defiantly, or ignore the organization 
altogether?” The man is also warned not to let the man “dodge responsibility 
under the bugaboo of civil service”; and warned that public employees fre- 
quently want “promotion, increase of salarj*, transfers, help when in trouble, 
reinstatements, and favors of various kinds” upon the basis of the record 
which is thus to be made up and transmitted to .Mr. Bunn. 

Mr, Bunn sap that he did not know that this circular was sent out. but as 
he particularly states that he has long been a member of the committee which 
sent out these circulars, it is absolutely incredible that he should not have 
known that either this circular or one somewhat like it was being sent to 
the officeholders. In his testimony he admits that the sole function of the 
committee of which he was secretary was to collect assessments for political 
purposes, and that these assessments came “practically entirely from office- 
holders.” His own statement show's that even if he was not guilty of com- 
plicity in the issuance and distribution of the circular, yet the committee of 
which he was secretary W'as actively engaged in the collection of assessments 
from officeholders and that he actively participated in the work himself. I 
take all this from Bunn’s own testimony and from an examination of the cir- 
cular itself, and make my decision purely in reference thereto. Mr. Butm’s 
plea is that inasmuch as he occupied an excepted position he did not think 
the law applied to him. 

Now, my dear Senator, as you know I have again and again in the case 
of die Philadelphia post office found that this excuse of ignorance of the law, 
or of good intentions, was advanced to cover wrongdoing, and I have agdn 
and again accepted it and let the guiltv* party off wiffi a reprimand, with 
atonement for the w'rong done wherever this w'as possible, and with a state- 
ment that any further wrongdoing would be followed by punitive measures 
on mv part, it is out of the question for me to follow this course any longer. 
I cannot accept the plea of ignorance of the law which Bunn makes, and I do 
not believe the plea of ignorance about the circular which he makes, and I 
have no alternative but to direct his removal. 

I suppose you won’t like this, and 1 am awfully sorry; but 1 beg yon to 
believe that if it were possible for me to act in any other way I wmuld do so, 
, and it is only because I have no alternative that I remove Bunn. Sincerely 
yoters 


lOOI 



3 3 I 5 ■ TO AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 


Roosevelt Alss. 
Washington, October 28, 1904 

My dear Congressman: I have received your letter concerning the appoint- 
ment of a postmaster at Haverhill, where Attorney General Moody, your 
predecessor, who has served in my Cabinet successively as Secretary of the 
Navy and now as Attorney General, has recommended that the present in- 
cumbent be reappointed; this present incumbent being a man admitted by 
everyone to have the character and capacity which fit him for the place, and 
being, from aU I can find out, entirely satisfactory to the people of Haverhill. 
He was appointed by President McKinley, at the suggestion of the secretary, 
then congressman. . . . 

You speak of your “privilege of naming the Haverhill postmaster.” In 
your letter to Mr. Moody you say, “It is not a parallel case in Massachusetts 
to those other States where Senators select the postmasters. In Massachusetts 
it has been understood that a Congressman shall select the postmasters in the 
cities and towns in his own district.” To clear up any possible misapprehen- 
sion, I would like, at the outset, to say that the Senators do not select post- 
masters in any State while I am President. I consult them always, and in the 
vast majority of cases act on liie recommendations they make; but the selec- 
tion is mine and not theirs, and time and again during the three years I have 
been President I have positively refused to select individuals suggested to me 
for nomination as postmaster by various Senators. If I am not satisfied with 
the character and standing of the man whose name is suggested to me I never 
nominate him. I understand perfectly that under the first article of the Con- 
stitution the Senators are part of the appointing power, and that they have 
the same right to reject that I have to nominate, and that therefore the ap- 
pointment must represent an agreement between them and me; and as the 
acquaintance of the Senator with his State is always much greater than the 
knowledge of the President can possibly be, it is the normal and natural thing 
that I should listen to his advice as to these appointments, and I generally do 
so. But I stop listenir^ to it as soon as I realize that he is advising me wrongly. 
While it is impossible to avoid mistakes in nominating thousands of candi- 
dates to local offices on the advice of hundreds of different advisers, yet I 
never knowingly nominate a candidate whom I think unfit, or to whose 
candidacy I think there is good objection; and the question of unfitness I 
regard as one to be determined by my judgment and not that of the Senator. 
My practice during the last three years has been exactly that set forth in this 
statement; and I may add that repeatedly I have refused to nominate, at the 
request of some Senator, a man to succeed some public servant who I felt 
had peculiar claims to be renominated, or whom I regarded as markedly 
superior to his proposed succesor. 

So much as to my relations with my Constitutional advisers. But the rela- 
tion of a Congressman to those appointments rests not upon law but purely 


1002 



upon custom. It has been found in the actual working of our Government 
that, as a rule, the Congressman is the best man to consult about the appoint- 
ments which come under his special ken. Someone must be consulted, and as 
a rule the Congressman is the man whose advice is most apt to be that which 
can be followed with advantage to the communit)% and therefore to the 
party. But this is a mere custom, and I have never hesitated for a moment to 
deviate from it whenever circumstances arose that satisfied me it was wise 
and proper and in the interest of the community to do so. In scores of cases 
I have been obliged to disregard the recommendations of Congressmen for 
all kinds of reasons. Usually I have disregarded them because I have believed 
that the man recommended to me was unfit. Occasionally I have disregarded 
them because I felt that the man who was in ofiice was so conspicuously fit 
that he ought to be retained. 

Holding in mind that the recommendation of the Congressman is merely 
a matter of custom, I wish to point out to you that it is also the custom to 
pay heed to the wishes not only of Cabinet officers, but even of Senators of 
the opposite party, and occasionally to the wishes of Congressmen of the 
opposite party, in the case of nominations to office in their own towns. In 
such cases I have sometimes nominated the man requested by a Democratic 
Senator, for instance (always provided I regarded him as fit for the position), 
and even where I have not "done this I have generally consulted him about the 
man whom I did appoint. That I should consult one of the members of my 
ovm Cabinet in reference to the postmaster of his own city ought to go with- 
out saying. 

After carefully considering all the circumstances I feel that the wise and 
proper thing is to nominate Mr. Pinkham to succeed himself. I intend to 
nominate him because he is a thoroughly fit man, who has been an excellent 
postmaster, who is of good standing in the community, whose retention in 
office will undoubtedly be agreeable to the bulk of the patrons of the office, 
and whose reappointment is asked for by the Attorney General, himself a 
citizen of Haverhill, who, when in Congr^s as your predecessor, secured the 
appointment of this man to office by President McKinley . 

I regret to have to take any action which will be displeasing to you; but I 
do not see how I can avoid doing so in this case.^ Sincerely yours 

" Gardner wanted Charles M. Ho>n: to succeed H. I. Pinkham as postmaster. An 
article in the Outlook on November 26 claimed that Gardner had openly stated he 
had promised the position in return for Hoyt’s political services. This smtement, the 
article asserted, closed the “laughable folly which some machine pohticians 
commit in pursuit of their theory ffiat our govetnmentai system rests upon the 
prosperity of the brokerage business in public offices- 


lOOJ 



3 3 1 <S • TO ROBERT JOSEPH COLLIER Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, October Z9, 1904 

My dear Mr. Collier: 1 have just received from the correspondent of the Kan- 
sas City Star copies of two letters, which I send you. I call your especial 
attention to the unsigned one. Apparently this is by the Mr. Adams of whom 
you spoke, and you will see that my private and personal letters to you are 
being used by A'lr. Adams, or whoever the writer may be, as a basis for trying 
to do me damage in the last week of the campaign. I can hardly believe that 
Mr. Steffens wrote such a letter or was cognizant of it. You will notice that 
the letter says that the writer’s interest arises partly from a desire to see the 
truth come out, and partly because he believes that “there would be created 
a wave of popular sympathy for Mr. Folk as against the President, which 
might not be of consequence in Missouri, but would be of consequence out- 
side of that State.” You will notice also that he wishes to use Colliefs Weekly 
in exciting this wave of sentiment against me. 

I told the correspondent of the Kansas City Star that as a matter of course 
I was for the Republican State ticket in Missouri, as in every other State; that 
I had never said anything in disparagement of Mr. Folk or made any compari- 
son between him and Mr. Walbridge; that Dr. Shaw’s memory and mine 
disagreed absolutely as to the phrase of the letter, “I regard Mr. Walbridge 
as a better man than Mr. Folk”; and I have asked him to withdraw the letter 
forthwith. 

I enclose you a copy of my letter to Dr. Shaw. But evidently it is neces- 
sary that I ask you and Mr. Hapgood to keep this matter to yourselves for 
the person in whom you have confided, whether Mr. Adams or someone else, 
is simply trying to play some not overclean politics in the matter, pardy in 
the hope of electing Mr. Folk in Missouri, and partly in the hope of defeating 
me; and as you will see from this letter, he intends that Collier^s shall be used 
to this end. 

I also enclose you — again of course for your private information — a 
copy of a letter I have also sent to Mr. Thomas J. Akins, the Republican 
National Committeeman of Missouri. Sincerely yours 

3317 • TO <a;oRGE BRUCE coRTELYOu Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Washington, October 29, 1904 

Has my request been complied with? I desire that there be no delay. 

3318 • TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 29, 1904 

Dear Mr, Cortelyou: To have me warning you about speaking seems a little 
odd, but my judgment is that I would say nothing. I qsed to think Parker 


1004 



only a fool, but I guess he is as much of a knave as his associates. He lies like 
a trooper all the time, evidently in the hope of getting you into an argument. 
Now, if you speak a word, even to the extent of only saving that you do not 
want people to be overconfident, somebody in the audience will ask you a 
question about the trusts and the contributions, or else they will make a yell 
to know why, if you speak, you do not speak on those subjects. I would not 
say a word at a meeting, and I would go to but verj’ few. If you find it neces- 
sarj' to say anything, a short statement to the press will be better. Faithjtilly 
yours 

[Handvrritten] I believe Indiana is more doubtful than New York. But 
let Fairbanks manage; and reserve your best efforts for New York, New 
Jersey & Connecticut. Then we shall be sure. 

3319 • TO ROBERT JOSEPH COLLIER RoOSCVelt AISS. 

Personal Washington, October 31, 1904 

Aly dear Mr. Collier: I thank you for your letter and enclosure. I return .\Ir. 
Hapgood’s letter, and shall speak of it to no one. Dr. Shaw is present noAv. He 
will show you tomorrow the letter he is sending to his correspondent in 
Missouri. I am now quoting what he has just said to me: “Your memory and 
mine do not really dis^ree as to the facts of that letter. Taken out of its con- 
text the phrase ‘Walbridge is a better man than Folk’ com-eys an entirely 
false impression of what we said, because it implies a criticism as to the per- 
sonal qualities of the two men. You and I were talking of them as candidates 
of the republican part)’’ and democratic part\% one supporting you and one 
supporting Parker, tmder e.xisting conditions in Missouri. Both of us have a 
high personal opinion of Folk, and each of us so expressed himself in the con- 
versation in question. Each of us expressed the fullest appreciation of Folk’s 
services as Circuit Attorney, and neither of us dreamt of saying anj’thing dis- 
paraging about him. Each of us had heard most highly of Walbridge, and our 
expressions of approval of him related to his candidacy under the existing 
conditions in Missouri and in the country.” 

As for what Mr. Adams may say, I care not a rap. I saw his article on 
Delaware and regarded it as profoundly dishonest. He either knows, or else 
he could have satisfied himself by the slightest investigation, that I have never 
made one appointment for Mr. Addicks; that my appointment of Byrne had 
nothing to do with Addicks, as is sufficiently shown by the fact that after he 
left Delaware and had not the slightest party connection with Delaware poli- 
tics, I appointed him Assistant District Attorney in New York, and by the 
further fact that there is not one prominent officeholder holding my com- 
mission in Delaware at the present time who is not an open anti-Addicks 
man. The criticism this summer has been from the Addicks people, who have 
bitterly complained tihat while they have been loyaHy supporting me, and 
while some of the anti-Addicks people had been lying, as they evidendy lied 


1005 



to Adams, nevertheless I was retaining in office anti-Addicks people as dis- 
trict attorney, postmaster, collector of the port, etc., all of whom were vio- 
lently and openly attacking and denouncing Addicks. There is in the Senate 
an Addicks and an anti-Addicks Senator. Both have agreed in voting to con- 
firm every appointment I have sent to the Senate — unless, of course, either 
happen to be absent when an appointment came up, which may have hap- 
pened in cases of which I am ignorant. As I say, let Adams go on. I am en- 
tirely indifferent to anything he says or may say. I do not regard him as a 
truthful man. 

Thanking you for your personal courtesy, I am. Sincerely yours 

3320 • TO GEORGE ALBERT CONVERSE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, October 31, 1904 

My dear Admiral Converse: ^ I have read very carefully your interesting let- 
ter and the papers submitted. It does not seem to me you quite take up the 
armor question as I should like to have it taken up. I am not satisfied that the 
proposed arrangement of the armor is as good for instance as the armor of the 
Cesarevitch. I send you a copy of a letter I have received from a German 
military officer accompanying a photograph of the Cesarevitch. 1 am not sure 
that our battleships would have stood the hammering as well as the Cessre- 
vitch, but I am absolutely certain that our officers would have fought her far 
better than she was fought. I remain very doubtful about the six- and seven- 
inch guns, and certainly there should be no quick fire below three inches. 
Sincerely yoms 

3321 ‘TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, October 31, 1904 

Dear Cabot: I send you copies of Gussie’s letter to me and my answer to 
him. Now Gussie has wired me that he wishes to publish my letter. I am per- 
fectly willing to have it published, but it seems to me that he had better wait 
until we are through with this campaign. In the last week every publication 
is unfortunate because every mugwump and Democratic paper will instantly 
lie about it. 

Well, I shall be glad when this next week is over. Persistent rumors come 
to us that the Democrats have large sums of money and are going to employ 
it lavishly in New York, Indiana, West Virginia, New Jersey and Connec- 
ticut. I am inclined to think that Parker’s and the Worlds s and the mug- 
wump’s scoundrelly yeU about Cortelyou having collected funds is designed 
to divert attention from the fact that those eminent purists, Tom Taggart, 
Dave Hill, August Belmont, Pat McCarren and Billy Sheehan have succeeded 
in procuring a good deal of money from one source and another. The New 

• * Geor^ Albert Converse, Chief of the Bureau of Navigation, 

JOP^ 



York Herald^ which is for Parker, thinks that I shall probably be elected, but 
if its figures for Greater New York are correct I should regard New York, 
New Jersey and Connecticut as being in danger. The information we have 
does not bear out these figures at all. Indiana I fear is doubtful. 

Well, the white man is proverbially ‘‘uncertain,” especially in politics, and 
I shall keep my mind prepared for anything until after the returns are in. 
Give our love to Nannie. Edith and I have had lovely rides. A week ago my 
horse put his foot through a rotten plank on a bridge and turned a somersault. 
I landed on my head and skinned my forehead. Most fortunately the papers 
have not seemed to get hold of it — which, as the mark was about the size of 
a small saucer and the skin came completely off, was remarkable. Ever yours 


3322 • TO FRANK NELSON DOUBLEDAY RoOSeVClt AISS. 

Personal Washington, November i, 1904 

My dear Mr, Doubleday: That was awfully nice of Kipling, and I have writ- 
ten him at once to thank him. I am almost ashamed to have caused him so 
much trouble. 

Good Heavens, I wish the election were over as you say it is! I am lying 
still under shell fire, and I mortally hate the experience. 

Give my warm regards to Mrs. Doubleday, and tell her her friend Frank 
Mead has been appointed. Sincerely yours 


3323 • TO RUDYARD KIPUNG RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, November i, 1904 

Dear Kipling: That was awfully good of you, and I never dreamed that you 
would have taken such trouble or I should not have spoken of the matter to 
Doubleday. I am greatly obliged for the stories. Do not think me altogether 
a prig if I say that I have been obliged to think so seriously of many things 
that I am apt to like to have a story contain a moral — provided always that 
the story has the prime quality of interest. 

We are now closing the campaign, and the Lord only knows how it wall 
go. I have done a good many things in the past three years, and the fact that 
I did them is doubtless due patdy to accident and partly to temperament. 
Naturally, I think that I was right in doing them, for otherwise I would not 
have done them. It is equally natural that some people should have been alien- 
ated by each thing I did, and the aggregate of all that have been alienated may 
be more than sufficient to overthrow me. Thus, in dealing with the Philip- 
pines I have first the jack fools who seriously think that any group of pirat^ 
and head-hunters needs nothing but independence in order that it may be 
tnm^d forthwith into a dark-hued New England town meeting; and then 


J007 



the entirely practical creatures who join with these extremists because I do 
not intend that the islands shall be exploited for corrupt purposes. So in Pan- 
ama, I have to encounter the opposition of the vague individuals of serious 
mind and limited imagination, who think that a corrupt pithecoid community 
in which the President has obtained his position by the simple process of 
clapping the former President into a wooden cage and sending him on an ox 
cart over the mountains (this is literally what was done at Bogota) — is en- 
titled to just the treatment that I would give, say, to Denmark or Switzer- 
land. Then, in addition, I have the representatives of the transcontinental rail- 
v'ays, who are under no delusions, but who do not want a competing canal. 
In the same way I have alienated some of the big representatives of what we 
call the trusts, and have had a muss with the trades-unions on the other side. 
So only a merciful providence can tell what the outcome will be. If elected I 
shall be very glad. If beaten I shall be sorry; but in any event I have had a 
first-class run for my money, and I have accomplished certain definite things. 
I would consider myself a hundred times over repaid if I had nothing more 
to my credit than Panama and the coaling stations in Cuba. So you see that my 
frame of mind is a good deal like that of your old Viceroy when he addressed 
the new Viceroy! 

With regards to Mrs. Kipling, and renewed thanks, believe me, Sincerely 
yours 


3324 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RooSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November i, 1904 

Dear Cabot: All right, I shall do nothing until I hear from you in the squad- 
ron matter.^ 

Since writing you Gussie telegraphed me that he wanted to make public 
my letter.^ I wired him to consult you first, but he wired back that he could 
not and that it was doing him harm to have me refuse, and of course I then 
wired him to go ahead and publish it — though I do not myself see what 
useful object will be served either as regards him or me. Ever yours 

[Handvoritten] Curtis Guild sent me a frantic telegram about an utterly 
unimportant matter concerning which I wired him to consult you. 

Moody told me he had not promised Harry anything; he told me this 
most positively. 

^ Charles Henry Davis had been promoted to rear admiral in August 1904. With his 
promotion he hoped to receive command of a battleship squadron. "UTien Moody 
objected, Davis was appointed a member of the international commission investigat- 
ing the Hull fishing fleet incident {Forei^ Relations^ 1904, pp- 342-343, 796-799). 
Later, 1905, Davis was ordered to duty as Commander, Second Squadron, Asiatic 
Fleet. 

*See No. 3315. 


1008 



3325 * TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSeVClt 

Personal Washington, November 2, 1904 

Dear Mr. Cortelyou: There are some signs, as for instance the correspond- 
ence of the Washington Star, that Parker’s attacks on von and me have had 
a certain influence. Assistant Attorney General Robb thinks this to be the 
case. On the other hand I have just seen Sleicher and he does not believe that 
it is the case. You can judge far better than L I am glad you are consulting 
with Root. In any event, I feel that our writers and speakers should make a 
most aggressive fight against Parker during the closing days of the campaign. 
Knox’s statement should not only be circulated, but should be used as the 
basis of fresh attacks. The Tribime and Globe have published vdthin the last 
day or two the Evening Posfs account of what Parker did together %vith 
Clark and O’Brien in raising the notes for Hill’s campaign expenses in 1885. 
This should be distributed broadcast; and the amount of money the Demo- 
cratic committee has been raising should be dwelt upon, and the names of 
Parker’s backers, Belmont, Sheehan, Cord Meyer, Ryan, Clark^ of Montana, 
Guffey^ of Pittsburgh and the others, should be used as texts to show that 
he is profiting by exactly what he denounces, and that he is undoubtedly 
raising this noise to divert attention from the money which he has. Above 
all it should be pointed out that when he chose Tom Taggart as Chairman 
of the National Committee he deliberately and avowedly chose a man whose 
only conception of running a campaign was to run it by the brutal use of 
money. I think Knox, Taft and Moody should all be wired to hit fiercely at 
Parker just as Lodge did in his speech at Newark, and above all that Root 
should make a merciless attack on him on Friday, and that this part of Root's 
speech should be double leaded on front pages of all of our Republican 
papers on Saturday. 

It may be advisable for me to speak, and if these attacks make enough 
impression to render it necessary in your opinion for me to speak I should 
like for you to go over with Root the following which I could make in the 
form of a statement or of a letter: 

“Certain slanderous and infamous statements as to Mr- Cortelyou and 
myself have appeared from time to time in certain New York new'spapers, 
and as they have now been repeated again and again by Mr- Parker, the 
candidate of his party for the office of President, I deem it advisable to say 
a word in reference to them; for Mr. Parker has made them his own, and 
has thus given them a weight to which they were otherwise in no manner 
entitled. Mr. Parker’s charges are in effect that the President of the United 

^William Andrews Clark, Democratic senator from Montana, iS^ipcw, 1901-1907; 
owner of extensive copper-minhw, bankinw, and railroad interests in Montana, which 
he controlled in latge part from his New York C-hy office. 

* James McQtug Guffey, one of the largest oil prodnceis and operators in die 
United States; Democratic national committeeman from Pennsylvania, 1898-1908, 
1912-1930; one of the earliest, influential advocates of Parker’s nomination. 

1009 



States and Mr. Cortelyon, formerly Mr. McKinley’s private secretary, since 
then Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and now Chairman of the Republi- 
can National Committee, have been in a foul conspiracy to blackmail cor- 
porations, Mr. Cortelyou using his knowledge gained while he was Secretary 
of the Department of Commerce and Labor to extort money from the cor- 
porations, and I, the President, having appointed him for this especial pur- 
pose. The gravamen of these charges lies in the assertion that the corporations 
have been blackmailed into contributing, and in the implication, which in 
one or two of Mr. Parker’s speeches has taken the form practically of an 
assertion, that they have been promised certain immunities or favors or have 
been assured that they would receive some kind of improper consideration 
in view of them. That contributions have been made to the Republican Com- 
mittee as to the Democratic Committee is not the question at issue. Mr. 
Parker says that such contributions are only made for improper motives, 
and therefore implies that they are only made in consequence of improper 
promises, direct or indirect, on the part of the recipients. Mr. Parker knows 
best whether this is true of the contributions to his campaign fund which 
have come through his trusted friends and advisers — Mr. August Belmont, 
Mr. Thomas F. Ryan, Mr. Cord Meyer, Mr. William Sheehan, Mr. J. M. 
Guffey, Mr. W, A. Clark and the other representatives of the great corporate 
interests that stand behind him; but there is not one particle of truth in the 
statement as regards anything that has gone on in the management of the 
RepubUcan campaign. 

“The accusations against me and against Mr. Cortelyou are so monstrous 
that I hesitate to notice them. If true they would brand both of us forever 
with infamy, and inasmuch as they are false diey brand widi infamy the man 
who has made them. I chose Mr. Cortelyou as Chairman of the National 
Committee after having failed successively to persuade Mr. Elihu Root, A4r. 
Murray Crane and Mr. Cornelius Bliss to accept the position. I chose Mr. 
Cortelyou with extreme reluctance, because I could ill spare him from the 
Cabinet. But I felt that, in addition to masterly efficiency, he possessed the 
high inyegrity which I demanded in the man who was to run my campaign. 
I am content that Mr. Parker and I should be judged by the public on the 
characters of the two men whom we chose to run our campaigns; he by 
the character of his nominee, Mr. Thomas Taggart, and I by the character 
of Mr. Cortelyou. The assertion that Mr. Cortelyou had any knowledge 
gained while he was Secretary of Commerce and Labor whereby he was 
enabled to secure any contributions from any corporation is not only a false- 
hood, but an absurd falsehood. The assertion diat there has been, any black- 
mail, directly or indirectly, by Mr. Cortelyou or by me is a falsehood. The 
assertion that there has been made in my behalf by Mr. Cortelyou or by 
anyone else any pledge or promise, or that there has been any understanding 
as to future immunities or benefits, in recognition of any contribution from 
any source, is an atrocious falsehood, Whoever makes a statement that there 


lOIO 



has been such blackmail or such promise or such understanding, express or 
implied, is himself guilty of deliberate and willful falsehood; and whoever 
is guilty of such falsehood has forfeited the right to the respect of upright 
and honorable men. 

“That Mr. Parker should desire to avoid the discussion of principles I 
can well understand, for it is but the bare truth to say that neither he nor 
anyone else in this campaign has attacked us on any matter of principle or 
upon any action of the Government save after first misstating that principle 
or that action. But I cannot understand how any honorable man, a candidate 
for the highest ofiice in the gift of the people, can take refuge not merely 
in personalities, but in such unworthy personalities. It almost seems as if Mr. 
Parker’s perceptions are blunted so that he does not understand the full 
infamy of what he charges, and therefore the infamy of making such a 
charge not only without clear and positive proof, but without so much as 
the flimsiest foundation in fact. If I deemed it necessary to support my flat 
denial by any evidence I would ask all men of cotnmon sense to ponder well 
what I have done as regards the great corporations and moneyed interests 
while I have been President and compare it with what Mr. Parker did while 
he was chairman of the State committee which elected Mr. HiU for Gov- 
ernor, or for the matter of that compare it with what was done when Mr. 
Qeveland was President and Mr. Olney Attorney General; I would ask all 
honest men whether they seriously deemed it possible that the course the 
administration took in every matter brought before it from the Northern 
Securities suit to the settlement of the Anthracite Coal Strike was com- 
patible with any theory of public behaviour save the theory of doing exact 
justice to all men without fear and without favoritism; I would ask all honest 
and fair-minded men to remember that the agents through whom I have 
worked are Mr. Knox and Mr. Moody in the Department of Justice, Mr. 
Cortelyou in the Department of Commerce and Labor and Mr. Garfield in 
the Bureau of Corporations, and I would ask them to remember that no such 
act of infamy as Mr. Parker charges could have been done without all these 
men being a party to it. But I make no such plea. I rest the case upon my 
word and my honor. The statements made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly 
and atrociously false.” 

Since writing the above I have seen Lodge’s interview.® I am amazed 
beyond measure that he should have given such an interview; but it seems 
to me that it renders it incumbent upon us that action should be taken. More- 
over, I do not believe that the action should be taken by you but by me. I 
am the man against whom Parker’s assaults are really directed and I am the 
man who can give widest publicity to the deniaL Parker, of course, with low 
cuiming has sought to mix up the statement that funds have been contributed 
by big corporations with the statement that there has been some kind of 
corrupt or blackmailing action by Mr. Cortelyou and myself in order to get 

*Lodge had slated that die time had come for Cortdyoa to refute FarWs dsarges. 


roll 



these funds. In my answer I wish to keep these two statements entirely dis- 
tinct and not to permit ourselves in denying one to get drawn into a discus- 
sion about the other. If they ask us if Mr. Frick has contributed I should say 
that that had no more to do with the question than whether Mr. Ryan, Mr, 
Belmont, Mr. Sheehan and others have contributed. 

I should feel an intolerable humiliation if I were beaten because infamous 
charges had been made against me and good people regarded my silence as 
acquiescence in them. If in face of my positive denial the people at large 
chose to believe such charges wholly unsupported by proof, I should not 
feel humiliated in the least, although I should of course feel disappointed. 
Therefore, I think I shall make this statement. I would like you and Root 
to consult how it should be made. It seems to me that Saturday morning is 
the time it should come out. In such case would it not be well to have my 
statement as given above put into the form of a letter to Root which he 
would read in the course of his speech at Carnegie Hall? Then he could add 
in most incisive fashion his own comments upon the charges. If you prefer, 
however, I can give it out here late Friday evening for Saturday morning. 
Do you think it would be better still to make the statement on Saturday 
evening? It seems to me that this would look a little as if it was too late. 

There is another small point which could be made, but which I hesitate 
to make. If Parker’s charges are true I am an infamous creature with whom 
he should have no dealings; yet after he had won the nomination and after 
you had been chosen as the chairman of the Republican National Committee 
he sent me my photograph with the request that I would autograph it and 
send it back to him, and with a friendly note of regard. 

It is a misfortune that in the closing week of the campaign right in the 
center of activity in New York we do not have more people to put our case 
on the stump. I am sorry now that John Hay did not make his speech this 
week. I wish Knox could be obtained for Saturday night, but of course all 
of this you know better about than I do. 

Let me say again that I am unwilling to let this matter go by default In 
mv judgment we cannot ignore these statements of Parker and I think the 
rime has come to hit him back just as I have hit him above, drawing the sharp 
distinction in our answer between the statement that funds have been sub- 
scribed to the Republican party (which is of course just as true of the 
Democratic party, and which implies no immorality whatever although it 
might be so trusted as to cause us trouble) and the statement that you and 
I have been guilty of gross misconduct. I think that it would be in keeping 
with mv character to end the campaign with one slashing statement like this. 
Please take the matter up with Root at once. I owe it to myself to make this 
statement, without regard to the election. Sincerely yours 

[Handwitten] I intend to make the above statement; I wish the advice 
of you & Root as to when & how it shall be made. 

P. S. I enclose a letter from Charley Moore, who says that he feels anrious 


1012 


about the result, I do not see what can be done about it. I also enclose a copy 
of Lodge’s speech about Parker, which I think we could afford to circulate 
far and wide. But I am verv' positive that the time has come for me, not you, 
to respond as I have responded above. I want to hit him hard. 

3326 • TO HOWARD PYLE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, Xovember 3, 1904 

Aly dear Air. Pyle: ^ I think your letter admirable. It has been difficult for me 
to restrain my indignation with Parker for what he has said. He knows well, 
for it was a matter of common newspaper talk at the time, that I tried to get 
first Murray Crane, then Elihu Root and then Cornelius Bliss to act as Chair- 
man of the National Committee, and that I took .Mr. Cortelyou with great 
reluctance, because I could ill spare him from my calnnet; and I only took 
him because of the available men he was the one in whose integrity I could 
absolutely trust and could be sure in advance of what he said to me last 
week, viz: that if I won I would go into the Presidency unhampered by any 
pledge, promise, or understanding of any kind, sort or description save that 
every man should have a square deal, no less and no more. 

iMy dear fellow, I hope this will not get you into hot water. I am uncom- 
fortable at the suggestion and feel as though I ought not let you take any 
part in the campaign; but I can hardly tell you how much I appreciate not 
merely what you have done, but the feeling that has made you do it. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Pyle, believe me. Faithfully yours 

3327 • TO LYMAN ABBOTT RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Telegram: Personal Washington, November 3, 1904 

Have sent a letter to Cortelyou which I am anxious you should see, Hope 
you can see him this evening or tomorrow morning, showing this telegram as 
authority to see the letter I sent him and about which I wish your advice. 

3328 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, November 3, 1904 

Blessed Kermit: I thought your letters to Mother and Ethel about your marks 
were very good. If you have really studied hard and have done your very 
best I have not a word of complaint, and I believe you will find that you will 
get along better as the montiK go by. There is not the slightest reason to fed 
discouraged. 

In politics there is not much for me to add to my other letter. As the 

' Howard' I^le, author of incomparable stories for dhildren. Among his best are 
The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood, The Story of Kmg Arthur and Hh Kmghts, 
and Men of Iron. In his boots there is die sense of wonder and in his illustrations 
the mastery of an art now lost. 


1013 



campaign draws to an end I naturally tend to become a little worried, for 
it is hard to sit still and have Parker utter infamous falsehoods about me and 
be unable to answer. Parker is as I learned from first-hand sources entirely 
confident of his election. My friends are equally confident in my election. 
I have not the vaguest idea which is right. I think the figures I sent you give 
a fair idea of the chances. If I get all the states I put down as certain and as 
probably Republican, I would still need to get one of those states which I 
have put down as doubtful, in order to win. So, if the Democrats sweep all 
the doubtful states, and especially if I am wrong in my belief as to the prob- 
ably Republican states, and if one of them like New Jersey or Utah or 
Wyoming or Connecticut or Rhode Island goes Democratic, why I am 
beaten. In any event I shall feel, and I want you to feel that I have been very, 
very fortunate to have had the career I have had during the last six years and 
a half, culminating in my service as President, and that I would be ashamed 
not to feel grateful for it or to be sulky and cast down because I did not have 
even more. I have enjoyed being President, and we have all of us enjoyed 
the White House. It was a great opportunity for me to have the opportunity 
of doing the work I have been able to do during the last three years. It was 
a great thing for all of us to have had the experience here. So we are ahead 
of the game whatever comes! 

I have been reading a good deal during the last fortnight. My books have 
ranged from Macaulay’s Essays to Martin Chuzzlewit^ Bleak House^ and Arlo 
Bates’ Talks on the Study of Literature. I have taken immense comfort out 
of the little volume of poems by Robinson, which you gave mother. Your 
loving father 


3329 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram: Personal Washington, November 5, 1904 

I congratulate you and thank you. I think your speech covered the situation 
so completely that not a thing remains to be said, and my statement would 
have been needless had it not been for the sake of making the refutation 
reach as large an audience as the slander.^ Of course Parker can say nothing 
to support his charges against Cortelyou or me and I suppose he will try to 
cloud the issue by other charges, so I hope you will keep in touch with 
Cortelyou and Bliss today and tomorrow so that each slander may receive 
its refutation. Also advise me if it becomes necessary for me to say anything 
additional. 

* Speaking in New York on November 4, Root concluded his crindsms of Parker 
with this sentence: “He has not only departed from the dignified course which he 
laid out for himself in conduct, he has departed from the sober and moderate ex- 
pressions which brought him upon many points into substantial accord with the 
republican platform and repubfican principles.”— Washington StoTy November 5, 

1904- 


1014 



33 3 ^ * TO HEXRY MARTYX HOYT 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, November 5, 1904 

My dear Mr, Hoyt: ^ I have read your letter and I know something of the 
case of the Curleys. My judgment upon all the facts before me is that they 
should serve their entire term of punishment and that it would be an outrage 
to pardon them or to release them from either sertdng their M'hole term of 
imprisonment or paying their entire fine. I decline to suspend the execution 
of the sentence.- Sincerely yours 


3331 • TO WILUAAI LOEB Loeb Mss.^ 

Washington, November 6, 1904 

Mr. Loeby Can’t the Republican papers of N. Y. N. J. Conn, Indiana and 
111 . be asked to republish the Post’s editorial on the attack on me this morn- 
ing; & it’s headlines ‘‘Parker fails to furnish proofs 


3332 ‘ TO FREDERICK XORTON OODDARD RoOSCVelt AlSS. 

Personal Washington, November 7, 1904 

My dear Qoddard: I am sorry to say that the reports I have received are very 
unfavorable to Mr. Marks.^ I have never had a name suggested to me that 
has met with so much opposition. I am informed that the mere statement 
that his name is being considered is doing damage among certain labor organ- 
izations, and it has been very much objected to by certain big businessmen. 
As high-class Jews as Nathan Bijur, Oscar Straus and Edwin Einstein® have 
strongly protested against him. Of course I am not now considering any man 
for the place, but I thought you ought to know this before presenting Mr. 
Marks’ name to me for consideration. Sincerely yours 

^ Henry Martyn Hoyt; Philadelphia Republican lav’ycr; Assistant Attorney General 
of the United States, 1897-1903; United States Solicitor General, 1903-1909; State 
Department counseloj^ 1909-1910. 

*In 1904, James Michael Curley, later political idol of the Boston Irish, impersonated 
an applicant in a civil service examination for letter carriers. For this offense he was 
sentenced to ninety da);js in prison. There Curley carried on his successful campaign 
for alderman, emphasizing the injustice of his sentence. 

* Cornelius Van Cott had died, Goddard, now apparently attracted by the moneyed 
element in his East Side district, was supporting for postmaster Alarcus Marks, 
wealthy head of the Association of Manuraemring Clothiers of New York City, 
who afco enjoyed OdelFs endorsement. 

^ Edwin Einstein, at this time president of the Swan Incandescent and Electric light 
Company; Republican congressman from New York Gty, 1879-1881; R^ublican 
mayoralty candidate, 1892; dock commisaoner, 1895* 

1015 



3 3 3 3 ■ DONALD MCDONALD DICKINSON DickiflSOn AISS. 

Personal Washington, November 7, 1904 

My dear Mr, Dickinson: I shall keep your letter always in my personal files, 
and I heartily thank you for it. I have taken the liberty of reading it aloud 
to Mr. Paul Morton and to Mr. F. E. Leupp, who were with me when I 
received it. They have been among the very few men who agreed with me 
that it was right and necessary that I should publish my answer to Judge 
Parker’s atrocious charges. Judge Parker has been a great disappointment to 
me in this campaign. My personal relations with him have always been 
friendly, and at the outset of the campaign he sent me a large photograph of 
me with the request that I autograph it and send it back to him. While I 
have never regarded him as a man of deep convictions, or as having any 
great regard for principles as such — in other words, while I have felt that 
he was not out of place in Mr. Hill’s camp — still, I have never believed that 
he was capable of such a course as he has followed toward the end of this 
campaign. Not only was I deeply indignant at his outrageous attacks upon 
Mr. Cortelyou and me, but I have been indignant at his hypocrisy in saying 
that he was “advised” that no corporations had contributed to his campaign, 
and that he had “advised” that no contributions be accepted from corpora- 
tions. Mr. Parker himself was a campaign manager for Mr. Hill, and such an 
utterance is preposterous in view of the fact that his closest political advisers 
include men like Belmont, Ryan, Sheehan, Cord Meyer, Guffey of Pittsburgh, 
and Senator W. A. Clark, every one of whom owes his existence in politics 
to the close connection he has been able to establish between the business of 
corporations and the business of public life. 

With great regard, Faithfully yours 

3334 • TO HORATIO COLLINS KING RoOSevelt MsS* 

Personal Washington, November 7, 1904 

My dear General King: I quite agree with you. Mr. McKelway, of course 
with the acquiescence or at the instigation of Mr. Hester,^ has carried on a 
campaign of slander and mendacity which for sheer infamy ranks with the 
similar campaign of the New York TmeSy under the editorship of Mr. Miller 
and the ownership of Mr, Ochs. 

With many thanks for all you have done, I am, Smcerely yours 

3 335 * TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Washington, November 8, 1904 

I have received from Judge Parker the following message: (The people by 
their votes have emphatically approved your administration and I congratu- 

' William Hester, president of the Brooklyn Daily Eagle Association, 1877-1921. 

1016 



late you). I have answered as follows: (I thank vou for your congratula- 
tions), and now I guess it is in order to congratulate you.^ 

^ The following table* taken from Edward Sranwood* A History of the Presidency 
from to (Boston, 1912), p. 157, gives the final results of the Presidential 
election of 1904: r 3, 5 


Popular Vote Electoral Vote 



Roosevelt & 

Parker & 

Roosevelt & 

Parker & 


Fairbanks 

Davis 

Fairbmks 

Davis 

States 

(Rep,) 

iDe?n,) 

(Rep.) 

(De^n.) 

Alabama 

22472 

79857 

- 

11 

Arkansas 

46860 

<54434 

«. 

9 

California 

205226 

89404 

10 


Colorado 

134687 

I 00105 

5 

- 

Connecticut 

111089 

72909 

7 

- 

Delaware 

23712 

19359 

3 

- 

Florida 

8314 

27040 


5 

Georgia 

24003 

83472 

- 

*3 

Idaho 

47783 

18480 

3 


Illinois 

632645 

327606 

27 

- 

Indiana 

3682^ 

274335 

15 

- 

Iowa 

307907 

149141 

13 

- 

Kansas 

212955 

86174 

10 

- 

Kentucky 

205277 

217170 


n 

Louisiana 

5205 

47708 

- 

9 

Maine 

64438 

27649 

6 

- 

Mar}dand 

109497 

109446 

I 

7 

.Massachusetts 

257822 

165772 

16 

- 

xMichigan 

3^57 

13539* 

14 

- 

Minnesota 

216651 

35187 

11 

- 

Mississippi 

3187 

53374 

- 

10 

Missouri 

321449 

296312 

z8 

- 

Montana 

3493^ 

21773 

3 

- 

Nebraska 

138558 

52921 

8 

- 

Nevada 

6864 

3982 

3 

- 

New Hampshire 

S4»<S3 

34<J74 

4 

- 

New Jersey 

245164 

164516 

12 

- 

New York 

859533 

683981 

39 

- 

North Carolina 

82442 

124121 

- 

12 

North Dakota 

52595 

*4*73 

4 

- 

Ohio 

600095 

344574 

a^3 


Oregon 

<50455 

17521 

4 

- 

Pennsylvania 

840949 

337998 

34 

- 

Rhode Island 

41605 

24839 

4 

- 

South Carolina 

2554 

5*5<53 

- 

9 

South Dakota 

72083 

21969 

4 

“ 

Tennessee 

105369 

131653 

- 

12 

Texas 

51242 

167200 


^3 

Utah 

62446 

334^3 

3 

*" 

Vermont 

40459 

9777 

4 


Virginia 

47880 

80650 

- 

IX 

Washington 

101540 

28098 

5 


West Virginia 

132628 

100881 

7 


Wisconsin 

280315 

124205 

13 

— 

Wyoming 

ZO4B9 

8930 

3 


Total 

7628785 

5084442 

33<5 

140 


XOI7 



333<5 • TO KERMiT ROOSEVELT Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Washington, November 8, 1904 

Am elected by overwhelming majority, about as great as that of McKinley 
four years ago. Our happiness would be complete if only you were here. 

3337 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Washington, November 8, 1904 

Have swept the country by majorities which astound me. How is Massa- 
chusetts legislature? 


ioi8 



The Legislative Process 

November 1904— March 1905 




3 33^ • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, November lo, 1904 

pear Cabot: You were right about the election, and I was mistaken. I had no 
idea that there would be such a sweep. Think of Missouri having gone with 
us! I am dumfounded over the result on the Governorship, however.^ I have 
VTitten him a line already on Moody’s suggestion. Thanks for the reassur- 
ance about the legislature! I am particularly pleased that you approved of 
my utterance about the third term being made just when it was.^ How much 
I have to talk over with you! Ever yours 


3339 • TO ANSLEY WILCOX Roosevelt iMss. 

Personal Washington, November lo, 1904 

My dear Wilcox: I thank you for your telegram, and am particularly pleased 
that you liked my announcement about the third term. I made it when I did 
for various reasons, among others, because I did not wish my staunch friends 
to be rendered uneasy by the talk on the subject that was certain to arise if 
I did not speak. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Wilcox, Faithfully yours 


3340 • TO EBENEZER J. HILL RoOSevelt AIsS, 

Personal Washington, November 10, 1904 

My dear Mr. Hill: I have spoken to Dalzell on the tariff matter already. 
Won't you try to get your people in the House to come to my views on the 
question.^ Do not talk of this publicly, but do talk of it in your delegation. 
Will you send me forthwith the suggestions that you may have for w'hat I 
shall say about finance in my message? 

Thanking you heartily for your congratulations, I am, Sincerely yours 

^ John I.ewi$ Bates, Republican Gov'emor of Massachusetts, 1903-1904, was defeated 
for re-election by William Leunls Douglas. 

* On election night Roosevelt, as he had intended to do for some time, made the cele- 
brated statement that returned to haunt him: am deeply sensible of the honor 

done me by the American people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have 
done and mve tried to do. 1 appreciate to the full the solemn responsibilities this 
confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do all that In my power lies not to forfeit 
in On the fourth of March next I shall have served three and a half years, and this 
three and a half years constitutes my first term. The wise custom which limits the 
President to two terms regards the substance and not the form. Under no circum- 
stances will I be a candidate for or accept anotiier nomiiiation.” --- Washingtxm Star, 
November 9, 1904. 


1021 



334^^ ■ TO GEORGE BRUCE CORTELYOU RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November lo, 1904 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I am touched by your letter. I did not suppose that 
you had minded those attacks upon you because literally no man whose 
opinion was worth having believed in them. The danger was lest worthy but 
ignorant and puzzled-headed men might be moved by them, and this danger, 
while it was of concern from the standpoint of the election, was not of con- 
cern from the standpoint of your assured reputation. 

I am sure that in all our history there has never been a man at the head 
of the management of a national campaign who has accomplished what you 
have or who has worked on so high a plane. I am very grateful to you. On 
the night of the election Mrs. Cortelyou was the only person outside of the 
family who dined with us, but we felt that that was a time when the Roose- 
velt and Cortelyou families should be together to rejoice. 

Now there is one thing I wish very much to have done. Father T. Augus- 
tine Dwyer, as you know, published a most manly tribute to me in the Sen- 
tinel of the Blessed Sacrament. This communication went all over. It helped 
us in many ways. It was done with no thought of reward but the Tammany 
influence in the Catholic Church secured Father Dwyer’s punishment by 
having him exiled (for that is the word) to Canada. If he can have $i 500 he 
can go to Rome to study, stay there a year, and then come back to take a 
chair in some Catholic college. He has suffered and is suffering because he 
dared to stand up for our cause. He thus stood up with no hope of favor. 
Now I want to try to avert, or at least to soften, die blow that has come to 
him, and it seems to me then it is entirely legitimate to take from any funds 
that are left over, if such there be, $1500 for this purpose. I must know by 
Saturday whether this can be done. I earnestly hope you are able to grant my 
request. Will you let me know.!’ 

With warm regards to Mr. Bliss, believe me, Sincerely yours 
[Handwritten] P. S What a trump you are! & the Madam too! You two 
make a very fine pair to draw to. 

3342 - TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 10, 1904 

My dear Senator Knox: Now that die fight is over I want to say one word 
about general policy. There seems to me to be nothing of better augury for 
the country than the fact diat you and Murray Crane are in the Senate — 
and especially that you are in the Senate. I shall serve for four years in the 
White House, if I Hve. You, I trust, will serve for twenty or thirty years in 
the Senatej and I feel that widi every additional year you will render better 
service, for the Senate is peculiarly a body in which length of service enables 
the man to do constantiy better work. Now, you have done what no odier 


1022 



man of our generation has done in grappling with the great problem of the 
day — or rather, the multitude of problems connected with the relations of 
organized labor and organized capital to each other as well as the general 
public, to unorganized labor and to unorganized capital. So far as organized 
capital is concerned, I have not even a suggestion to make to you. You know 
far too much for any hint of mine to be of any service to you. But I do most 
earnestly hope that you will make the problem of labor as thoroughly yours 
as you have made the problem of capital. More and more the labor move- 
ment in this country will become a factor of vital importance, not merely in 
our social but in our political development. If the attitude of the New" York 
Sim toward labor, as toward the trusts, becomes the attitude of the Republi- 
can party, w’e shall some day go down before a radical and extreme democ- 
racy with a crash w’hich will be disastrous to the Nation. We must not only 
do justice, but be able to show^ the wagcw-orkers that we are doing justice. 
We must make it evident that w'hiie there is not any w'eakness in our atti- 
tude, while w’e unflinchingly demand good conduct from them, yet we are 
equally resolute in the effort to secure them all just and proper consideration. 
It w'ould be a dreadful calamity if w-e saw’ this country divided into two 
parties, one containing the bulk of the property ow’ners and conservative 
people, the other the bulk of the wageworkers and the less prosperous people 
generally; each part}" insisting upon demanding much that was wrong, and 
each part}" sullen and angered by real and fancied grievances. The friends of 
propert}^ of order, of law% must never show’ weakness in the face of violence 
or wrong or injustice; but on the other hand they must realize that the surest 
W’ay to provoke an explosion of wrong and injustice is to be shortsighted, 
narrow^-minded, greedy and arrogant, and to fail to show in actual W’ork 
that here in this republic it is peculiarly incumbent upon the man with whom 
things have prospered to be in a certain sense the keeper of his brother with 
whom life has gone hard. 

Now', my dear Senator, I hope you won’t mind my writing you in this 
way. I feel that you have definitely put your hand to the plow in political 
life, and that you neither can nor ought to draw* back, and I know that all 
you care for in political life is to render service; and furthermore, I know 
that you have to an extraordinary degree not merely the desire to render 
service but the power to render it. You have the mind and the training; and 
you have an impatient contempt for the little prizes, and the little, sordid 
arts, methods and aims of the ordinary politician. Therefore you have the 
chance to do this great service. 

I w’ish you could get into touch w’ith some of the labor people. After 
getting in touch with them you might find that you had to go against most 
of w^hat they wished; but I would like you to know' w’hat they desire to do 
— W'hat their real feelings are. 

When you and I first came together I found that the aspirations I had 
half formulated, the policies in which I earnestly believed but to which I 


1023 



could not myself give shape, were exactly those in which you most thor- 
oughly believed; and that you had thought them all out and were able to 
give them shape in speech and in action in fashion which made them effec- 
tive. Now I feel that you can do the same thing on an even larger scale 
during the years to come in the Senate, with reference not only to capital, 
but to labor. I feel that you can do infinitely more than under any circum- 
stances I could have done. 

With warm regards to you and yours, believe me, Always yours 

P. S. What has apparently happened in Colorado illustrates what I mean. 
Peabody manfully did his duty in stopping disorder and in battling against a 
corrupt and murderous conspiracy among the Federation of Western Miners; 
but he let himself be put in the position of seeming to do this not in the 
interest merely of law and order, of evenhanded justice to wageworker and 
capitalist, but as the supporter and representative of the capitalist against 
the laborer. This has been the root of his trouble. I am sure that if he had 
acted as you would have acted in his place, he would have made it so evident 
that he was acting not as the representative of capital against labor, but as 
the representative of law, order and justice against all forces of disorder and 
corruption, that the State would have rallied to him by a great majority. 

3343 * TO KERMiT ROOSEVELT Roosevclt Mss, 

Washington, November lo, 1904 

Darling Kerfnit: I am stunned by the overwhelming victory we have won. 
I had no conception that such a thing was possible. I thought it probable 
we should win, but was quite prepared to be defeated, and of course had not 
the slightest idea that there was such a tidal wave. If you will look back at 
my letter you will see that we carried not only all the States I put down as 
probably republican, but all those that I put down as doubtful, and all but 
one of those that I put down as probably democratic. The only States that 
went against me were those in which no free discussion is allowed and in 
which fraud and violence have rendered the voting a farce. I have the great- 
est popular majority and the greatest electoral majority ever given to a 
candidate for President. 

On the evening of the election I got back from Oyster Bay, where I had 
voted, soon after half past six. At that time I knew nothing of the returns 
and did not expect to find out anything definite for two or three hours; and 
had been endeavoring not to think of the result, but to school myself to 
accept it as a man ought to, whichever way it went. But as soon as I got in 
the White House Ted met me with the news that Buffalo and Rochester 
had sent in their returns already and that they showed enormous gains for 
me. Within the next twenty minutes enough returns were received from 
precincts and districts in Chicago, Connecticut, New York and Massachu- 
setts to make it evident that there was a tremendous drift my way, and by 


1024 



the time we sat down to dinner at half past seven my election was assured. 
Mrs, Cortelyou was with us at dinner, just as interested and excited as we 
were. Right after dinner members of the Cabinet and friends began to come 
in, and we had a celebration that would have been perfect if only you had 
been present. Archie, fairly plastered with badges, was acting as messenger 
between the telegraph operators and me, and bringing me continually tele- 
gram after telegram which 1 read aloud. I longed for you very much, as all 
of us did, for of course this was the day of greatest triumph I ever had had 
or ever could have, and I was very proud and happy. But I tell vou, Kermit, 
it was a great comfort to feel, aU during the last days when affairs looked 
doubtful, that no matter how things came out the really important thing was 
the lovely life I have with mother and with you children, and that compared 
to this home life everything else was of very small importance from the stand- 
point of happiness. 

I have been reading Robinson’s poems again and like them as much as 
ever. Your loving father 

3344 • TO ANNA CABOT MILLS LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, November lo, 1904 

Dear Nannie: It was very pleasant to hear from you. The election results are 
really astounding, and I am overwhelmed by them. I had no conception that 
there was such a tide in our favor, and I frankly confess that I do not under- 
stand it. I do not want to be vindictive, but I must say that I particularly 
enjoy the showing made as to the utter impotence of the Evening Pasty Carl 
Schurz, Francis Adams, Moorfield Storey, and that set. The fly in the oint- 
ment is the defeat of Bates in Massachusetts. Moreover, I am genuinely sorry 
that this most righteous defeat of the democracy should, in the State of 
Missouri, have as an incident the defeat of the best Senator in the democratic 
party, old Cockrell, w^ho is a fine old boy. 

There is one side of the New York situation that gives me grim pleasure. 
Four years ago the New" York Herald^ Tmres, Worlds Sun, and Evening Post 
and the Brooklyn Eagle wxre violently against Bryan and for McKinley. 
This year the Sun has been neutral and the others violently against me and 
for Parker; yet I have actually increased the majority, and have a larger 
plurality over Parker in New York than McKinley had over Bryan. It is 
astounding, and I am very grateful to the American people, and all that in 
me lies wSl be done during the next four years to show my appreciation. I 
take it for granted that you and Cabot both approved of my making the 
statement I did about never accepting another nomination, I felt that not 
only was the statement right, but the time to make it was immediately upon 
receiving news of the victory. 

I had no idea that there was such a tidal wave, and was prepared for 
defeat — that is, I thought that the chances favored my election, but riiat 


T025 



there was a good chance of my defeat, but I did not anticipate any great 
sweep. The last fortnight was nervous for both Edith and me. Parker’s per- 
sonal attacks grew so outrageous that I felt it necessary to smash them. But 
of course I could not be certain that some individual connected with our 
canvass had not done something foolish or wicked which would give oppor- 
tunity for an attack upon me — an attack which might leave a false impres- 
sion as to my good faith or good name. 

This is a very egoistic letter, dear Nannie, and I hope you will pardon it. 

With warm regards to Cabot, Faithfully yours 

3345 • TO ANDREW CARNEGIE Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, November ro, 1904 

My dear Mr. Carnegie: My attention has been called to your desire for an 
expression of my opinion concerning a Forest Museum and Library sug- 
gested to you last spring by Gifford Pinchot. 

As I understand it the plan is based on the following facts: 

A forest school has been established as a graduate department of Yale 
University, entirely distinct from the undergraduate work of Yale College 
and the Sheffield Scientific School. It was established to meet one of the most 
pressing needs of our public life, by providing men trained in the conserva- 
tive use of the forest. As a result the school is indispensably useful to the 
Government’s forest work, and it is very largely responsible for the present 
high standard of professional forestry in the United States. At pr^ent nearly 
all the graduates of the school enter the Government service, for which it is 
by far die most important source of supply. This school has taken the undis- 
puted lead in forest education in America, and already students from abroad 
are attending it, to prepare themselves for the work in their own countries. 
The institution not only has taken on a national, and indeed an international, 
character, but it is setting a new standard in the training of foresters. There- 
fore it seems to me to deserve, and it certainly is in a position to use, any 
further support which may come to it. 

The plan of the Forest Museum and Library, which might or might not 
be an integral part of the Yale Forest School, but which should be located 
near it, has been described to me as follows: 

It is proposed to create a museum of forest life which will contain, in 
specimens and models, the material for actual study of the life of the forest 
at first hand, or as it exists in the woods. No such collection, I am informed, 
has ever been brought together. To do so, and to conduct the studies and 
experiments upon which the collections will be founded, would put our 
knowledge of the forest on a new plane and vastly increase the possibility of 
using it wisely and well In other words, such a collection, supplemented by 
a complete library of the literature of forestry, and supported by funds for 
original research, would mark a wholly new step in the prc^ess of forratry. 

1026 


Its creation would be a signal service not only to the United States but to 
every region of the world where trees grow. 

I am strongly of the opinion that the plan is a good one.* Sincerely yours 

3346 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, November ro, 1904 

Dear Murray: I have already begun the effort to secure a bill to revise and 
reduce the tariff. I shall put the recommendation about the silver dollar into 
my message as strongly as possible.^ 

Can’t you get down here for a night or two at any time in the future? 
Next week is better than any other time, because it is earlier! Always yours 

3347 • TO AMELu GLOVER Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, November 10, 1904 

Dear Madam: Mrs. Roosevelt has handed me your letter. It is an impertinent 
letter, and the newspaper clipping you enclose is an indecent clipping. I 
never have heard of Miss or Mrs. Lula McQure Clark, of Edith, Colorado, 
whose open letter you enclose and thereby make your own. In what she says 
about me she says what is not the truth. But that is of small consequence. 
I am interested not in either your or her attitude toward me, but in your and 
her attitude toward womanhood. I wish that you and she would read a novel 
called Unleavened Bread, by Robert Grant. The character of the heroine, 
Selma, especially in her sexual relations, is exactly and precisely such a char- 
acter as produced by the writings and efforts of the woman whose news- 
paper letter you enclose, and whom you follow. This Selma represents her 
and your ideal of womanhood; and in all the ages there has been no more 
contemptible ideal Yours truly 

3348 * TO JAMES ALBERTUS TAWNEY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 10, 1904 

My dear Mr. Tavtmey:'^ I thank you heartily, and I guess I shall have to go 
to the St. Louis Exposition. 

Believe me, I appreciate the immense amount of work you have done, 
* The museum was never established. 

^ In his message of December 6, 1904, Roosevelt stated that “every silver dollar should 
be made by law redeemable in gold at the option of the holder.” See State Papers, 
Nat. E^. XV, 244. 

‘James Albertus Tawney, Republican congressman from Minnesota, 1895-191 1. 
Tawney, <Mie of the most influential Republicans in the House, an unemnpromising 
protectionist, was, 1904-190J, the party whip, a member of the Ways and Means 
Comnuttee, and a member of the Republican Congressional Ojinmittee. 


1027 



and the way you did it. When I see you I want to take up the question of 
the tariff with you. It seems to me that our party ought to revise the tariff 
now, but of course I do not want to say anything about it unless the leaders 
of the House approve, because I realize thoroughly that the matter is pri- 
marily one for you all in the House.- Sincerely yours 

'Immediately after the election. Republican differences on the tariff posed a major 
problem. A few, such as Governors Cummins of Iowa and Van Sant of Minnesota, 
Representative Gillett and E. N, Foss of Massachusetts, favored a careful, general 
reduction. A larger number, for the most part representing Minnesota and Massa- 
chusetts shoe, woolen, and flour manufacturers, advocated reciprocity agreements, 
pardcularly with Canada, under which their constituents would benefit both by 
cheaper raw materials and a larger export market. These revisionists contended that 
the party had promised the voters adjustment, though not abandonment, of the pro- 
tective system. They urged Roosevelt to summon an extra session of Congress to 
deal witfi the tariff," premrably in the spring of 1905. Most party leaders, however, 
opposing any changes in the tariff, asserted that the election returns revealed popular 
satisfaction with the existing system. These “standpatters” included Cannon, Dalzell, 
Grosvenor, and Hepburn in the House and Elkins, Hale, Orville H. Platt, 
and Proctor in the Senate. Allied with them were Tawney, Aldrich, and Spooner 
who, quietly resisting either immediate change or a commitment to an extra session, 
were nevertheless willing to have a joint congressional committee investigate the 
tariff. Such an investigation, they knew, would not necessarily lead to anything, A 
final point of view was that of Secretary Shaw, Ardently committed to protection, 
Shaw suggested a system of drawbacks to placate the friends of reciprocity in New 
England and the Northwest by recognizing their economic interests. 

Roosevelt sympathized with Cummins and Foss, but from the first he lacked 
their conviction. For him the tariff was a matter of “expediency.” Still painfully 
conscious of his narrow' escape on Cuban reciprocity, he was clearly unwilling to 
risk dividing his party and thereby endangering his favored programs on an issue 
about which he did not feel strongly. 

There is reason to believe, how-ever, that Roosevelt may have looked upon tariff 
discussions as a useful w'eapon. The prospect of revision, even of a tariff debate, 
so alarmed the “standpatters” that they appear to have been willing to support 
Roosevelt’s railroad program in return for abandonment of tariff revision. Cum- 
mins, in 1925, recalled that he had seen an early draft of Roosevelt’s annual mes- 
sage of 1904 in which the President announced that he planned a special message 
on tariff reduction. Roosevelt deleted this statement, Cummins reported, after 
Aldrich and Cannon told him they would block his railroad program “unless he 
w'ould abandon tariff revision.” O. H. Platt and others held that me draft of the 
annual message sent to the press contained a tariff section which Roosevelt removed 
after his return from St. Louis ("Stephenson, Aldrich^ ch. xvi and notes, ch. xvi). 
There is no evidence in Roosevelt’s correspondence to substantiate Piatt. The sena- 
tor’s version is particularly suspect because Loeb, on November 19, announced that 
the annual message would not mention the tariff (New York Fress, November 20, 
1904). Cummins’ account, however, was probably close to the truth. Whether or 
not Roosevelt yielded to Aldrich and Cannon in his annual message, he certainly 
bowed to the Speaker’s views on a projected special message. Cannon, by his own 
account, persuaded the President to abandon that plan (see No. 3377; Busbey, Uncle 
Joe Cetmon, pp. 207-208). Later the Speaker gav« a series of railroad regulation 
bills a clear track in the House. Stephenson suggests that Cannon did so because of 
a previous agreement with Roosevelt but also with the foreknowledge that Aldrich 
would block the bills in the Senate. This interpretation, not inconsistent with the 
characters of Aldrich and Cannon, draws some support from Roosevelt’s letter to 
Lyman Abbott of January u, 1905 (No. 3430) and to O. H. Platt of November 22, 
1904 (No. 3365). The latter indicates that the President, with the knowledge of the 
senatorial leaders, had at that time deferred public discussion but not given up his 

1028 


3 349 ‘ TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT 
Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, November 1 1, 1904 


My dear Senator Platt: When can I see you and talk over the New York 
postmastership? ^ That will be the first appointment of importance after my 
election, and I want to get the verj- highest grade of man we can get. There 
is one man A\'ho has been suggested to me who I am afraid will not take it, 
but I should like to go over his name with you. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Platt, believe me. Sincerely yours 

P. S. I also want to take up the Washington postmastership with you.- 


3350 • TO JOHN B. GOFF Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, November ii, 1904 

Dear John: I think I can take that trip next spring, but if I go, the thing I 
most \vant to get is bear. When do you go up to the Yellowstone Park? We 
could not kill a bear around there, whereas I suppose that in April there 
would be a chance to kill a bear near the Utah line. If I come out as Presi- 
dent, however, we must be dead sure that there is no slip-up and that I get 
the game. I think the thing to do is to say we are after mountain lions, and 
we could make sure of killing one or two of them; but I should most want 
to get a bear. Have you got a thoroughly good pack, and do you know the 
ground so that we could be sure of getting the bear? Let me know^ in full 

idea of a special session pending a study of the tariff by a congressional committee. 

Whatever the negotiations, Roosevelt did in effect abandon tariff revision. He 
made no recommendations for a general reduction. Although he encouraged efforts 
for reciprocity arrangements with Canada and Newfoundland, he gave these efforts 
only desultory support in his dealings with Congress. A tariff reduction on Philip- 
pine products he urged as a function of colonial policy, but even there he met 
defeat. The “standpatters"’ won the battle of the tariff by default. If, in return for 
this, Aldrich had promised to co-operate with Roosevelt* on railroad regulation, the 
senator reneged. In that event bitterness intensified conviction in Roosevelt’s angry 
attacks of 1906 on the Old Guard and their friends in the business world. 

For interesting accounts of the tariff issue in 1904-1905 and of the possible tariff- 
railroad bargain, besides the works already cited, sec Louis A. Coolidge, Orville H. 
Platt (New York, 1910), ch. xxix; Bowers, Beveridge^ pp. ziSfi; Appendix L The 
Roosevelt Scrapbooks contain good ne^vspaper material on these matters. The chro- 
nology appended to this volume lists the President’s tariff conferences. 

' Of the many candidates for this post, Seth Low% Marcus Marks, and William R. 
Wiilcox were most prominent. Roosevelt had rejected Marks as unfit (see No, 
3332). He felt that Low would be resented by working Republicans. Wiilcox, unlike 
the others, had the support of Platt. The unsuccessful concessional candidate of the 
regular organization against O, H. P. Belmont in 1900, he had also been park com- 
missioner under Low, These qualifications won him the job. Later, in 1916, Wiilcox 
became chairman of the National Committee, again because of his close contacts 
with reformers as well as regulars. 

•Roosevelt had retained Merritt as postmaster in Washington largely to please 
Platt and H. C, Payne, After Payne’s death, the President considered repjacing 
Merritt but was dissuaded, apparently by Platt. 


iQzg 



what you think of it. I shall be able soon to tell you definitely whether or 
not I can come. Sincerely yours 

3351 • TO CHARLES WARREX FAIRBANKS RoOSevelt Alss, 

Personal Washington, November 12, 1904 

My dear Senator Fairbanks: I am most anxious that a resolute ej 0 Fort should 
be made to see if it is possible to negotiate a reciprocity treaty with Canada. 
Can you not at an early dav call together the commissions and make the 
effort to get such a treaty? I am well aware that the chances are very much 
against our being able to agree among ourselves, and still more against Can- 
ada’s being willing to agree with us; but I feel that we are in duty bound to 
make the effort. Can you not do this?^ Sincerely yours 

3352 - TO ROBERT UNDERWOOD JOHNSON RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 12, 1904 

My dear Mr. Johnson: I thank you for your letter. But what do you mean by 
saying that you think the solemnity of the exceptional tribute to me will 

“move me to a magnanimity toward the South which will break up what is 

left of a dangerous sectionalism”? For three years I have been more than 
magnanimous towards the South; and the dangerous sectionalism has gone 
on in spite of this magnanimity, and I think partly because men like you in 
the North have hesitated to speak as you ought to have done about this atti- 
tude in the South* Low tariff* or high tariff is of very small importance com- 
pared to rebuking the infamous attitude that the South took, and forced the 
Democratic party to take, in this election; and those who supported the 
Democratic party have done their best to keep up “the dangerous sectional- 
ism” which you deplore. I wish you would think over the actual facts of the 
case, and you will realize that there is an element of absurdity in writing me 
to be magnanimous in order to break up a dangerous sectionalism, when I 
have been magnanimous and when the dangerous sectionalism has not been 
broken up, and when it is now dangerous in large part because well-meaning 
people for various reasons, all of them unimportant, have stood by the party 
which in this election that has just closed represents literally and without 

^Fairbanks immediately began negotiations to reassemble the Joint High Commis- 
sion to consider reciprocal trade between the United States and Canada. Canada, 
however, as Roosevelt surmised, had little interest in reciprocity at this time. In 
retaliation for increased American tariff rates, the Dominion had" adopted a prefer- 
ential system favoring England and the other British colonies and protecting 
Canadian industrials from American competition. Canadian Prime Minister Sir 
Wilfrid Laurier, a Liberal but also a protectionist, in Januaiy of 1905 rejected 
Fairbanks’ overtures. For detailed discussion of Canadian-American trade relations, 
see United States Tariff Commission, Reciprocity and Conwiercial Treaties (Wash- 
ington, 1919),; L* Ethan Ellis, Reciprocity a Study in Camdim-Americem Rela- 
tions (New Haven, 1,939). 


1030 


one particle of exaggeration not one single electoral vote excepting that of 
the dangerous sectionalism of which you speak. Sincerely yours 


3 353 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 12, 1904 

Dear Cabot: Of course I shall not publish Gussie’s letter, as you object. The 
publications as is put us in the position of seeming to acquiesce in the theory 
that while the Congressman and the Attorney General could fight as to the 
nomination my own function u^as merely that of a reluctant referee between 
them; and I had already begun to hear from some of your own colleagues 
sneers as to the different attitude I took in your State from that which I 
professed to take in any other. Of course, to you and me, who know the 
inside, it is absurd to even allege such a thing, but the ignorance of the out- 
side world is astounding. 

Isn’t Missouri great. I cannot say how glad I am that \\^e carried it. I am 
sure you approve of my making that statement about the third term just at 
the time I did. 

Now, about the Newfoundland treaty. You may have seen that Bond 
was overwhelmingly re-elected. I feel that you and Crane should get to- 
gether and agree on w^hat amendments are indispensably necessary to that 
treaty, and should (then) . . . report it out. This would be showing practi- 
cally our good faith in the matter of reciprocity. Do not make the amend- 
ments any more drastic than you are absolutely obliged to, and of course 
remember that the Gloucester people cannot be trusted to establish the mini- 
mum they ought to receive. They will insist upon having more than they 
ought to receive. John Hay is very averse to my writing or taking this matter 
up, and does not think that the Senate can or will do anything about the 
Newfoundland treaty; but most certainly I feel that the effort ought to be 
made. Where there arc good objections to the treaty, amend it; but show a 
real purpose of trying to get it.^ 

I have greatly enjoyed John Morley and wish you could have been here 
to see him with me. I long to see you and Nannie. Harry Davis lunches with 
me Monday, and I shall go over that squadron business with him. Aloody 
tells me that Taylor was promised the squadron; that Harry was to have 
merely the command of one division. Ever yours 

^ Hay had negotiated a reciprocity treaty with Sir Robert Bond, Premier and Colo- 
nial Secretary of Newfoundland, in 1902. Lodge, Hoar, and Gardner opposed the 
treaty on the grounds that the Massachusetts fehing interests, particularly those of 
Gloucester, had not been consulted. Tlie treaty remained in the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee until January 1905, when it w'as so amended as to lose its 
reciprocal nature and reported out. Newfoundland then refused to ratify it. See 
Dennett, Hay, pp. 422-429. 



3354 ’ TO WIXTHROP MURRAY CRANE RoOSCVelt jVlss. 

Personal Washington, November 12, 1904 

Jity dear Senator Cj^ane: I am very sorry about Bates. It is the only cause of 
regret I have. I am particularly pleased at having carried Alissouri. You saw 
that I acted upon the conclusion we had reached, and made public what I 
had to say about the third term at the earliest possible moment. 

Now, I have written to Cabot urging him to amend the Newfoundland 
reciprocity treaty as far as it is deemed necessar}% but to get the treaty out. 
I think we should make an honest effort in these reciprocity matters. I do 
not believe we can succeed with Canada, and I think the chances of failure 
will be considerably heightened if we make no sincere effort for reciprocity 
with Newfoundland — which, from the larger standpoint of international 
politics, it is far more important to have our ally. Sincerely yours 

3355 • TO MICHAEL JOSEPH DONOVAN RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 15, 1904 

Dear Mike: ^ Can you send me on three pairs of boxing gloves; and can you 
tell me some good men here in Washington who, in the winter months, I 
can have come around two or three times a week to box with me and my son 
and another young kinsman? I wish sometime you could get on here for a 
day or two yourself. Faithfully yours 

3356 * TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, November 16, 1904 

Dear Cabot: It seems to be my fate to write you unpleasant letters. I have 
been more worried than I can say over Harry Davis’ application, because I 
am very fond of him, and am more fond of you and Nannie than of anyone 
else outside of my own family; and yet I have been obliged to come to the 
conclusion, which is also the conclusion of Morton, of Moody, and of Ad- 
miral Converse, that the interest of the Navy requires that Evans should be 
put in command of the battleship squadron. My judgment and the judgment 
of these three other men may be all wrong, but it is our best judgment and 
our clear judgment. At Harry’s request I saw Admiral Higginson, who, 
Harry said, thought he ought to have the place. But Higginson told me this 
was a mistake; that he thought Harry entirely fit for the position, but that he 
would be obliged to say that Evans was also peculiarly fit for it, and that 
he could not express any opinion as between them. Moody explained that he 
had always intended Taylor to have the squadron and Harry to have the 

^ Michael Joseph Donovan, boxing instructor at the New York Athletic Club, often 
Roosevelt’s sparring partner. 


1032 



second division under him; but stated that at that time he did understand 
that this second division would often operate as a squadron apart from the 
other. The navy people now feel very strongly that this would be detri- 
mental to the interest of the fleet, and that the eight battleships of the 
squadron should normally act together. Undoubtedly, however, Harry 
being second in command will continually be having a division to take off 
by himself. 

I do not think it for the interest of the Navy that men should be given 
these commands simply so that they may fly their flags as commanding an 
entire squadron before they leave the Nav)^ Moreover, if I acted on this 
principle only, Sigsbee and Chester would have to come in ahead of Harry. 
Evans has a long time of service, and it is the belief of those to whose advice 
I must look for guidance that the interest of the service requires Evans to be 
put in charge of the squadron with Harry second in command. I hate to have 
to make such a decision. Ever yours 

[Handwritten] Moody thinks this is what you wish; I earnestly hope so; 
Moody says you don’t want Harry as Commander in Chief; but that is just 
what Harry wants. 


3 357 * TO FRANCIS MARION COCKRELL Roosevelt Mss. 

Private Washington, November i6, 1904 

My dear Senator Cockrell: It is, I hope, unnecessary for me to say how 
highly I regard you as a man and a public servant, and now, my dear Senator, 
I am going to take the very unusual course of asking you to be a judge of 
your own qualifications for a position. Colonel Hecker has Just resigned 
from the Isthmian Canal Commission. The conditions of work on that Com- 
mission necessitate a good deal of time being spent upon the Isthmus, and 
this, I suppose, is trying to the constitution. Now, in point of ability, of 
knowledge of the public service, and of commanding reputation, you are 
exactly the man for that place; it is only a question of your physical ability. 
If you think that your physical ability warrants it, I hereby tender it to you. 
If you do not think so, then would you accept an appointment on the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission to fill a vacancy which will occur in a month 
or two? ^ 

Of course in each case you are most welcome to take office at any time 
you see fit, and perhaps you would prefer, if you accept either position, to 
begin, your term of service about the time my second term begins — that is, 
immediately after March 4th. 

With high regard, Sincerely yours 

^ Cockrell .chose the appointment on the Interstate Commerce Commission. 

1033 



335 ^ * TO JOHN HAY 


Hay AIss.^ 

Washington, November 17, 1904 

Dear Joh?2, When I called on you the other afternoon I said nothing about 
your sorrow, because I did not know what to say; but I knew you would 
understand why I had called on you, nevertheless.^ 

It is verj" natural you should feel the keen and bitter regret you do feel; 
but all that you say about not having been able to return the wealth of love 
and active devotion your brother showed you would be in his eyes, were he 
now alive, a matter for good humored and affectionate laughter. You have 
returned it; all your public acts have been to him, as in a less degree to all 
your other kinsmen and to all your friends, a source of keen pride. Think 
what interest your career has been to him; of the purple threads it continu- 
ally shot through the woof of his life. 

Give my love to Mrs. Hay. Your devoted friend 


3359 * TO ENDICOTT PEABODY RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, November 17, 1904 

Dear Cotty: Just a line to thank you for your letter. I hope you will be down 
here not too far hence so that I may see you. Ever yours 

[HandvDYitten] P. S. Do’n’t you thinlc Kermit ought to be on here on the 
4th of March to see me inaugurated? It seems to me that it would be wrong 
not to bring him on here. Love to Fanny 


3360 • TO JAMES ALBERTUS TAWNEY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 17, 1904 

My dear Mr. Tavmey: I have your letter of the 14th instant. Before I say 
anything about the tariff I wish to see you personally and discuss the matter. 
Personally I think that an extra session, even if it was not held until the ist 
of September, would be most desirable. I think it ought to be held on the 
I St of June, Of course I feel that the joint committee that you suggest should 
be appointed and sit as you suggest and consider the maximum and minimum 
system. But I think you will find, if we wait until the regular session, that 
the Democrats will talk the matter over for a year and then we shall be 
swamped at the Congressional elections. Sincerely yours 

, ^ Hay's brother, Augustus Leonard Hay, had died. 

1034 



3 3^1 • TO FREDERICK WILLIAM MAC MONNIES RoOSevelt jMsS. 

Washington, November 19, 1904 

My dear Mr, MacMomiies: ^ I have just received your very kind note, and 
of course I shall be delighted to have you make the little statue or statuette 
that you desire, for, my dear sir, I think that any American President would 
be glad to have an American sculptor like you or Saint-Gaudens do such a 
piece of work. But before sending you over the things you would like I want 
to point out something. You say that you like that photograph of me jump- 
ing a fence, and apparently intend to use that as the model; but you ask me 
for my soldier suit. Now, of course I do not jump fences in my khaki and 
wdth sword and revolver in my belt — as a matter of fact I rarely wore my 
sword at all in the war — and if you want to make me jumping a fence I 
must send you my ordinary riding things. It seems to me it would be better 
to put me in khaki and not to have me jumping the fence. Horses I jump 
fences with have short tails. The horses I rode in the war had long tails; and, 
by the way, as soon as I got down to active work they looked much more 
like Remington’s cavalry horses than like the traditional war steed of the 
story books. 

Now, which way do you want to make that statuette? It seems to me it 
would be better in unifom. 

With regard, Sincerely yours 

3362 • TO HARRY AUGUSTUS GARFIELD RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, November 19, 1904 

My dear Qar field: ^ 1 have your letter of the iBth instant. I intend if I can 
possibly secure it to have the revision you speak of; but there is no use what- 

^ Frederick William AlacMonnies, American sculptor, pupil of Saint-Gaudens, de- 
signed the bronze doors and the statue of Shakespeare for the Library of Congress. 
AlacMonnies’ most familiar work is the “Civic Virtue” group in City Hall Park, New 
York, Completed in 1922, the group depicts a male figure, representing civic virtue, 
triumphantly casting off temptations in the form of sinuous sirens surrounding his 
feet. The statue brought violent protests from the W.C.T.U., the National League of 
Women Voters, and other proponents of emancipated womanhood. With one accord 
they cried that the statue, with a male figure trampling on female forms, was degrad- 
ing to their sex. The women found their champion in Mayor Hylan who foniy 
stated, “I don’t Icnow much about art, but I don’t like the looks of mat fellow stand- 
ing up in Gty Hall Park.” Hylan, therefore, ordered public hearings. MacAlonnies 
patiently explained that his figure of civic virtue was standing on the rocks, not the 
sirens, and that “to suggest temptation, its charm and insinuating danger, one thinks 
of the beauty and laughter of women.” Park Commissioner Gallatm decided the 
issue by ordering the statue to go up, with the sage comment that ‘Svomen ought to 
be proud to know that men consider them tempting ” 

^ Harry Augustus Garfield, son of President Garfield, had left his Cleveland law ptac- 
« tice to become a professor of politics at Princeton. Later president of Williams Col- 
lege, 1908-1934, he served as Fuel Administrator during World War I. 


XO35 


ever, I am sorry to say, for the commission of experts.^ Congress would not 
pay the slightest heed to such a commission. It has been a favorite idea of 
mine; but I am satisfied that it would be absolutely futile. Sincerely yours 


3363 * TO owo ^VISTKR Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal: Private Washington, November 19, 1904 

Dear Dan: Later 1 w ant you and Airs. Dan to spend a night here at Washing- 
ton with us if you can. 

I value much your letter. You give expression to exactly w hat I have felt. 
I have been most abundantly rewarded, far beyond my deserts, by the Amer- 
ican people; and I say this with all sincerity and not in any spirit of mock 
humility. The stars in their courses fought for me. I was forced to try a 
dozen pieces of doubtful and difficult work in wffiich it w^as possible to 
deserve success, but in w hich it w’^ould not have been possible even for Lin- 
coln or Washington to be sure of commanding success. I mean the Panama 
business, the anthracite coal strike, the Northern Securities suit, the Philip- 
pine Church question, the whole Cuban business, the Alaska boundary, the 
Government open-shop matter, irrigation and forestry work, etc., etc. In 
each case, partly by hard and intelligent work and partly by good fortune, 
w’^e w^on out. Aloreover, Parker, who had been most carefully groomed for 
some years to bring the democracy back into pow'er by uniting the Bryanites 
and Clevelandites, and who had verj’' strong political and financial interests 
behind him, when actually tried in the great strain of a struggle for the 
Presidency, proved a poor type of candidate; so that many outside circum- 
stances, over which I could have exercised but partial control, favored me. 
Of course it w'ould be foolish for me to say that I did not think that I myself 
was responsible for part of the victorj’^, I have done a great deal of sub- 
stantive w^ork. I have never sought trouble, but I have never feared to take 
the initiative w'hen, after careful thought, I deemed it necessary. Moreover, 
in Hay, Taft, Root, Knox and one or two others I have had as staunch and 
able friends and supporters as ever a President had. Ady relations with these 
men have been very close and very, very pleasant. If circumstances had been 
different I would most gladly have served in the Cabinet of any one of the 
four men I have named; and we have had the most thorough comradeship of 
feeling now that circumstances have been such that they have all served in 
my Cabinet. 

Moreover, it is a peculiar gratification to me to have owed my election 
not to the politicians primarily, although of course I have done my best to 
get on with them; not to the financiers, although I have staunchly upheld the 

* There was at this time increasir^ support for the plan of solving the tariff problem 
by taking it out of politics. The New York Union League Qub had recommendec! 
that degress create a permanent, nonpartisan board of experts to study the tariff and 
regularly propose desirable adjustments. 

1036 



rights of property; but above all to iVbraham Lincoln’s ‘‘'plain people’’; to 
the folk who work hard on farm, in shop, or on the railroads, or who own 
little stores, little businesses which they manage themselves. I would literally, 
not figuratively, rather cut off my right hand than forfeit by any improper 
act of mine the trust and regard of these people. I may have to do something 
of which they will disapprove, because I deem it absolutely right and neces- 
sary; but most assuredly I shall endeavor not to merit their disapproval by 
any act inconsistent with the ideal they have formed of me. 

But the gentle folk, the people whom you and I meet at the houses of our 
friends and at our clubs; the people who went to Harvard as we did, or to 
other colleges more or less like Harvard: these people have contained many 
of those who have been most bitter in their opposition to me, and their sup- 
port on the whole has been much more lukewarm than the support of those 
whom I have called the plain people. As you say, I do not at all mind what Mr. 
Baer or Mr. J. J. Hill or Mr. Thomas F. Ryan does in the way of opposing 
me. Mr. Baer was doing what I thought wrong in the coal strike. Mr. Hill was 
doing what I thought wrong in the Northern Securities Company. Mr, Ryan 
was doing what I thought wrong about the franchise tax law in New York. 
And I upset them all. They are aU three big men and very wealthy. They are 
accustomed to being treated with great consideration, and they have doubt- 
less quite sincerely come to feel that their own wisdom and rightmindedness 
are such that it is improper to oppose them. I do not wonder that they are 
bitter towards me. 

But the Evenmg Post crowd, the Carl Schurz and Charles Francis Adams 
crowd, are hypocritical and insincere when they oppose me. They have 
loudly professed to demand just exactly the kind of government I have given, 
and yet they have done their futile best to defeat me. They have not been able 
to do me personally any harm; but they continually do the cause of good 
government a certain amount of harm by diverting into foolish channels of 
snarling and critical impotence the energies of fine young fellows who ought 
to be a power for good. Take Carl Schurz’s attack upon me for acting as any 
gentleman would act with Hanna and Quay when they were on their death 
beds; or take his statement that because I had seen Addicks and Lou Payn I 
was to be repudiated, as “the friendship of the wicked has its price.” In the 
first place, I had seen Lou Payn just once, at his request, I have seen Addicks 
perhaps three times, at his request, of course. I have never since I have been 
President done for either Addicks or Payn one single act; never made an 
appointment for either of them or done anything else for either of them. In 
the next place, I shall continue to see both of them w’henever they choose to 
call, and to see everybody else who chooses to call — unless it be some 
creature who renders it impossible for me to see him. For instance, if Hearst, 
while Congressman, calls upon me I shall see him as a matter of course. I 
continually see “Dry Dollar” Sullivan. If my virtue ever becomes so frail that 
it will not stand meeting men of whom I thoroughly disapprove, but who are 

1037 


in active official life and whom I must encounter, why I shall go out of 
politics and become an anchorite. Whether I see these men or do not see 
them, if I do for them anything improper then I am legitimately subject to 
criticism; but only a fool \vill criticize me because I see them. Moreover, the 
hypocrisy of Carl Schurz and the Evening Post crowd is the more evident 
because they support Parker, who owes his political existence to Hill, and is 
the intimate social and political friend of Hill, Sheehan and Tom Taggart, and 
yet attack me for seeing men not one particle worse than these men whom 
Parker has seen all the time, and with whom he is on terms of hand-in-glove 
intimacy. To choose Tom Taggart to run his campaign was precisely as if 
I had chosen Lou Payn to run mine; and the morality of Hill, his creator, is 
no more advanced than the morality of Addicks. 

Of course in my work I have made certain mistakes, as was inevitable 
when I had such countless questions to meet all the time. I do not think that 
they have been very numerous or very important. Furthermore, there are 
some decisions I have made V'here I think I was right, but where doubtless 
other people with the same state of facts before them would think I was 
wrong. But in the great majority of the cases for which I am criticized by the 
people in question, the fact simply is that they have criticized in ignorance of 
all the circumstances of the case; in ignorance of the conditions which I, being 
at the center of affairs, must know better than anyone else, and upon which 
I must act upon my own responsibility. 

There — I have Avritten you a long screed! 

Goodby and good luck. Ever yours 

[Handvoritte 7 i'\ P. S Take the college bred men of the countr}’^ as a whole, 
and I think I have the majority. 

3364 • TO JEREMLVH WHIPPLE JENKS RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 19, 1904 

My dear Mr. Jenks:^ I have your letter of the i8th instant. The trouble is 
to get Congress to accept anything but its own committees’ reports. I find, 
for instance, even great jealousy of the Monetary Commission, as a member 
of which you did such excellent work, I have pretty nearly come to the 
conclusion that we have to work through the committees of Congress them- 
selves. Sincerely yours 

3365 • TO ORVILLE HITCHCOCK PIATT Elott MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 22, 1904 

My dear Senator: I have read your letter with the careful interest I always 
take in anything you say. I am bound, however, to state that on two points 

* Jenks at this time was a member of the Commission on International Exchange in 
special charge of currency reform in China. 

1038 



I do not agree with you. In the first place, I am convinced that there is, among 
the good Republicans and among the masses of independent Democrats who 
supported us at the last election, a very strong feeling in favor of what I 
prefer to call an amendment rather than a revision of the tariff laws. In the 
second place, it seems to me that it would be suicidal to defer doing anything 
to the regular session. My own judgment is that it is dangerous to undertake 
to do anything, but that it is fatal not to undertake it, and that it should be 
undertaken at a special session. Personally, I feel that a special session should 
be held at the earliest possible date. 

Let me repeat that I fully see the dangers of attempting anything; but I 
Jfeel that while we may very possibly come to grief if we do try to do some- 
thing, we shall certainly come to grief if we do not try. 

I agree with you entirely that there should be only a few and moderate 
changes, and I should suppose that in a joint committee which could deter- 
mine upon a course of policy this winter while we are all here, we could keep 
those changes down. 

I enclose a copy of a letter I have just received from ex-Mayor Schieren, 
of Brooklyn, who is the head of the electoral ticket of New York. Faithfully 
yours 

P. S. That is an admirable letter for Leupp, and I thank you for it. 


3366 * TO JOSEPH WHARTON RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 22, 1904 

My dear Mr. Wharton: ^ I have your letter of the 21st. We beat the Demo- 
crats on the issue that protection was robbery, and that when necessary w^e 
would amend or revise the tariff ourselves. In my judgment, if we do not 
amend or revise the tariff (and personally I much prefer the expression 
“amend” to the expression “revise”) w'e will be putting a formidable weapon 
in the hands of our opponents. I am aware that there are dangers in the 
attempt to revise it, but I am convinced that there are more dangers if we do 
not attempt to revise it. You cannot be aware how many Republicans bitterly 
resent the proposition that there should be no change in the tariff. The head 
of the electoral ticket in New York, one of the most prominent Republicans 
of the State, Charles A. Schieren, has just sent me a letter of which I send you 
a copy. This is simply a sample of the way a great number of our best Re- 

^ Joseph Wharton, Republican inanufactarer from Philadelphia. As manager of the 
Lehigh Zinc Company, Wharton in i860 built the first successful spelter works in 
America. He was also a founder and director of the Bethlehem Iron Corporation, 
subsequently part of the Bethlehem Steel Company. At one time he was the only 
producer of refined nickel in the country. A high protectionist, Wharton organized 
the Industrial League of Pennsylvania in 1868 and in 1904 was elected president of the 
American Iron and Steel Association. Active in education, he was one of the founders 
of Swarthmore College and the donor of the Wharton School of Finance and Com- 
merce to Ae University of Peimsylvama. 

1039 



publicans feel. I am convinced that the mere standpatters, if they have their 
way, will come pretty near to smashing the whole Republican party. I intend, 
of course, to abide by the general judgment of the party, but it will be the 
greatest mistake, from the standpoint of the protectionists, if the protection- 
ists refuse to have the tariff amended. Sincerely yours 


3367 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, November 23, 1904 

Aly dear Bishop: I am sorry that people do not think as I do about Reid.^ 
In point of fitness for the place, and in point of service to the party, Reid is 
entitled to that position and must have it. Down at bedrock it is not one- 
twentieth part as important as Leupp’s place, ^ and it means a great deal more 
to the community that Leupp should have bis place than that Reid should 
have his. 

You are right about Low and the postmastership. Always yours 


3368 • TO FINLEY PETER DUNNE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 23, 1904 

Decnr Mr, Dunne: Can you and Mrs. Dunne come down here and spend the 
night of December 8th? We have a small musical that evening, and as you 
would rather not go out to anything big perhaps that evening will be about 
right. 

Now, oh laughing philosopher, (because you are not only one who laughs, 
but also a genuine philosopher and because your philosophy has a real effect 
upon this country) I want to enter a strong protest against your very amusing 
and very wrong-headed article on “The ‘Anglo-Saxon* Triumph.” ^ In this 
article, as in everything else you have written about me, you are as nice as 
possible as to me personally, and the fun about the feeling abroad, including 
England, is perfectly legitimate. If you have ever happened to see what I have 
written on the matter of the Anglo-Saxon business you may have noticed that 
I have always insisted that we are not Anglo-Saxons at all — even admitting 
for the sake of argument, which I do not, that there are any Anglo-Saxons 

^ Roosevelt, after Choate’s resignation, had decided to name Whitelaw Reid ambassa- 
dor to the Court of St. James’s, an appointment supported by both Platt and Odell. 
® After Jones’s resignation, Leupp was appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

^ In *‘The ‘Anglo-Saxon’ Triumph” Mr* Dooley, commenting on the British reaction 
to Roosevelt’s election, wrote in part: “Th’ English pa-apers almost wint crazy with 
approval. Says wan iv thim: Thaydoor Rosenfelt is not a statesman in th’ English 
sznse. He wud not compare with our Chamberlains or aven Markses. He is of more 
vulgar t3jpe. Judged be th^ English standards, he is a coorse an’ oncultivated man. But 
in America he stands high f r good taste an’ lamin’. He regards his iliction as a great 
triumph fr th’ Anglo-Saxon race.”— Finley Peter Dunne, Dissertations by Mr, 
Pooley (New York, 1906), p. 214. 


1040 


— but a new and mixed race — a race drawing its blood from many different 
sources. In this particular election no Casey hunted me up. I hunted up 
Cortelyou as the manner of my campaign mj'self, and it was a pure accident 
that on his father’s side he, like myself, was a Dutchman; so there is nothing 
particularly Anglo-Saxon about our triumph. I thin k that the way you de- 
scribe the attitude of Judge Higgins to Casey after election expresses a great 
moral truth. My own view is, that if a man is good enough for me to profit 
by his services before election, he is good enough for me to do what I can for 
him after election; and I do not give a damn whether his name happens to be 
Casey, or Schwartzmeister, or Van Rensselaer, or Peabody. I think my whole 
public life has been an emphatic protest against the Peabodys and Van Rens- 
selaers arrogating to themselves any superiority over the Caseys and 
Schwartzmeisters. But in return I will not, where I have anything to say about 
it, tolerate for one moment any assumption of superiority by the Oseys and 
Schwartzmeisters over the Peabodys and Van Rensselaers. I did not notice any 
difference between them as they fought in my regiment; and I had lots of 
representatives of all of them in it. If you will look at the nomenclature of the 
Yale, Harvard and Princeton teams this year, or any other year, and then at 
the feats performed by the men bearing the names, you will come to the con- 
clusibn, friend Dooley, that Peabody and Van Rensselaer and Saltonstall and 
Witherspoon are pretty tough citizens to handle in a mixup and that they wdll 
be found quite as often at the top of the heap as at the bottom. There is noth- 
ing against which I protest more strongly, socially and politically, than any 
proscription of or looking down upon decent Americans because they are of 
Irish or German ancestry; but I protest just exactly as strongly against any 
similar discrimination against or sneering at men because they happen to be 
descended from people who came over here some three centuries ago, 
whether they landed at Plymouth, or at the mouth of the Hudson. I have 
fought beside and against Americans of Irish, of German, and of old Colonial 
stock in every political contest in which I have engaged; I have been a fairly 
good rough-and-tumble man myself; I have never asked any odds; and I have 
generally held my own. When you come down here you will see my oldest 
boy, Ted, He is of medium size; but out on the football field or in boxing he 
will hold his own with other boys of his weight and inches, just as I have 
held my own in the political field; and he will hold his oum just as W’cU against 
Hogan and Rafferty as against Peabody and Saltonstall. Sometime I shall take 
you up to Groton School and you Avill see that the Rev. Plantagenet Peabody 
is a good man with his hands and quick on his feet, and that there is as little of 
the snob about him as about any man I have ever met. Presidents Eliot and 
Hadley have their faults; but the Lord knows there is no snobbishness about 
them, or any idea of discriminating against anybody because of his parentage 
or descent. 

There! You may think I have taken your article rather serious^, and so 
I have, because I think you arc a force that counts and I do not want to see 


1041 



you count on the side of certain ugly and unpleasant tendencies in American 
life. Ted goes to Harvard next year. If he makes his Freshman eleven he will 
find other boys on it of every variety of parentage and descent. I should be 
heartily ashamed of him if he discriminated against any one of them because 
of either parentage or descent, or if he failed promptly to resent any similar 
effort to discriminate against him. I shall go over this more at length with you 
on the 8th, and I look forward to seeing Mrs. Dunne and you down on that 
day! Faithfully yours 

P. S. I am sure you will agree with me that in our political life, very un- 
like what is the case in our social life, the temptation is toward Anglophobia, 
not toward Anglomania. The cheapest thing for any politician to do, the 
easiest, and too often politically one of the most remunerative, is to make 
some yell about England. One of the things I am most pleased with in the 
recent election is that while I got, I think, a greater proportion of the Ameri- 
cans of Irish birth or parentage and of the Catholic religion than any previous 
republican candidate, I got this proportion purely because they know I felt 
in sympathy with them and in touch with them, and that they and I had the 
same ideals and principles, and not by any demagogic appeals about creed or 
race, or by any demagogic attack upon England. I feel a sincere friendliness 
for England; but you may notice that I do not slop over about it, and that I 
do not in the least misunderstand England’s attitude, or, for the matter of that, 
the attitude of any European nation, as regards us. We shall keep the respect 
of each of them just so long as we are thoroughly able to hold our own, and 
no longer. If we got into trouble, there is not one of them upon whose friend- 
sliip we could count to get us out; what we shall need to count upon is the 
efficiency of our own fighting men and particularly of our navy. But, never- 
theless, it is a mighty good thing to be on thoroughly friendly terms with 
all, just so far as our self-respect will let us; and these terms are those upon 
which I endeavor to keep our relations. But when it comes to a question like 
the Alaska boundary or the Venezuela business or anything of the kind you 
may notice that I see that America’s end is well kept up! 

There is one thing to which I should like to call your attention. If an 
Anglomaniac in social life goes into political life he usually becomes politi- 
cally an Anglophobiac, and the occasional political Anglophobiac whose 
curious ambition it is to associate socially with “vacuity trimmed with lace,” 
is equally sure to become an Anglomaniac in his new surroundings. Bourke 
Cockran beautifully illustrates what I mean. Of course, he has not a principle 
or conviction of any kind, sort or description, and under such circumstances 
it is natural that he should strive to rise politically by pandering to any preju- 
dice and therefore that he should become a howling and raving Anglophobiac 
when on the stump; and it is quite in keeping with the rest of his character 
that he should be as he is in his social life — a hanger-on around any English- 
man and especially any titled Englishman or Englishwoman of what he deems 
good social position whose acquaintance he can manage to scrape. In London 



and New York alike he is socially as unpleasant an example of the snob and 
Anglomaniac as I know; in public life I need perhaps say little more of him 
than he is a fit companion for Senator Carmack and John Sharp \^^illiams. 

3369 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss.^ 

Memorandum Washington, November 23, 1904 

Secy of StatCy Under the Platt amendment & in accordance therewith Mr, 
Squires should tell the Cuban Government that there must be no increase of 
indebtedness indirectly or directly save for genuine necessity; you know the 
details of what should be done. 


3370 • TO EUGENE NOBLE FOSS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 24, 1904 

Aly dear Mr, Foss: ^ I was very glad to get your telegram, and as soon as it 
was published I thought nothing more of the matter. The Boston Herald is 
editorially one of the most dishonest and scurrilous sheets in the entire coun- 
try. If it takes to manufacturing news in its news columns it will make itself 
harmonious throughout; it will be down to the Henry Loomis Nelson level. 
Sincerely yours 

3371 • TO GEORGE OTTO TREVELYAN RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 24, 1904 

My dear Sir George: It was a real pleasure to hear from you. I was saying the 
other day to John Morley how much I regretted that it did not seem Ifltely 
that you could get over here. By the way, Morley spent three or four days 
with us, and I found him as delightful a companion as one could wish to 
have, and I quite understand the comfort he must have been to you when 
you sat beside him in the House. Incidentally, it is rather a relief to have you 
speak as you do about the tedious and trivial quality of most of the eloquence 
in the House. I am glad to find that it is characteristic of all parliamentary 
bodies, and not merely of those of my own country! 

^ Eugene Noble Foss, Boston cotton and leather manufacturer, at this time a Repub- 
lican, later Democratic congressman, 1910-1911, and Governor of Massachusetts, 
1911-1913; brother of Republican congressman George E. Foss. The Boston Herdd 
on November 21 reported an interview between Roosevelt and Foss. The latter sup- 
posedly had told the President that William Lewis Douglas, the Democratic guberna- 
torial candidate in Massachusetts, a shoe manufacturer, had been elected because of 
his support of tariff revision and reciprocity with Canada. Foss, the Herald continued, 
had asserted that Roosevelt agreed with this analysis. Foss immediately telegraphed 
the President denying the report. Advocates of tariff revision, however, hoping to 
persuade Roosevelt to adopt their point of view in his annual message, continued to 
ascribe Douglas' victory to his stand on the tariff. On the other hand, Senator Hale 
of Maine, speaking for the protectionists, insisted that the election had been deter- 
mined by local issues. 


1043' 


\^"€ w on a great triumph at the elections. A candidate is so apt to hear 
nothing but the favorable side that I had kept my mind absolutely open to 
accept either defeat or victory. Most of my friends were very confident, but 
no one anticipated such an overw’helming triumph. Now^ I know that it is 
practically impossible to avoid the personal equation, and as I am naturally 
very proud and happy over the victor)’', and, equally naturally, very sure that 
on the whole my acts and the policies I stood for were right and therefore 
deserved approval by the people, it follows as a corollary that w^hat I am 
about to say must be taken with a large and liberal measure of discount. But 
trying to look at the matter disinterestedly, it does seem to me that it w’as a 
good thing to have the people decide for the candidate and the party repre- 
senting the positive side — the side of achievement in many different direc- 
tions — instead of for the colorless candidate and the party whose position 
had become one of negation, criticism and obstruction merely. Moreover, 
w’hile Mr, Parker was not at all a dangerous man for the country to put at the 
head of affairs, and while there w’as nothing of great menace to the country’s 
immediate material interest in the success of his party under his leadership, it 
is also true that the Democratic canvass this year was on a thoroughly insin- 
cere and unworthy basis; and it is never wholesome to have the people vote 
‘‘Yes” to a lie. From the outset Mr. Parker’s attitude, and the attitude of the 
party behind him, were one of trickiness and double-dealing. All they washed 
for was success, and every principle and conviction w’as handled only from 
the standpoint of getting votes. I thoroughly believe in handling a campaign 
so as to get votes, but I do not believe in lying directly or indirectly for that 
purpose or any other, or in doing anything cowardly or base for that purpose. 
Mr. Parker and his supporters wished to be for the gold standard strongly 
enough to secure the gold vote, and yet not strongly enough to hurt the 
feelings of the silver people. They wished to be for free trade, and yet in the 
same breath to assure the protectionists that they had nothing whatever to 
fear as regards the tariff. They wished to use language about the Philippines 
which w^ould convince the so-called anti-imperialists that they intended to 
give them up, while at the same time the promise could be construed so as 
to mean that they would not be given up for half a century or a century to 
come. They wished to be understood as being for the cutting down of the 
army and navy, and yet be able to give private assurances that in each case 
the action would be nominal. They endeavored to make the labor people feel 
that I was not radical enough in my action to suit them, and yet to make the 
big financial magnates understand that at bottom Parker was a conservative 
who could be trusted by them not to do the radical things I had done. In 
short, the canvass was one with which all students of history are familiar, for 
it occurs every now and then in every free country. To use the continental 
terminology, it was an effort to unite the extreme right and extreme left 
against the middle. It is rare indeed that the success of such an effort is a 
healthy sign for the body politic. 


Z044 



By the way, I venture to send you a volume of my speeches and addresses 
made since I was President. This volume really contains the platform upon 
which I stood in the last election; and to me one of the gratifying features of 
the canvass was that in my speech and letter of acceptance and subsequent 
statement, and in the speeches of my great supporters. Root, Knox, Hay, Taft 
and Moody, there was nothing said in which we did not believe with entire 
faith, and nothing promised whatever except that the Goverrunent would be 
continued along the lines followed in the last three years. We won on clean- 
cut issues, stated with absolute truthfulness, and with only the promise that 
our performance in the past could be taken as the measure of what our per- 
formance would be in the future. 

Although the canvass naturally caused me at times a good deal of worry, 
I did not have to do much work. Each Nation has its conventions. Whereas 
a Prime Minister is expected to take the stump on his oivn behalf, with us it 
is regarded as improper for a President to do so. This is the kind of custom 
which could be disregarded in a great emergency, but which it is never wise 
or politic to disregard for insufficient reasons. In the same way it has become 
one of our customs, with even more than the conventional force, that no 
President is to have a third term; whereas in England the longer a Prime 
Minister serves, the more he is esteemed as having been true to his party. 
Naturally, an Englishman cannot understand the force that a custom like 
this has upon the American mind; and I see that the Spectator cannot under- 
stand, exactly as John Morley could not understand, my immediate aimounce- 
ment that I had no intention of accepting a third term. If it were not for the 
certainty of fools misunderstanding the terminology, and failing to see that 
a short-term elective King has nothing whatever in common with a heredi- 
tary King, I could best express to a foreigner the President’s pow’er by putting 
it in that form. Of course a constitutional Eling reigns all his life and does not 
govern at all, while the President never reigns, but governs most actively for 
4 or 8 years; and our President, in the actual exercise of his power, resembles 
the Prime Minister far more than he does a functionary like the French Presi- 
dent. But his power is even greater, and therefore it is natural that the people 
should desire to hedge it about with certain restrictions, and above all to make 
it certain that it can only be of limited duration. I think the feeling healthy 
myself; and moreover I feel very strongly that, at least in our country, a 
public man’s usefulness in the highest position becomes in the end impaired 
by the mere fact of too long continuance in that position. People get tired of 
the everlasting talk about Aristides; and moreover Aristides himself, after a 
certain number of years, finds that he has really delivered his message and 
that he has a tendency to repeat it over and over again. For example, suppose 
that there was no third-term tradition in our government, and none, of the 
valid reasons (as I r^ard them) against a third term: it would yet be true that 
in 1908 it would be better to have some man like Taft or Root succeed me in 
the Presidency, at the head of the Republican party, than to have me succeed 


1045 



myself. In all the essentials of policy they look upon things as I do; but they 
have their o'sv'n ways of thought and ways of expression, and what they did 
and said would have a freshness which what I did and said could not possibly 
have; and they would be free from the animosities and suspicions w^hich I had 
accumulated, and would be able to take a new start and would have a much 
greater chance of achieving useful work. After eight years in the Presidency, 
not only is it unwise for other reasons to re-elect a man, but it is inadvisable 
because it is almost certain that someone can be found with the same princi- 
ples, who, from the mere fact that he is someone else, can better succeed in 
putting those principles into practice. 

This is a rambling digression. When I started out I merely meant to show 
why it was essential for me to have interpreters like Hay, Knox and the 
others, who could set forth on the stump what I had done and what I intended 
to do. 

In my hours of leisure I did a good deal of reading. I reread your history 
of our Revolution and liked it more than ever, but came to the conclusion 
that you had painted us a little too favorably. I also reread both your 
Macaulay and your Fox, and then reread Macaulay’s History. When I had 
finished it I felt a higher regard for him as a great writer, and as in the truest 
sense of the word a great philosophical historian, than I have ever felt before. 
It is a pretty good test of such a history to have a President, who is also a 
candidate for the Presidency, read it in the midst of a campaign, with the 
keenest appreciation of its wisdom and its knowledge of the motives and 
acts of men engaged in the difficult task of self-government, and with at the 
same time a great sense of relaxation and pure enjoyment. All the motives 
and tendencies for good and for evil of which Macaulay shows the working 
in the England of the end of the Seventeenth Century, were at work right 
around me in the America of the beginning of the Twentieth Century. Of 
course some were strong and some were weak now, as compared to what 
under the utterly different conditions they had been in another land two 
centuries before; but fundamentally they were all there, and the wise man 
who was neither a mere doctrinaire nor a vicious man, had to grapple with 
them and make the best of them now as then. 

Do you recollect one of Abraham Lincoln’s speeches, just after he was 
re-elected in 1864? It runs in part as follows: 

strife of the election is but human nature practically applied to the 
facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever occur in similar cases. 
Human nature wiU not change. In any future great national trial, compared with 
the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and 
as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom 
from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged. 

*** now that the election is over, may not all having a common interest re- 
unite in a common effort to save our common country? For my own part, I have 
striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have 
been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man’s bosom. While I am 

1046 


deeply sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I 
trust, to almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, 
as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other 
man may be disappointed or pained by the result. 

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this same 
spirit toward those who have? 

It seems to me that aside from its fine and noble quality, this has in it the 
real philosophy of statesmanship. 

I read a number of other books during the campaign; Rhodes's excellent 
histor}% for instance; and a good deal of Dickens. In the American characters 
in Martin Clni^zlemty Dickens made a mistake in generalizing and insisting 
that all Americans were represented by his figures, which of course is as non- 
sensical as to say that Pecksniff, Bill Sykes and Sir Mulberry Hawk, taken 
in the aggregate, ty-pify all of English society. But all the same I would like 
to have Martin Chnzzleu'it studied as a tract in America. Hearst and Pulitzer 
are Jefferson Brick and Colonel Diver, in a somewhat fuller stage of develop- 
ment; while Senator Carmack of Tennessee, Congressman John Sharp Wil- 
liams of Mississippi and Governor Vardaman of Mississippi, not to speak of 
Senator Tillman of South Carolina, are Hannibal Chollop and Elijah Pogram 
over again.^ Faithfully yours 

3372 • TO WILLIAM GIBBS MCADOO RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, November 29, 1904 

My dear Mr. McAdoo: It is unnecessary to say that I consider you eminently 
fit for a position on the Isthmian Canal, but before I received any hint about 
you I had not only offered the position to Senator Cockrell, but had con- 
ditionally sounded two other gentlemen, each of whom has special qualifica- 
tions for the place. I had done this because it is doubtful whether Senator 
Cockrell can accept; and it is also doubtful whether one of the two men to 
whom I spoke can accept.^ 

With regard, believe me, Sincerely yours 

3373 - TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, November 29, 1904 

Dear Kermit: I have just come back from the World’s Fair. The party con- 
sisted of Mother and me, Alice, Auntie Corinne and Uncle Douglas, Mr, and 
Mrs. Loeb, and Dr. Rixey, We really had great fun, although we only spent 

* As the vanishing Dickensian will recall, these amiable men were' American public 
benefactors, worshippers of freedom, lynch law, and slavery. 

^The second Isthmian Canal Commission, appointed in April 1905, included Theo- 
dore P, Shonts, chairman; Charles E- Magoon, governor of the Zone; John Findley 
Wallace' chief engineer; Rear Admiral l&idicott; Brigadier General Hains; Colonel 
Ernst; and Benjamin M. Harrod. 


1047 



one day at the Fair and that was in a perfect whirl. I was taken through a lot 
of the buildings, streaking along iprttty nearly as hard as I could walk from 
one place to another, while Mother, who was in beautiful walking trim, kept 
right up behind, and a mob of followers jostled after us. Unfortunately Sister 
was in the fourth carriage behind, and she had to do some tall sprinting to 
catch up with us in the various buildings. 

I thought the Exposition beautiful, especially when the buildings were 
illuminated at night. I ^V2LS much interested in the North Dakota Exhibit, with 
my old cabin. The Philippine exhibit was naturally, on the whole, the one 
that interested us most. There were crowds of people at the stations going 
out to the Fair and back, and at one place a very burly admirer presented me 
with a live ’coon, which viewed us with the deepest distrust. If it wxre tame 
I w'ould keep it, but I am afraid it will have to go to the Zoo. 

A few days ago, w-hile boxing with Ted and the boys, I strained one leg; 
and on Thanksgiving day I strained it again in jumping a fence on Rusty. 
I must have broken a little vein or something, because there is a huge black 
and purple place on the inside of my thigh literally as big as two dinner plates, 
and I am pretty stiff. However, I walked through the Exposition grounds 
without letting any of the reporters get any idea that I was at all lame. Ever 
yours 

[Hafidwritten] Blessed fellow, do’n’t worry about your marks. I know 
you are studying hard. Sometimes things just go all wrong for a time; but 
keep pegging away, and you will come out all right. Why do’n’t you go to 
Mr. Woods and have a very full and frank talk.^ Perhaps he could advise and 
help you. 


3 374 • TO WILLIAM EMLEN ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, November 29, 1904 

DearEmlen: Between ourselves, Towmsend ^ represents one of my dijfficulties. 
He possesses all the superficial requirements of the minister, and none that 
are of the slightest consequence when there is any real work to be done. He 
is a gentleman. He speaks foreign languages. He knows the minutiae of di- 
plomacy, and he has a beautiful wife who, as a matter of fact, got him his 
present position and expects to keep him in it. All kinds of social and some 
political pressure is exercised on his behalf. But he is in the office not because 
he can do good to the service, but because the office does good to him, and he 
has no claim whatever on retention — which is equally true of four-fifths of 
our European ambassadors and ministers. I have not an idea what I shall do 
about him yet. The appointments, while not the most serious, make up the 
most harassing of my troubles. 

Give my love to Christine and all your family. Always yours 
^Lawrence Townsend, career diplomat, minister to Belgium, 1899-1905. 

1048 


3 375 ‘ JAMES FORD RHODES Rooscvelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, Xov'ember 29, 1904 

My dear Rhodes: ^ I have just finished your fifth volume and am delighted 
with it. I do not know whether I told you that during the campaign I reread 
your first four. At the same time I read Macaulay's History and many of 
Lincoln’s letters and speeches; and I got real help from all of them. It seems 
to me that, allowing for difference of epoch and nationality, you and 
Macaulay approach the great subject of self-government by a free people in 
much the same spirit and from much the same philosophical standpoint. 

In this last volume I was immensely pleased with everything. Perhaps I 
should bar one sentence — that in which you say that in no quarrel is the 
right all on one side, and the wrong all on the other. As regards the actual act 
of secession, the actual opening of the Civil War, I think the right was ex- 
clusively with the Union people, and the wrong exclusively with the seces- 
sionists; and indeed I do not know of another struggle in history in which 
this sharp division between right and wrong can be made in quite so clear-cut 
a manner. I am half southern. My mother’s kinsfolk fought on the Confeder- 
ate side, and I am proud of them. I fully believe in and appreciate not only the 
valor of the South, but its lofty devotion to the right as it saw the right; and 
yet I think that on every ground — that is, on the question of the Union, on 
the question of slavery, on the question of State rights — it was wrong with 
a foUy that amounted to madness, and with a perversity that amounted to 
wickedness. 

Incidentally, I most cordially agree that our form of government is not 
one suitable for military exertions. That is one reason why I feel that at all 
hazards our navy should be made large and should be kept up to the highest 
point of efficiency. If we have a sufficiently large and sufficiently good navy, 
the chances are strong that we shall not have serious war; and it will offer us 
a chance of coming with honor out of any serious war if we do have one. In 
view of the interests we now have in the Pacific as well as the Atlantic, I feel 
that the building of the Panama Canal is of vitel importance, because it will 
nearly double the efficiency of our Navy. 

I am much interested in what you say as to Grant’s superiority over Lee 
in the fortnight’s operations ending at Appomattox which brought the Civil 
War to a close. For the previous year it seems to me that Lee had shown him- 
self the superior, but during this fortnight Grant rose to his Vicksburg level. 
A mighty pair of generals they were! 

I am immensely interested in your discussion of Reconstruction; and it 
seems to me you have handled the problem with equal ability and fairness. 
Reading your history brings out the essential greatness of Lincoln ever more 

' James Ford Rhodes, then writing his History of the United Slates from the Com- 

protme of iSjo, later a warm supporter of Roosevelt’s policies in his History of the 

McKMey and Roosevelt Admmstrtoions. 

1049 


and more. Perhaps, as you say, he and Washington do not come in the very 
limited class of men which includes Caesar, Alexander and Napoleon, but 
they are far better men for a nation to develop than any of these three giants; 
and, excepting only these three, I hardly see any greater figures loom up in 
the history of civilized nations. There have been other men as good — men 
like Timoleon and John Hampden; but no other good men have been as great. 

The trouble I am having with the southern question — which, my dear 
sir, I beg you to believe I am painfully striving to meet, so far as in me lies, 
in the spirit of Abraham Lincoln — emphasizes the infinite damage done in 
reconstruction days by the unregenerate arrogance and shortsightedness of 
the southerners, and the doctrinaire folly of radicals like Sumner and Thad- 
deus Stevens. The more I study the Civil War and the time following it, the 
more I feel (as of course everyone feels) the towering greatness of Lincoln, 
which puts him before all other men of our time; while, on the other hand, 
I very strongly feel that Chase, Seward, Sumner and Stanton by no means 
come up to, say. Hay, Root, Knox and Taft. But I am not dead sure that just 
at the moment we have leaders in Congress quite up to the Trumbull or 
Fessenden level! 

I am having my own troubles now. I feel sure that Congress ought to 
revise the tariff, not so much from any economical need as to meet the mental 
attitude of the people; but it is not an issue upon which I should have any 
business to break with my party or with Congress, and just how much I shall 
accomplish I cannot tell, for I shall have to feel them carefully in order to be 
sure that I go right up to the breaking point but not beyond it. 

On the question of the corporations, I also have one or two things I want 
to do — notably in the matter of stopping rebates. Here I rather hope that 
Congress will follow me. The southern question is not of immediate menace, 
but it is one of perpetual discomfort. The southerners show a wrongheaded- 
ness and folly the same in kind, though of course not in degree, that they 
showed in the years you write of. Their problem is very difficult, and I should 
be only too glad to co-operate with them in any honest effort to make even 
a beginning tow^ard its solution. But they not only refuse to make the effort, 
but deliberately try to make things worse, and they are of course helped by 
the present-day representatives of the old copperhead and dough-face vote 
in the North — from little solemn creatures like Norman Hapgood up to 
serious politicians of the stamp of Parker, Hill and Bryan, On the other hand 
the heirs of the Wendell Phillips and Lloyd Garrison people, the Oswald 
Villards, Rollo Ogdens, Carl Schurzes and Charles Francis Adamses, who do 
take a genuine interest in the welfare of the negro, have frittered aw^ay their 
influence until at this time they literally have not the slightest weight with 
either Democrats or Republicans; and moreover they are as irrational on 
this as on other subjects, so that no help whatever can be obtained from 
them. I wish I could agree with you that no one in the South wishes to re- 
establish slavery. In my judgment this is so far from the fact that in reality 



there are at this very moment not only active but partially succesful move- 
ments for the reintroduction of slavery under the form of peonage in at least 
three Southern States. This peonage has been broken up, for the moment at 
least, in Alabama; and is being broken up, again at least temporarily, in Missis- 
sippi; and it has seemed to me that the only feasible way for me to help was by 
backing the southern men, such as Judge Jones, who have shown themselves 
willing to break it up. Indeed, as yet I see nothing to do in this southern 
business save to go on exactly as I have gone on during the past three years, 
and to back up the few good and brave men in the different Southern States 
who are striving to make the best out of conditions which arc bad enough by 
nature, and have been made worse by the folly of the ruling class in the South 
during the last quarter of a century. There is a very strong movement in the 
North to reduce the representation of the South, and from the standpoint of 
abstract morality this movement is absolutely right; but as yet I do not see 
where it will do good. 

However, I did not intend to burden you with my own troubles. I have 
already thanked you for your congratulations upon the victorj'. It was very 
gratifying, and I cared especially for carrying Missouri because that is pardy 
a Southern State. I hope I have taken to heart Lincoln’s life, at least sufficiendy 
to make me feel that triumph gives less cause for elation than for a solemn 
realization of the responsibility it entails. There is one point in connection 
with the last election which has amused me. Owing to the peculiar methods 
of attack chosen by my antagonists they did me certain services which my 
friends could not have rendered. Parker at the close of the campaign suc- 
ceeded in making my personal honesty an issue, and gave me a chance to 
put myself into the campaign in a way which would have been impossible 
trader other conditions. Again, it would have been an absurdity for mv sup- 
porters to say anything about my having been a military man, or having 
been a ranchman; for one appeal would have looked ridiculous in view of 
my having served only four months in a very small w'ar, and the other would 
have looked demagogic. But the opposing papers, and especially the opposing 
caricaturists, invariably represented me in the rough rider uniform, or else 
riding a bucking broncho and roping a steer, or carrymg a big stick and 
threatening foreign nations, and thereby made to the younger amor^ their 
own readers the very kind of ad captcmdim appeal on my behalf which it 
would have been undignified for my supporters to have made. Faithfully 
yours 

3376 • TO THOMAS EDWARD WATSON RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, November 30, 1904 

My dear Mr. Watson: I have your letter in the interest of Captain Barnes. 

I very much trust that that will not be the only letter I receive from you. I 
am puzzled to know what to do about Captain Barnes. Judge Speer’s state- 


1051 



ments were of so positive a character that I had no other alternative than to 
act as I did, and the Department of Justice so advised me. Now, I am not 
perfectly confident that I ought to reverse this action. Will you not be up 
here sometime? I should like to see you and to discuss certain Georgian 
matters with you; and in addition I should like to discuss some of the great 
questions underlying our whole social, political and industrial system. You 
and I do not agree upon some fundamental points, but eight years ago I made 
up my mind that you were fearless, disinterested, and incorruptible; and with 
aU Americans who possess these qualities I earnestly hope that I may claim 
some right of spiritual kin. 

With regard. Sincerely yours 

33 77 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, November 30, 1904 

Aly dear Mr. Speaker: In accordance with our conversation I send you th^ 
following extremely rough draft of my own idea as to what we should do on 
the tariff. How to place my views before the republican party is a matter for 
us to consider after we have decided whether or not there is to be such a 
movement as I outline. I had thought that perhaps it could be used in the form 
of a special message. 

“The protective system has become in the last forty-five years so inter- 
woven in the very fiber of our industrial well-being that it w^ould be a ruin- 
ous calamity to try to do away with it. Moreover, at present the economic 
and industrial conditions in this country are in a high degree satisfactory, 
and the only serious danger arises from the possibility of speculation and of 
unreasonable promoting of and trading in securities, with the inevitable at- 
tendant reaction. It would be most unwise to make any far-reaching or 
fundamental change in the system which has thus worked so well. It would 
be far better to keep the present tariff law unaltered than to upset business 
by sw'eeping and radical alterations in it. Moreover, under every tariff, high 
or low, there are sure to be some points of objection; for every tariff law, 
high or low, must represent compromises, and some of these compromises 
will be unsatisfactory to some people in the community and others will be 
unsatisfactory to other people. If the tariff law is on the whole working well, 
then it is far better to submit to the fact that there are certain rates of duty 
unreasonably high than to jeopardize our industrial welfare by endeavoring 
to reduce these rates at the cost of upsetting the entire system. I do not feel 
that there is any need whatever for a general revision of the tariff at this time, 
or for a substantial alteration in the present tariff law, 

“Nevertheless, while it is above all things desirable that the present tariff 
law should be kept in its essence unchanged, there may well be certain points 
as to which it can be amended. There may be some schedules that are too high 
or which, for one reason or another, shodd be changed. It is eight years since 


1052 


the present tariff law was enacted, and the time has come when Congress 
should take it up, not radically to revise or alter it, but to see if there are 
not points where it can with advantage be amended. If it were possible to 
provide for reciprocity by a maximum and minimum scale to be applied in 
the discretion of the Executive, this should be done, as experience has shown 
that it is well-nigh impossible to secure reciprocity treaties. In any event 
some of the schedules should now be examined and an authoritative decision 
made as to whether the time has or has not come to amend them. If the 
Senate Committee on Finance and the membei’s of the present House Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means could be made a joint commission immediately to 
take up the question of the tariff and to report at a special session of Congress 
to be held as early as possible, the need of the situation vrould be fully met.” 

I send the above merely for the sake of having something which can be 
worked out, after you have consulted the men fresh from the people in the 
various sections of the country. 

With regard, Smcerely yours 


3378 • TO EDWARD HENRY HARRLMAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Strictly personal Washington, November 30, 1904 

My dear Mr, Haninian: Mr. Loeb tells me that you called me up today on the 
telephone and recalled my letter to you of October 14th in which I spoke to 
you of a desire to see you before sending in my message as I wanted to go 
over vith you certain governmental matters, and you added that you had 
heard that I had referred to the Interstate Commerce Commission; that you 
regretted this and wished I had left it out. In writing to you I had in view, 
especially, certain matters connected with currency legislation, and had not 
thought of discussing railroad matters with you. However, if it had occurred 
to me, I should have been delighted to do so; but if you remember when you 
were dotvn here both you and I were so interested in certain of the New York 
political developments that I hardly, if at all, touched on governmental mat- 
ters. As regards what I have said in my message about the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, while, as I say, I should have been delighted to go over 
it with you, I must also frankly say that my mind was definitely made up- 
Certain revelations connected with the investigation of the beef trust caused 
me to write the paragraph in question. I went v^ith extreme care over the 
information in possession of the Interstate Commerce Commission and of the 
Bureau of Corporations before writing it. I then went over the written para- 
graph again and again with Paul Morton, who is of all my Cabinet the man 
most familiar with railroad matters of course, and with Root, Knox, Taft aad 
Moody. It is a matter I had been carefully considering for two years, and had 
been gradually though reluctantly coming to the conclusion that it is unwise 
and unsafe from every standpoint to leave the question of rebates where it 


I05J 


now is, and to fail to give the Interstate Commerce Commission additional 
power of an effective kind in regulating these rates.^ 

Let me repeat that I did not have this question in mind when I asked you 
to come down, but that I should most gladly have talked it over with you 
if it had occurred to me to do so; but as a matter of fact, as you will remem- 
ber, when you did come dow n to see me, you and I were both so engaged in 
the New" York political situation that we talked of little else; and finally that 
the position I have taken has not been taken lightly, but after thinking 
over the matter and looking at it from different standpoints for at least two 
years, and after the most careful consultation with Morton, Taft, Moody, 
Knox, and Root, as to the exact phraseology I should use. 

^ In his annual message Roosevelt touched off perhaps the bitterest and most impor- 
tant battle of his Presidency. “Above all else,” he declared, “we must strive to keep 
the highways of commerce open to all on equal terms; and to do this it is necessary 
to put a complete stop to all rebates. . . .For some time after the enactment of the 
Act to Regulate Commerce it remained a mooted question whether that act conferred 
upon the Interstate Commerce Commission the power, after it had found a challenged 
rate to be unreasonable, to declare what thereafter should, prima facie, be the rea- 
sonable maximum rate for the transportation in dispute. The Supreme Court finally 
resolved that question in the negative. . . , While I am of the opinion that at present 
it W'ould be undesirable, if it were not impracticable, finally to clothe the commission 
with general authority to fix railroad rates, I do believe that, as a fair security to 
shippers, the commission should be vested with the power, where a given rate has 
been challenged and after full hearing found to be unreasonable, to decide, subject 
to judicial reriew, w’hat shall be a reasonable rate to take its place; the ruling of the 
commission to take effect immediately, and to obtain unless and until it is rev-ersed by 
the court of revietv. The government must in increasing degree supervise and regu- 
late the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce; and such increased 
supervision is the only alternative to an increase of the present evils on the one hand 
or a still more radical policy on the other. In my judgment the most important legis- 
lative act now needed as regards the regulation of corporations is this act to confer 
on the Interstate Commerce Commission the power to revise rates and regulations, 
the revised rate to at once go into effect, and stay in effect unless and until the court 
of review reverses it ” 

This recommendation that the I.C.C. be empowered to control rates and rebates 
had much historical justification. For over a decade the commission had requested 
such powers. The Elkins Act, which the railroads themselves had endorsed, had al- 
ready proved inadequate. But in the Senate the “Old Guard,” with Aldrich as their 
general, prevented remedial action until June 1906. Until that time the issue, con- 
stantly before the public, was debated with rancorous vigor. Behind the resolute 
senators stood the railroad executives and financiers w’hose tactics aroused the indig- 
nant anger of President and public. In the end Roosevelt won his point. The struggle, 
however, was long. His letters for the eighteen months from the time of his message 
to the signing of the Hepburn Act reveal the tactics of victory, the advances and 
retreats, the disappointments and compromises. There is, regrettably, no comprehen- 
sive account of this significant affair. Roosevelt’s role in particular has not been ade- 
quately described or fiiUy understood. His correspondence and his scrapbooks con- 
tain tKe data for a valuable study. Among the most useful specialized studies are those 
in William Z. Ripley, Railroads; Rates a 7 id Regulation (New York, 1920), an incisive 
analysis of railroad practices and economic issues; in Stephenson, Aldrich^ there 
is a suggestive interpretation of the strategy of the opposition. Also helpful arc Rob- 
ert M. La FoHette, Autobiography (Madison, 1913); Bowers, Beveridge; Joseph Ben- 
sou Foraker, Notes of a Bwry Life (Cincinnati, 1916); Leon Burr Richardson, WiL 
Utmi jS. Chandler^ Republican (New York, 1940); and John Ely Briggs, William 
Peters Hepburn (Iowa ( 3 ty, 1919). 


I do not send you a copy simply because I have given no one a copy, not 
even the men above mentioned. It is impossible if I give out copies of any 
portions of my message to prevent the message being known in advance; and 
the three press associations who now have the message are under a heavy 
penalty not to disclose a word of it before the appointed time. Sincerely 
yours 

3379 • TO STERLING EDWIN EDMUNDS RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, December i, 1904 

My dear Air. Edntunds: ^ I want to thank you for your frank and manly let- 
ter, and also for the attitude the Chronicle took about my election. My dear 
sir, do not think that I shall ever for one moment resent what you formerly 
said about me. Frankly I think that some of the expressions in my writings, 
to which you took exception, although representing in essence what I think 
is the sound view of history, were overdrawn, overcolored, and made in a 
way which would naturally provoke bitterness on the part of believers in the 
men whom I attacked. 

Do come on here sometime, and I shall go all over with you certain fea- 
tures of my Life of Benton. Sincerely yours 

3380 • TO FrrzHUGH LEE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December i, 1904 

Dear General: Cannot the colored people be given a show in connection with 
the Jamestown Exposition.? They ought to have some chance to show what 
they have done in three hundred years. I think you told me this was going to 
be done, but I am not quite sure about it. Sincerely yarns 

3381 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 2, 1904 

Dear Murray: This letter is personal: that is, it is for you and such members 
of the “kitchen cabinet” as Bishop, Lyman Abbott, and Shaw only. 

I am having great difficulty on the tariff business. The trouble is that there 
are large parts of the country which want no tariff revision, and of course 
their representatives are hostile to any Rotation of the subject. They say, 
with entire truth, that neither in the platform nor in any communication of 
mine is there any promise whatever ffiat there shall be tariff revision. They 
also say, with equal truth, tiiat the tariff changes should not be great, and 
that those clamoring for tariff changes are certainly to be disappointed at 
whatever is done, and that therefore there will be but little attendant gain 
to offeet the unsettiemfent of business conditions. My argument in response is 

* Sterling Ed'vtin Edmnncls, editor, the St. Louis Chromde, 


that I am meeting not a material need but a mental attitude. I think there are 
certain schedules that should be reduced; but I do not think it at all a vital 
matter to reduce them, so far as the welfare of the people is concerned. What 
I am concerned about is to meet the expectation of people that we shall con- 
sider the tariff question, and the need of showing that the Republican party 
is not powerless to take up the subject. I should like to see a cut in steel and 
glass. I should like to see hides, lumber and wood pulp put upon the free list. 
I should like to see a maximum and minimum rate established so that the 
Executive could get a measure of reciprocity with foreign countries without 
having to submit treaties to the Senate, which will not ratify such a treaty 
once in twenty times. I am going to make every effort to get something of 
what I desire in the way of an amendment to the present tariff law; but I 
shall not split with my party on the matter, for it would be absurd to do so. 
Most of the southern New England and New York men, and an occasional 
man from Indiana, Minnesota, Iowa or Wisconsin are with me. The Penn- 
sylvanians, the Pacific Coast men, the northern New England men and the 
great body of the Middle West men are resolutely against me. The country 
districts do not want the tariff changed. Uncle Joe Cannon represents the 
feeling of the rural Middle West in his strong opposition to it, just as Over- 
street represents the city feeling (not a very strong feeling) in its favor. Of 
course the articles in the Democratic and mugwump papers demanding tariff 
revision simply hurt me in my effort to get it. 

By the way, I was glad once for all to show what a liar the Boston Herald 
is, editorially and in its news columns, from Henry Loomis Nelson down and 
up. Ever yours 

3382 • TO BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 2, 1904 

My dear President Wheeler: I never felt more caught and rarely felt more 
chagrined than when I discovered that I had utterly forgotten the promise 
about Franklin Lane,^ What I am about to say is not a justification for for- 
getting it, but is an explanation. When I made the promise I had appointed 
no man to an important position from California and was exceedingly anxious 
to give recognition to the State. Afterwards I appointed a member of my 
Cabinet from California and a member of the Isthmian Canal Commission 

Franklin Knight Lane had been the unsuccessful Democratic candidate for the 
Calijforma governorship in 1902. Earlier, as corporation counsel of San Francisco, he 
had demonstrated tmusual legal and administrative ability and commendable inde- 
pendence of the corporate and machine influences in California politics. Wheeler in 
1:904 had recommended that Roosevelt appoint Lane to the Interstate Commerce 
Commission. In Dfecember 1905 Roosevelt redeemed the pledge he had forgotten a 
year before by announcing that he would appoint Lane to the next vacancy. This 
excellent selection met much Republican opposition since it gave the Democrats a 
three to two majority on the commission. Lane served until 1913 when he took office 
as Wilson’s Secretary of the Interior. 

1056 


from California, and having settled in this way the question of giving full 
recognition to California and to the Pacific slope I dismissed the whole matter 
from my mind. I ought never to have made a positive promise, because, as 
actually happened, it might turn out that the interest of the public service 
demanded that someone else should be appointed. If Senator Cockrell will 
take the position he is pre-eminently the man for it. He may not take it. In 
that case Lane shall go in. 

There is, however, another proviso that must now be made. I hope to 
enlarge the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission. This makes it 
an entirely different organization. Under such circumstances I must be certain 
that Lane or anyone else has all the ability and fairness required or I could not 
make the appointment, and if I made the appointment and found I was mis- 
taken I should have to remove him, not for any actual fault of commission or 
omission, but just because I did not think he sized up to tiie place. 

In any event, Lane has a grievance and a just claim; I am very sorry about 
the former and shall do my best to meet the latter. But confidentially I should 
like one piece of information from you. What about the last mayoralty con- 
test? I am told that Lane did not appear to advantage in it. Is there any truth 
in this? Sincerely yours 

3383 • TO HENRY WATERS TAFT RoOSeVelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December 2, 1904 

My dear Taft: I thank you for your letter. I do not think I could possibly get 
Shefiield to take the postmastership. He wants to be United States District 
Attorney, and it seems to me that he is just the man for it; although I am not 
yet committed. About Miller, I do not think I ought even to consider a man 
whose politics are not known. The postmaster should be a man who will do 
nothing dirty in politics, who will not be under the thumb of politicians, but 
who most emphatically is known to them and has taken an active interest in 
politics. Similarly, Marcus would not do, especially as his residence is in 
doubt; but I think Judge Hall’s name is an excellent one. 

But my feeling is that if the two Senators and the Governor really want 
Willcox, who is so warmly recommended by Cornelius N. Bliss, Seth Low, 
Jacob A. Riis, Andrew Carnegie, and others, I w’ould hardly care to go into 
a fight with them about it. I continually have to fight them — this is between 
ourselves! — on matters where I think a principle is at stake, and I do not 
want to have to do it if it is not necessary. Sincerely yours 

3384 • TO CHARLES GATES DAWES RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 2, 1904 

My dear Mr. Dawes: I have yoizr letter of the 30th ultimo. What I said in my 
message was said after two years’ slowly and reluctantly coming to the con- 



elusion that it ought to be said — the conclusion being finally reached in 
consequence of information put before me by the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission and the Bureau of Corporations, and after carefully going over every 
word of the paragraph with Paul Morton, Taft, Moody, Elihu Root, and 
Knox. I am firmly convinced that the Interstate Commerce Commission 
should have greatly increased powers. I feel also that the salary should be 
increased; and if powers are given I shall hold the men to very sharp ac- 
countability. Sincerely yours 


3385 - TO \VILLL\M ALLEN WHITE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, December 2, 1904 

My dear White: I like your recent article in the Saturday Evening Post so 
much that I must send you a line about it.^ I like it especially because you did 
not write as if expecting the impossible from me and because you state so 
clearly the fundamental fact of the election, the importance of the people’s 
attitude, of their theory of what the candidate symbolized. That I have ac- 
complished something a little along the line of what the people wish is, I 
hope, true, and I hope equally that I shall be able to accomplish something a 
little more along the same line. But the great point is that I have been able to 
give direction and guidance to the forces which were demanding, sometimes 
inarticulately, although often with more sound and fury than was necessary, 
that the Government should effectively shape the policy that I have clumsily 
called a “square deal.” The term was used by me while groping about to try 
to find some more dignified expression which would yet rivet men’s minds 
on the object that I thought all important. If you will turn to an article at 
the end of Scribnefs Monthly^ which is just out, and compare it with your 
own piece in the Saturday Evening Post, you will see the difference between 
the view of a cultivated somewhat ineffective man who does not understand 
the real things of life, the real motives that actuate the people as a whole, and 
that of another man — yourself — who does understand the “fundamentals,” 
as Cromwell would have called them. You and I have not always agreed and 
will not always agree, but down at bottom I think we both stand for the same 
thing. 

With love to the wife and “Bill,” Always yours 

* White had tnaintamed that the election meant that the Republican party should be 
reorganized as Roosevelt’s party to solve the trust problem. 

^Th& editorial contended that there had been no supreme issue, political or personal, 
in the campaign. Praising the moral stand of both Presidential candidates, the author 
of the editorial recogiuzed no mandate except for integrity in public service. 


1058, 


3386 • TO OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, December 5, 1904 

Dear Mr. Justice: I am immensely pleased with President Eliot’s little book,^ 
which you sent me, and I agree with you absolutely as to its worth. It is very 
unsafe to say of anything contemporary that it wUl be a classic, but I am in- 
clined to venture the statement in this case. It seems to me pre-eminently 
worth while to have such a biography of a typical American. How I wish 
President Eliot could write in the same shape biographies of a brakeman or 
railroad locomotive engineer, of an ordinary western farmer, of a carpenter 
or blacksmith in one of our small towns, of a storekeeper in one of our big 
cities, of a miner — of half a dozen typical representatives of the forgotten 
millions who really make up American life. I am immensely pleased with the 
book, it is good wholesome reading for all our people. 

I was rather struck at what President Eliot said about oblivion so speedily 
overtaking almost everyone. But after all, what does the fact amount to that 
here and there a man escapes oblivion longer than his fellows.^ Ozymandias 
in the Desert — when a like interval has gone by who will know more of any 
man of the present day than Shelley knew of him.^ I suppose it is only about 
ten thousand years since the last glacial epoch (at least that is, I understand, 
the newest uncertain guess of the geologists); and this covers more than the 
period in which there is anything that we can even regard as civilization. Of 
course, when we go back even half that time we get past the period when 
any man’s memory, no matter how great the man, is more than a flickering 
shadow to us; yet this distance is too small to be measured when we look at 
the ages even at rather short range — not astronomically but geometrically. 
That queer creature Ware, my Pension Commissioner, who always uses the 
terminology of his Kansas environment, but who has much philosophy of his 
own, once wrote the following verses on this very question; 

HISTORY. 

Over the infinite prairie of level eternity. 

Flying as flies the deer, 

Time is pursued by a pitiless, cruel oblivion. 

Following fast and near. 

Ever and ever the famished coyote is following 
Patiently in the rear; 

Trifling the interval, yet we are calling it “His- 
tory” — 

Distance from wolf to deer. 

Whether die distance between the wolf and the deer is a couple of inch® 
or a quarter of a mile is not really of much consequence in the end. It is passed 
over mighty quickly in either evrat, and it makes small odds to any of us 

‘ Qwurles William Eliot, John Qilley, Maina Farmer and Fisherman (Boston, 1904). 

1059 


after we are dead w^hether the next generation forgets us, or whether a num- 
ber of generations pass before our memory, steadily growing more and more 
dim, at last fades into nothing. On this point it seems to me that the only im- 
portant thing is to be able to feel, when our time comes to go out into the 
blackness, that those survivors who care for us and to whom it will be a pleas- 
ure to think well of us when we are gone, shall have that pleasure. Save in a 
few wholly exceptional cases, cases of men such as are not alive at this par- 
ticular time, it is only possible in any event that a comparatively few people 
can have this feeling for any length of time. But it is a good thing if as many 
as possible feel it even for a short time, and it is surely a good thing that those 
whom we love should feel it as long as they too live. 

I should be quite unable to tell you why I think it would be pleasant to 
feel that one had lived manfully and honorably when the time comes after 
which all things are the same to every man; yet I am very sure that it is well 
so to feel, that it is well to have lived so that at the end it may be possible to 
know that on the whole one’s duties have not been shirked, that there has 
been no flinching from foes, no lack of gentleness and loyalty to friends, and 
a reasonable measure of success in the effort to do the tasks allotted. This is 
just the kind of feeUng that President Eliot’s hero had the right to have; and 
a Justice of the Supreme Court or a President or a General or an Admiral, 
may be mighty thankful if at the end he has earned a similar right! 

With love to Mrs. Holmes, Faithfully yours 


3387 • TO PHILIP BATHELL STEWART RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 7, 1904 

My dear Stewart: It seems very hard to have to answer you as I must. I appre- 
ciate to the full the desperate combat in which you have been engaged, and 
how hard it is not to have every ounce of support that can be given you. But 
I simply do not know enough of the situation to write about it. For instance, 
if I wrote about fraud I would have to also write about corruption, and ask 
that most rigorous measures be taken to stop one as well as the other. This 
would be accepted by many people as being a slap at Peabody, for of course 
I am receiving indignant letters about the alleged corruption fund raised on 
Peabody’s behalf.^ It would not do for me to write such a letter at all unless 

^ In Colorado, as usual, there was politically both confusion and corruption, Recog- 
nmng Roosevelt’s popularity, Democratic leaders in 1904 had concentrated on the 
state campaign, attacking particularly the labor record of Governor Peabody. This 
tactic seemed, in part at least, to have succeeded. While Roosevelt swept the state 
and carried fellow Republicans with him, Alva Adams, the Democratic guberna- 
torial candidate, received a plurality of about 10,000 over Peabody. But this did not 
settie the governorship. Both sides, with good cause, claimed that fraudulent practices 
had been used in the election. In ^ite of these rival claims, Adams was formally 
inaugurated in January. Immediately, however, the Republican-controlled legisla- 
ture, with the co-operation of Denver Democrats who were hostile to Adams and his 
sponsors, Senators Teller and Patterson, unseated Adams and declared Peabody 

1060 


I was thoroughly cognizant of all the facts, and could write with full knowl- 
edge. I have been over the matter with the Attorney General most carefully 
to see if there was any way by which I could write to Cranston, but as yet 
neither he nor I have been able to see how I could do it with advantage. 

I hate to have to answer you in this manner. Smcei^ely yours 

3388 • TO ALBERT JEREMIAH BEVERIDGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, December 7, 1904 

My dear Senator: I do not know what we have on hand Monday the 19th. 
By that time the children are here for Christmas, and everything is subordi- 
nated to their wishes. I have asked Mr, Barnes^ to take it up with Mrs. Roose- 
velt. 

I send you herewith a very interesting letter and papers from Congress- 
man Curtis, 2 in reference to the prohibition of the sale of liquor to the Indians 
in what is now Indian Territory, for a number of years after it becomes a 
pan of the new State. It seems to me that this is a very advisable thing to 
have done. Would it be possible to have it incorporated in the Statehood 
bill.J^ ® Faithfully yours 


3389 • TO CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT ROOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, December 9, 1904 

My dear Conmissioner Wright: I have accepted your resignation to take 
effect on January 31st next. I now wish to thank you for having consented 
to defer it so long. 

Mere thanking you, however, would be an utterly inadequate way of ex- 
pressing my appreciation of the invaluable work you have rendered the peo- 
ple of this country through your twenty-years’ term as Commissioner of 
Labor. You have to a peculiar degree exemplified what can be done by the 
highest type of public servant. Your work has been so obviously in the inter- 
est of the people as a whole that you have been able to do it under all adminis- 
trations. The questions with which you have dealt are those which lie at the 
root of our national well-being; and successfully to deal with them necessi- 

elected. The latter, in accordance with the coalition agreement, immediately resigned, 
permitting Republican Lieutenant Governor Jesse F. McDonald to take office. For 
detailed accounts of this episode, see Ellis, Teller^ pp. 363-365; Colin B. Goo^koontz, 
Fapers of Edward P. Costtgan Relating to the Progressive Movement in Colorado^ 
ipot-ipiy (Boulder, 1941), pp. 40-48. 

' Benjamm F. Barnes, assistant secretary to the President. 

•Charles Curtis, Republican representative from Kansas, 1893-1907; senator, 1907- 
1933; Vice-President^ 1929-1933. 

® The bill incorporating Oklahoma and adjacent Indian territory into a single state, as 
finally passed in June 1906, prohibited the sale of liquor in die Indian territory area 
for twenty-one years. 


1061 


rated the possession of great courage, great judgment, and a deep and sincere 
interest in the welfare of your fellows. These are the very qualities you have 
shown, and it is because you had these qualities that you have been enabled 
to make so signal and striking a success of your work. 

Again thanking you for it, in the name of all our people. I am, Very sin-- 
cerely yours 

3390 • TO CATHERINE MC LAEN NEW RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 9, 1904 

My dear Mrs. New: Evidently my letter did not convey my meaning to 
you! ^ Harry would not have to ask for a federal appointment as far as I was 
concerned, for if the opportunity came I should ask him to take one. As 
soon as I see Mr. Cortelyou I shall tell him that I earnestly hope Harry can 
be made Acting Chairman of the National Committee. I do not know what 
Mr. Cortelyou’s views are, but it would be peculiarly pleasant to me to have 
Harry in that position. March will be time enough, I suppose, for me to see 
him, and I do not want him to come in advance unless it is absolutely con- 
venient. Sincerely yours 

3391 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 9, 1904 

Dear Murray: I had Lewisohn^ to lunch. Brander and his wife were at dinner 
last night. 

I am having difficult work in connection with the tariff. I fear that my 
desire for an early extra session cannot be realized. It is so obviously advisable 
to have the thing done quickly, and so evident that my influence will be 
greater immediately after my inauguration than ever again, that I believe the 
earliest possible session the best. Moreover, this would be following out what 
was done eight years ago when McKinley summoned an early extra session. 
However, a radical difference has at once become evident between the two 
cases. When McKinley was elected the party was a unit that there should be 
a higher tariff, substantially on the lines of the late McKinley bill, and in 
Dingley the House had a leader who knew the details of tariff-making to the 
tips of his fingers and who knew exactly what could be done. At present 
the party is so far from being a unit in favor of amendment or reduction of 

' Mrs. New had asked Roosevelt to appoint her husband ambassador to Mexico. The 
President had, however, already filled that post. At his instigation. New was made 
vice-chairman of the National Committee m 1905, assuming the direction of that 
organization when Cortelyou became Postmaster General, 

* Adolph Lewisohn, New York Qty financier, philanthropist; donor of ihe School 
of Mines building at Columbia Umversity and the Lewisohn Stadium for the College 
of the Qty of New York. 

1062 


the present tariff that there is a strong majority against it — a majority due 
partly to self-interest, partly to inertia, partly to timidity, partly to genuine 
conviction — these motives operating differently in different States or with 
different individuals. The minority, which would like amendment and reduc- 
tion of the tariff, is entirely split up as to the articles on which the amend- 
ment should come, and there is no one of remarkable ability to frame any law 
at all to be found save among those who object to any law at all. There is 
practically no time for the members who wish action to come together and 
agree during this very busy short session. The effort will have to be made 
after the short session. This means that unless circumstances change in the 
next sixty days it will be idle and worse than idle to call the extra session 
early. I must get some kind of substantial agreement among the leaders before 
that session is called. 

Give my love to Bishop and tell him that I have not forgotten the break- 
fast or dinner and will give him notice in ample time. Faithfully yours 

3392 • TO EDWIN BRADBURY H.ASKELL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December ro, 1904 

My dear Mr. Haskell: ^ I thank you for your letter. It has been difficult for 
me to avoid the conviction that in the editorial columns of the Herald, and 
in the letters written for it by such writers as Mr. Henry Loomis Nelson, 
there is deliberate falsification. But in the news items contributed from Wash- 
ington by Mr. Otto Carmichael and his colleagues there is no difficulty at all 
about coming to a conclusion. Dispatches such as this dispatch about the 
alleged cruelty to the turkey are not only false but are wilfully false; they are 
malicious inventions. This was not the only false dispatch. It was the in 
a constant succession of false dispatches. I should probably not have paid any 
more heed to tha than to the previous ones had it not attacked my children, 
accusing them and me of outrageous cruelty. Inasmuch as there was not tibe 
slightest shadow of foundation I believe that it was deliberately invented by 
the correspondent of the Boston Herald. In any event it was a lie, and yet the 
Herald did not, when this fact was pointed out, either repudiate it or express 
its regret at having admitted it to its columns. It simply stated that it did not 
believe the story was worth telegraphing. So long as it takes such a position 
my present order about it wiU remain in force. If it states authoritatively that 
the story in question was absolutely false, and that it regrets its appearance 
in the Herald, I will rescind the order; but not otherwise.® Sincerely yoto’s 

‘Edwin Bradbury Haskell, editor, Boston Herald, 1862-1887. 

*The Boston Hera/i, on November 24, had described a angular Thanksgh^g party 
at the "V^te House. The Roosevelt chadren had supposedly chased a turkey around 
the White House lawns while the President stood by and lauded. This, the artkde 
daiined, showed the children to be “cWps off the old block,” possesang their full 
share of “juvenile irrepressibleness.” In retaliation Roosevelt ordered that all news 
reports of Washington departments be barred from Mr. CSmnichael and other 

1063 


3 393 ' anna ROOSEVELT COWLES Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, December 12, 1904 

Darling Bye: I enclose the $10 to be sent Mrs. Hoyt for the Mrs, Lee matter, 
as by the enclosed letter. 

Tell dear Eleanor that I can attend the wedding if it takes place before 
March 17. The most convenient dates for me would be March 16 and Feb- 
ruary II and 14. There would be several dates on which I could not come, 
including of course March 4 and the two or three days immediately before, 
and the dates of the dinners here and of my speeches, which are, January 5, 
10, 12, 19 , 16 and 30, and February 2, 9, 16 and 22.^ Ever yours 

3394 • TO JAMES ROCKWELL SHEFFIELD RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 12, 1904 

My dear Sheffield: Many thanks for your letter. About the senatorship, of 
course all I can say is that I shall not directly or indirectly take any part 
whatever in it.^ I have enough legitimate business without mixing in matters 
that are not properly mine. 

Now, about what you say as to Morris.® Just prior to my receiving your 
letter he called upon me, and I am bound to say impressed me more favorably 
than he ever has before. I had always liked him well enough, but never thought 
much about him one way or the other, though I was glad to send him to 
Venezuela. But on this occasion he spoke so very nicely and showed himself 
such a gentleman that I was really favorably impressed. He told me he did 
not intend to embarrass me at all and if I said that I did not wish to appoint 
him that would be the end of it so far as he was concerned; but if I were will- 
ing he would like to lay before me certain letters, which proved to be from 
Judge Townsend ® and the two New York City District Judges, and from 
certain really excellent lawyers, I made no comment upon them; simply told 
him I was not able to say anything at the moment. A little later, when you 
have had a chance to go about in New York, I shall ask you to come bn again 

Herald corre^ondents. Editorial comment throughout the country opposed the 
President’s action, the Rochester Herald claiming that Roosevelt had used the “im- 
perialistic hand” of a czar. The order was withdrawn after the Herald retracted the 
story. 

^ Roosevelt gave the bride away on March 17, 1905. 

^ Black, supported by Odell and Harriman, hoped to succeed Depew in the United 
States Senate. Platt, Barnes, and Higgins favored continuing Depew. Roosevelt 
apparently did not interfere. There is no evidence in his correspondence that he 
contemplated helping Black by offering Depew an ambassadorship, although Harri- 
man and Odell later asserted that the President was committed to such a plan. Black, 
realizing that Depew was soil the favorite of the party, withdrew in late December, 
a retreat widely interpreted as a victory for Platt over Odell. 

* Robert Clark Morris. 

* Wilh'am K. Townsend, United States circuit judge, Northern District of New York, 



so that I may go over the whole matter with you. I shall see Root tonight. 
I am inclined to think that I ought to have suggested to you to begin a little 
earlier. 

Will you give my warm regards to Mrs. Sheffield, and say to her how 
delightful it was to have you both here? Faithfully yours 

3 395 • TO MICHAEL JOSEPH DONOVAN Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December 13, 1904 

Dear Mike: Luck is hard with me as regards boxing. A couple of days ago I 
spent a good afternoon with Ted and one of his football friends and a couple 
of young army officers sparring, playing singlestick, etc., and I am sorry to 
say I have wrenched my thigh again and succeeded in breaking a blood vessel 
in one eye,* while Ted put his thumb out of joint. Accordingly we shall have 
to lay up until after the holidays. Then I will write you again, and if you are 
still able to come down will get you to do so. I want to have you in the White 
House and put on the gloves with you myself, and see Ted do so. Your friend 

3396 • TO SAMUEL GOMPERS Roosevelt Mss. 

Washh^on, December 14, 1904 

My dear Sir: I greatly regret that my duties here do not admit my attending 
the aimual meeting of the National Civic Federation* which will be held in 
New York Qty on Thursday, the 15th instant. But though I cannot take 
part in the conference or be present at the dinner in connection therewith, I 
am sure you understand that I am in hearty accord and sympathy with the 
purposes of the National Civic Federation in its effort for the establishment 
of “more rightful relations between employers and employees.” It is a move- 
ment so praiseworthy and so thoroughly American in conception that it 
should as a matter of course receive the earnest support of all good citizens 
who are awake to the vital needs of our nation. 

Views upon economic and sociological problems often differ. There can 
be, however, no division of opinion that the highest aim of all should be to- 
ward establishing on an ever closer basis of mutual req)ect and friendship the 
relations between employee and workmen. 

The men associated in the National Qvic Federation have already done 
much in the direction of settling labor difficulties on a basK of conciliation 
and just dealing. Among those most prominent in this work, and largely and 
intimately associated with all your work, was the late Marcus A. Hanna, 
Senator from Ohio, President of the National Civic Federation, a large em- 

*This injury was a contcibudng cause of the ]at» blindness in one of Roosevdltl's 

eyes. 

* Gompers was a vice-president of the National Gw Federation. 

1065 


ployer of labor, a man of extraordinary force of character and great mental 
strength, who devoted much of his time and efforts to the material improve- 
ment of the wage earners, not only without injury to employers, but to their 
marked benefit, as well as to the benefit of the people generally. When he 
attended the last meeting of your body, his condition was such that a less 
consideration of the interests of others would have prompted him to have 
stayed away, in the interest of his own life and health. But when he saw what 
he deemed a high duty, he never paid any heed to his own physical welfare. 

You are about to elect a President to fill the vacancy caused by his death; 
and I am sure your wise judgment will enable you to choose some man able 
to carry on in his spirit and with his power the great work of your associ- 
ation. 

Again permit me to assure you of my entire sympathy with your organi- 
zation which has done so much, and which, if rightfully conducted will, I 
am confident, achieve so much more, in the interests of the people of our 
common country. Sincerely yours 


3397 • TO HENRY SMITH PRITCHETT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 14, 1904 

My dear Mr, Pritchett: ^ I have just received your very kind letter, with Mr. 
Rhodes’ memorandum, together with your views on “The Moral Egotist in 
Politics” ^ (which I. had already read with hearty interest and approval), and 
the very interesting extracts from Mr. Rhodes’ forthcoming volume. 

Let me say at the outset that fundamentally I agree entirely with your 
position, and with Mr, Rhodes" view as expressed in the extract sent me. 

But while I agree with you fundamentally — that is, I agree with you that 
the principal hope of the negro must lie in the sense of justice and good wiU 
of the people in the South, and that the northern people can do but little for 
him — yet I do not think that the conclusions you draw as to the action to 
follow can at this time be safely accepted; and I hope, my dear Mr. Pritchett, 
that both you and Mr. Rhodes, who says he agrees with you, will carefully 
consider this letter of mine at some time when you can go over it together. 
I have always felt that the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment at the time 
it was passed was a mistake; but to admit this is very different from admitting 
that it is wise, even if it were practicable, now to repeal that amendment. The 
Fourteenth Amendment Mr, Rhodes very properly commends, and I fail to 

^ Henry Smith Pritchett, astronomer, superintendent of the United States Coast 
and Geodetic Survey, 1897-1900; president, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
1900-1906; president, Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 190^ 
1930, 

* Henry Smith Pritchett, *The Moral Egotist in Politics,” Outlook, 78; 663-666 
(November 12, 1904). 


1066 


see how any man can do otherwise than commend it I again agree with you 
that, as conditions are now, at this time, it is unwdse and would do damage 
rather than good to press for its active enforcement by any means that Con- 
gress has at its command. But it is out of the question that there can be 
permanent acquiescence on the part of the North in an arrangement under 
which Air. John Sharp Williams, the leader of the minority in the House, as 
compared with Air. Cannon, the Speaker, elected by the majority, has just 
four times the political tveight to which he is entitled. Air. Williams repre- 
sents a district in which there are three blacks to one white. It is an outrage 
that this one white man should first be allowed to suppress the votes of the 
three black men, and then to cast them himself in order to make his own vote 
equal to that of four men in Air. Cannon’s district. If this result came about as 
a natural effect of a genuine and honest effort to enforce an illiteracy test, 
or something of the sort, I believe there would be little or no objection to it 
in the North, in spite of the damage done the North thereby; for I believe 
that the North has hearty S3mipathy with the trials of the South and is gener- 
ously glad to assist the South whenever the South does not render it impossi- 
ble by “superfluity of naughtiness.” The trouble is that there is no such gen- 
uine law, and that there is no white man from a southern district in which 
blacks are numerous who does not teU you, either defiantly or as a joke, that 
any white man is allowed to vote, no matter how ignorant and degraded, and 
that the negro vote is practically suppressed because it is the negro vote. To 
acquiesce in this state of things because it is not possible at the time to attempt 
to change it without doing damage is one thing. It is quite another thing to do 
anything which will seem formally to approve it. 

As a minor point I W'ould like to say that it is Crumpacker of Indiana and 
certain other western — not Eastern — men w'ho among the Republicans take 
the most extreme stand on this subject; and I have had to tell them that I 
could not countenance the action they are seeking to bring about. 

Now, about your proposition “to throw upon the states themselves the 
responsibility for dealing with the negro, subject only to the criticism of the 
other states, of England, and of the civilized world.” Here I am able to speak 
of my positive knowledge. If I had adopted such a policy in its entirety dur- 
ing die last two years, slavery would be at this moment re-established in the 
guise of peon^e in portions of Adississippi, Alabama and Georgia. The State 
courts and State officials positively refused to touch the question, and it grew 
up under State laws and the administration of State laws. I have partially 
broken it up by the action of the United States district attorneys and the 
United States courts. In each case I took a southerner, and usually a Demo- 
crat, as the agent through whom to work; and it is to these men — notably 
Judge Jones, whom I appointed in Alabama as a district judge — that the 
credit for the work is mainly due. But it would not have been done if I had 
thrown upon the States themselves the responsibility for dealing with the 
negro, subject only to outside criticism. The Federal Government must con- 

1067 



tinue to exercise its fiinctions in the South, just as it does in any other com- 
munity. 

Next as to appointments of negroes to office. You say, “I think that offers 
no great difficulty. Not even the southerners demand the exclusion of the 
negro from office. With the friendly leadership of a few strong men in any 
state you will readily find it possible to make such appointments of negroes as 
seem desirable with the approval and endorsement of the leading whites.” 
Unfortunately, you are mistaken. As a whole the southerners do demand, in 
effect, just precisely this: that is, the entire exclusion of negroes from office. 
Of course their best men do not demand it; but taken as a whole this is the 
demand they make; and their cry against me, aside from their hysterics over 
the Booker Washington incident, has been due to my acting just exactly as in 
this sentence you say they would not object to my acting. In almost every 
case I have had the approval and endorsement of the best whites; the better 
sentiment of the South has been with me, but it has been cowed and over- 
borne by the violence of the men who seem to furnish almost all their leader- 
ship, alike in politics and in the press. You cannot find an intelligent and 
honest southerner who will not tell you that my appointees in the Southern 
States, taken as a whole, are better on the average even than Mr. Qeveland’s; 
and a smaller percentage of them are negroes than was the case under Mr. 
McKinley; while these negroes are without an exception reputable and decent 
citizens and efficient officers. Mr. Clark Howell, of the Atianta Constitution, 
for instance, could not truthfully deny this as to Georgia. The ficayune and 
Tmes-Democrat could not deny it of Louisiana. Arid so I could go on 
through every State. But their knowledge and private acceptance of the truth 
of this fact has not prevented the southern leaders as a whole from inflaming 
their people well-nigh to madness by the coarsest form of personal vitupera- 
tion of me, and by the most brazen mendacity as to what had been done. 

The trouble is, my dear Mr. Pritchett, that in the last three years I really 
have tried exactly the course that you recommend, and the entire blame rests 
with the South for failure to meet my effort half way, or even one quarter, 
or one-tenth, or one-hundredth way. The North has not been to blame in the 
least The northern newspapers and northern politicians have shown an ex- 
traordinary generosity in refusing to attack the South. The attack has come 
purely from the Vardamans, the Tillmans, the Senator Morgans, the John 
Sharp Williamses, and the like. 

Let me illustrate what I mean by the concrete instance of the State of 
Mississippi. Mississippi is a Gulf State, and my foreign policy has been espe- 
cially advantageous to the Gulf States, by the action taken as regards the 
Panama Canal, the Venezuela business, etc., etc. She is prosperous under our 
internal administration. So that the policies of the Government on general 
matters had been to Mississippi’s great advantage. As regards the negro. Con- 
gress has done literally nothing during these three years, and has threatened 
literally nothing — for the present agitation about the enforcement of the 

io(S8 



Fourteenth Amendment was caused by, and did not in the least cause, the 
violent southern outburst of the last three years. In Mississippi I found 
the Republican organization such a worthless body that I absolutely threw it 
aside. I made almost all my appointments from among Democrats. The two 
most important, the marshal and district attorney whom I appointed, were, 
the first a gold Democrat named Wilson, formerly private secretary to Sena- 
tor Lamar and the brother-in-law of the then Governor Longino; the second 
a silver Democrat, Lee, a man who had supported Bryan, but who had been 
district attorney under Mr. Cleveland’s administration. Both of them were 
gentlemen and men of high standing. Ninety-nine out of a hundred of my 
appointments have been of white men or white women, and all of them, so 
far as I know, of the very highest character. This fact is invariably admitted 
by the best Mississippi papers, and not a Senator or Congressman from Missis- 
sippi has complained to me of the character of a single officeholder, although 
I have invited them to do so if there were any complaints to make. Of the 
very few negro appointments, most were to small post offices in the black 
belt in villages where there were only negroes, and where therefore a negro 
had to be appointed. Lastly, I somewhat diminished the number of office- 
holders who were negroes; so that the proportion, which was insignificant 
even under McKinley, has been still further reduced. Not a colored man was 
appointed save after securing his endorsement by all the best white people 
of the vicinity. 

Yet this is the State which elected Vardaman, pardy because of his foul- 
mouthed abuse of me, and which has gone into hysterics against me abso- 
lutely without one little particle of excuse. This is the state in which the 
respectable people of Indianola permitted the mob to run out the colored 
postmistress who had been originally appointed by President McKinley, and 
then reappointed by President McKinley at the end of her first term, with the 
approval of the two Democratic United States Senators. She was recom- 
mended by aU the best white people of the town, and her bondsmen included 
the two bankers of the town, the then Democratic State Senator and the ex- 
Democratic State Senator. She and her husband were cultivated, intelligent 
people, very modest and unassuming, and were taxpayers, being well up 
among the better-off people of the town. From motives which I have never 
been able to fathom the hoodlum element decided to run her out. They did 
so, and the best people of the town first, and then the whole State, instead 
of acting as you have said you believe the southerners under such conditions 
would act, turned in at once to support the infamous scoundrels who had 
been guilty of the offense. There were of course a few good men who pro- 
tested, but they counted for nothing in the general torrent. It was Vardaman 
who gave utterance to the real feeling of the State on the subject. 

Mind you, this is what happened exactly under the conditions that you 
suppose would bring about good results. I had abandoned all effort to do 
anything through the Republican party in Mississippi. I was acting through 

1069 



Democrats, southerners, ex-Confederates, who ^\"ere men of high character 
and proved governmental ability, and of good repute in the community. 
Congress was proceeding upon the plan of entire noninterference with the 
South, and of leaving them to do as they wished save as they might be in- 
fluenced by outside criticism. The result shows that the chief, and in fact the 
all-important, element of trouble was the folly and wickedness of the mass 
of the present leaders of the southern whites. 

As far as I can see my plan has been exactly the plan you now propose. 
You say “much would depend on the way in which the matter is opened up 
with southern men, and on the method in which it is introduced to leading 
Republicans in Congress.” You add, “It would be necessary to secure the co- 
operation of both leading southern men and party leaders.” Co-operation in 
what? What method is it to which you refer? What could any party leader 
or any northern man be asked to do more than he has done during the past 
three years? There has been no interference to even the slightest degree by 
Congress in southern affairs. There has been no interference by the Execu- 
tive, save in the way of appointing to office in the southern communities the 
very best men whom it is possible to obtain for the offices, a wholly insignifi- 
cant fraction of these men being colored men, and all of them representing a 
higher grade of integrity and capacity than has ever before been the case in 
these offices in the South, even under a Democratic administration. What 
more can northern men or party leaders do? As for “co-operation” by lead- 
ing southerners, all that these leading southerners have to do at this moment is 
to tell the truth, to quit lying, and the difficulty will vanish. I can hardly ask 
them to co-operate with me in securing their own truthfulness, and yet this 
is literally all that will be necessary. During my term as President there has 
been no more federal dictation or interference in the South than in New 
England or on the Pacific Coast. There has not been as much as in Democratic 
districts of the North, for in Democratic districts of the North the local 
offices are filled by Republicans, whereas in the South they are generally 
filled by Democrats. Not a law has been passed or threatened affecting the 
negro or affecting the southern white in his relation to the negro during the 
three years that the South has been indulging in hysterics over me; and such 
law is threatened now only because the provocation given by the South has 
become so intolerable that I have had to exercise all my power to prevent 
something being done in a vindictive or retaliatory spirits I do not believe 
you realize that my constant effort has been — I trust in the spirit of Abra- 
ham Lincoln — to prevent the righteous indignation of the North from tak- 
ing a shape which, though morally justifiable, at least from the standpoint of 
those whom you have so happily termed “moral egotists in politics,” would 
nevertheless, as a matter of expedience, be all wrong, and would do no good 
in the long run either to the North or to the white men or black men of the 
South. 

You speak of the effect of outside criticism upon the South. I baye nQt 

joyo 


seen that this criticism has had any effect; nor have I seen much, if any, 
growth of sensitiven«s to it in the South. The trouble is that we have so 
much indifference and so much of sheer dough-face «attitude» in the North 
that the South is not really taught to feel that there is a public sentiment 
against what it does. Carl Schurz and the Evening Post crowd, to be sure, 
are fond of demanding, between elections, that there shall be all kinds of 
impossible action taken to secure to the negro what Sumner intended to give 
him. But these very men who in theory look at the negro exactly as Sumner 
looked upon him, and who would be quite as unvdse friends of his as Mr. 
Rhodes proves Sumner to have been, are in practice, when election time 
comes, the servile tools of the southerners. I do not believe in either their 
sincerity or their common sense. 

On the other hand take Norman Hapgood and Collier’s Weekly. Hap- 
good’s case seems to be a particularly pitiful one inasmuch as he wrote a good 
sketch of Lincoln, and yet in the actual present shows himself false to the 
\'ery principles and policies which in Lincoln he admires. He would be an 
utterly imponderable element except that he seemingly dictates the editorial 
policy of Collier’s, which has become in consequence a paper so worthless 
as regards all great questions that I no longer consider it as being of the 
slightest weight in either helping or hindering any public movement in which 
I am interested. Hapgood has consistently done all of the very litde he could 
do to encourage the southerners in their worst attitudes. I do not suppose 
the effect of his editorials has really amounted to anything; but if it has 
amounted to anything it has by just so much told for injustice and bmtality 
and tyranny and sectional hatred. 

Now, as I say, I want you to read this letter with Mr. Rhodes. I want 
him to know that, from reading his fifth volume and from the advance pages 
forwarded through you from his sixth volume, I am fundamentally in agree- 
ment with the view he takes of reconstruction. I want you to know that I 
fundamentally agree with your own purposes, and with your sense of what 
ought to be done. But I wish you both to realize that as far as I can see I have 
actually gone along the very lines you say should be followed; and that as 
far as I can see it is the southerners who speaking only of the present are to 
blame for present conditions. It may be that it would have been better for me 
not to have had Booker Washington at dinner. It may be that it would have 
been better not to have originally nominated Crum for the Charleston collec- 
torship. Personally I think I was right in both instances. But even if I was 
wrong, to say that the South’s attitude is explained by these two acts is to 
say that the South is in a condition of violent chronic hysteria. 

What definite plan that has not been tried during these three years can 
you suggest? Congress is actually leaving alone the question of legislation to 
enforce the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Congress is not passing 
and has not passed any law, and is not taking and has not taken any action, 
menacing in the slightest d^ree the South, or touching on the color question. 

1071 


Hardly a northerner speaks of these matters in Congress. But one or two 
resolutions touching on them are even introduced. The talk about them (and 
very violent and foolish and wicked talk it is, too) comes from men like 
Carmack of Tennessee, like John Sharp Williams of Mississippi, like Tillman 
of South Carolina. It is these men and not the northerners who need to learn 
moderation and respect for the rights and difSculties of others, and above all, 
truthfulness and honesty in speech and thought. 

As for my own actions, I wish you and Mr. Rhodes would point out 
one thing that I am doing which I ought not to do, or am leaving undone 
which I ought to have done. I do not mean this in an idle sense. I ask you 
personally, and I ask Mr. Rhodes, after correspondence with any southern 
friends you have or with any southerners of whom you know, to ask them to 
point out to you specifically in their own localities things I have done or left 
undone which were wrong. Do not let them take refuge in generalities. Let 
them write you what I have done in their localities, or specifically what I 
ought to do as covering the entire field. I earnestly desire to learn; I care not 
a rap for any false pride of “consistency”; and any way towards betterment 
that can be pointed out I shall most gladly and eagerly foUow. Ftdthfidly 
yours 

3398 • TO J.4MES FORD RHODES RoOSBVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 15, 1904 

Dear Mr. Rhodes: Naturally your letter pleases me very much. I am glad you 
liked the message. 

I have just sent Mr. Pritchett a letter, which I have asked him to show you, 
on the southern question. I am at my wits’ end what to do; at present I can 
only go on as I have been going. You will notice that, as a rule, my advisers 
ask me to do just exactly what I have done, and assume that the best possible 
results would come from so doing; whereas, as a matter of fact, the good re- 
sults have not so far been particularly apparent, although I think they will 
be apparent in the end. 

Four years ago Booker Washington and I discussed what ought to be 
done by a President to the South. We agreed that in the Gulf and South 
Atlantic States, where, unlike what is the case in Tennessee and North Caro- 
lina, there is no real Republican party organization which has any particular 
effect at the polls, the thing to do would be freely to recognize Democrats; 
to try to appoint men of the highest character — Republicans where they 
were available, Democrats where they were not; and to appoint a vay few 
colored men of high character-— just enough to make it evident that they 
were not being entirely proscribed. This is precisely the plan I have followed, 
and in the abstract every reputable southerner agrees that it is the right plan, 
while every reputable and intelligent southerner agrees that it has actually 
been put into practice in his district. And yet it has not prevented such 


1072 


coarse and malignant mendacity from the political and newspaper leaders of 
the South as to create a corresponding bitterness in the North — a bitterness 
which I am doing all in my power to allay, or at least to prevent from finding 
expression. 

I enclose you a most sensible article by ex-Congressman Fleming, of 
Georgia, a particularly good man, and will ask you to show it to Mr. Pritchett 
and then to send it back to me. I send you a copy of a letter I have written to 
Mr. McBee about the letter of a well-meaning young man in Tennessee who 
actually does not take the trouble to know what has been done in his own 
locality, and yet wants to instruct me how to act generally. Always yours 

3399 ' TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December 17, 1904 

The Secretary of State: After March 4th Mr. Whitelaw Reid will be put in 
as Ambassador to England; 

Mr. Meyer as Ambassador to France, with the understanding that he is to 
stay in only one year; 

Mr. Conger as Ambassador to Mexico, with the understanding that he is 
to stay in but six months; 

Rlr. White will be made Ambassador to Italy. 

The odver three ambassadors will be kept, but each will be told that after 
a year or two he may be changed. The ministers will be informed to the same 
effect. 

Mr. Thompson will be told that after six months he will be made Ambas- 
sador to Mexico. 

Mr. Rockhill will be made Minister to China. 

Mr. Bowen will be sent to Brazil, to succeed Mr. Thompson. 

A/[r. Dudley will go to Venezuela. 

Mr. CoUier will succeed Air. Hardy in Spain. 

Mr. Hyde will probably be put in place of Mr. Townsend at Brussels. 

Mr. Hill will succeed Mr. Newel in Holland. 

Mr. O’Brien of Michigan will go to Switzerland. 

Mr. O’Brien of New York will go to Montevideo. 

A Michigan man recommended by Senator Spooner will go to Peru. 

Mr. Wilson will succeed Mr. Swenson in Denmark. 

Mr. Swenson will succeed Mr. Thomas in Sweden. 

If we get a new legation in Roumania, Afllr. Riddle will be appointed to it. 
[Handwritten] All this is tentative. 

3400 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 19, 1904 

My dear Knox: Axe you making any study of this Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission legislation.!' It seems to me it is r^ht jn your line, and that there is 


1073 



no other man in the Senate quite so well fitted to draft a bill and put it 
through. It would be the greatest single service that any member of this 
Congress, or of the Congress which is about to assemble, could perform, as 
far as at present can be seen. Do think it over and see if you cannot take 
it up,^ Faithfully yours 


3401 • TO WILLIAM MILLER COLLIER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 19, 1904 

My dear Collier: Senator Platt has written as nice a letter as possible, and I 
have notified the State Department that your appointment to Spain is to be 
made. Of course, however, keep it absolutely quiet. But I think it would be 
a good thing to go up to the Senator and thank him personally for what he 
has done, and say how you appreciate it. Nothing could have been better and 
stronger than his letter. Sincerely yours 

[Handwitten] Now go at re-furbishing your Spanish hard and at once! 


3402 • TO LOUIS EMORY MC COMAS Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, December 21, 1904 

My dear Senator: I have gone carefully over the various candidates for the 
postmastership in Baltimore, and I have found it utterly impossible to get the 
different factions of the Republican party together. I have therefore con- 
cluded that it is in the interest not merely of the community but of the 
Republican party, to take the matter up from an outside standpoint; and I 
intend to send in the name of a gentleman who is not a candidate for the 
office and who was greatly surprised when I asked him to take it, but who, 
it seems to me, has the requisites necessary to meet the needs of the present 
situation. This is Mr. W. Hall Harris. You are doubtless acquainted with his 
standing as a lawyer and as a citizen, for his professional and social standing 
are of the highest. He is a straight Republican.^ I have told him that my only 
request is that he act fairly by the Republican organization, ignore factions, 
and that above all he administer the post office on strictly business principles, 
trying to serve his party in most effective fashion by the way in which, as 
postmaster, he serves all the people of Baltimore. I hope this selection will 
commend itself to your wisdom. Sincerely yours 

^Knox, who had voiced the opinion of most railroad men in supporting the Elkins 
Rebate Law in 1903, still reflected their view's. Silently hostile to Roosevelt’s railroad 
program at the short session of 1904-1905, the senator was later one of the best- 
mformed and most vigorous opponents of the unamended Hepburn Bill of 1905-1906. 

^ William Hall Harris, a leading lawyer of Baltimore, was, in fact, something less than 
a “straight Republican” from McComas’ point of view. Endorsed by no faction of 
Maryland Republicans, Harris owed the office he held for nine years primarily to the 
influence of his professional and political friend, C. J. Bonaparte. 


1074 



3403 ■ TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 22, 1904 

My dear Senator Platt: I hear numerous complaints about Marshal Henkel. 
Justly or unjustly it has become the rooted belief that he has been dealing 
with Tammany. Now, an idea has occurred to me in connection with our 
conversation the other day in w'hich we agreed that it was desirable, from 
the broad standpoint of public policy, to give Charley Anderson, the colored 
man, a good appointment in New York. How would it do to transfer Eidman 
to the marshalship and put Anderson in Eidman’s place? I do not know that 
Eidman is a particularly good man, but he is a perfectly fair man. If you think 
it better, we could substitute for him some first-class Jew. I would not want 
the Jews to feel that we had turned out one of their number when he is the 
only representative of the race at present holding a Federal position in New 
York. Let me know just how you feel.^ Sincerely yours 

3404 ■ TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON ROOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 23, 1904 

My dear Mr. Speaker: I have just received from Senator O. H. Platt the fol- 
lowing telegram referring to my proposal about getting a reduction of the 
Philippine tariif to fifty per cent: 

“Think we could pass reduction bill at 50 per cent especially if House 
would send it to us in that form.” 

It seems to me that this is a measure that ought on no account to be al- 
lowed to fail Can’t we get the House to act upon it? I do not think there will 
be any serious opposition among the cigar and tobacco people about it; cer- 
tainly none which we ought to take into account,^ Sincerely yovrs 

3405 • TO SERENO ELISHA PAYNE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, December 24, 1904 

My dear Mr. Payne: I think it of the utmost consequence that we should get 
the Philippine tariff reduced to fifty per cent this year. This is a compromise, 

‘Platt and Roosevelt solved these patronage problenis in a manner satisfactory to 
both of them and to Odell. Marshal Henkek a Platt Republican, and Ferdinand Eid- 
man, a collector of internal revenue in New York City, retamed their posts. Oiarles 
W. Anderson, a Negro, was given the other coUectorship in New York City, re- 
placing Charles H. Treat, an adherent of OdeU, who was appointed treasurer of the 
United States in place of Ellis H. Roberts, a Platt man who had resigned that office to 
return to private life. These changes, Depew’s victory, and the New York ( 3 ^ post- 
office appointment indicated that the “Easy Boss" was still a potent fector in New 
York. 

‘ In spite of continuing efforts by tiie Administration to secure reductions on Philip- 
pine products entering the United States, nothing was accomplished. The Manus, 
however, received some rdief in a revenue act (H. R. 18695) that passed in March 
1905. This act made spbstantM reductions on finished products entermg the Philip- 
pines, 


1075 



as you know. Secretary Taft feels that we ought to reduce it to twenty-five 
per cent. At present it is seventy-five per cent, which, as far as I can gather, 
is of literally no consequence whatever. Senator Platt, who has the great 
tobacco interests of the country close at heart, is content to take fifty per 
cent. Oxnard and the great majority of the beet sugar people are content to 
accept fifty per cent.^ It seems to me that it will be a grave mistake not to 
do this thing, and I cannot too strongly urge that it be done from the stand- 
point of farsighted public policy. Free trade upon everything but sugar and 
tobacco seems to be agreed upon. This matter might be reached by an amend- 
ment to the present Philippine bill which is now in the House. 

Earnestly hoping for your favorable consideration of this matter, I am. 
Sincerely yours 

3406 • TO JOSEPH OSWALT THOMPSON RooSBVelt Mss. 

Washii^on, December 24, 1904 

My dear Mr. Thompson: It has been alleged to me that the State Committee 
of Alabama is made up as follows: 

First district: 

P. D. Barker, Postmaster at Mobile, Alabama. 

G. B. Deans, U. S. Marshal, Southern District. 

J. T. Peterson, 

A. N. Johnson, ex-United States Gauger. 

Second district: 

H. F. Irwin, Assistant Postmaster, Montgomery. 

B. S. Perdue, Postmaster at Greenville. 

W. C. Starke, Postmaster at Troy. 

Julius Stemfeldt, Assistant U. S. Attorney, Middle District. 

Third district: 

Thomas FenneE. 

C. M. Cox, Deputy U. S. Marshal, Middle District. 

J. E. Tillman, Postmaster at Geneva. 

Byron TrammeE, Postmaster at Dothan. 

Fourth district: 

W. F. Aldrich, Aldrich, Alabama. 

J. M. Reagan, Postmaster at Anniston. 

^ Three brothers, Robert, Benjanun A, and Henry T. Oanard, dontiinared the early 
development of die beet sugar industjy in this country. Between them they organ- 
ised, directed, or controlled major reveries in New Orleans, Brooklyn, Savannah, 
and San Francisco. Henry, the youngest brodier, was the most active spokesman of 
:die three for the industry as 3 whole. 



J. A. Bingham, Postmaster at Talladega. 

J. C. Hollingsworth, Lincoln. 

Fifth district: 

J. C. Manning, Postmaster at Alexander City. 

G. N. King, Deputy U. S. Marshal, Northern District. (Discharged for 
drunkenness and want of attention to duty.) 

H. Gibson, Deputy U. S. Marshal, Middle District. 

W. V. Chambliss, Postal Qerk. 

Sixth District: 

D. N. Cooper, U. S. Marshal, Northern District. 

H. F. Nations. 

W. H. Chatman. 

J. D. Fowler, Court Crier. 

Seventh District: 

R. E. Anderson, farmer. 

J. J. Curtis, attorney. 

C. B. Kennemer, Assistant Postmaster at Guntersville. 

J. W. Porter, Postmaster at Center. 

Eighth district: 

J. A. Steele, Register U. S. Land Office, Huntsville. 

A. N. Hollan, Postmaster at Scoteboro. 

C. E. Hutchins, brother of Postmaster at Huntsville, and employee. 

G. O. Chenault, attorney. 

Ninth district: 

J. I. Armstrong, Postmaster at Blount Springs. 

M. C. FuUer, Postmaster at Blocton. 

J. W. Hughes, Postmaster at Birmingham. 

J. W. Clayoton, Applicant for post office, Ensley. 

This certainly seems to show a very undesirable state of affairs. There 
should be no such unhealthy predominance of officeholders. Sincerely yours 

3407 ■ TO NEVADA NORTHROP STRANAHAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 24, 1904 

Dear Stramy: I am in a quandary about Joe Murray. Williams, who is an 
excellent man, but arbitrary and difficult to get along with, has got on such 
terms with Murray that one or the other of them wffi have to leave. I want 
to keep Williams if I can. Is there some place with a salary of at least $3000 


1077 


in which I could put Joe Murray by March fourth? Do help me out and see 
if jrou can find such a place among the Federal appointees in New York. 

With best wishes for a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year for Mrs. 
Stranahan and you, believe me, Faithfully yours 

3408 • TO JOSEPH HODGES CHOATE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, December 24, 1904 

My dear Mr, Afnbassador: I have just received your letter of resignation, 
coupled with your private letter in which you ask that it be accepted and 
give reasons therefor which would seem to be controlling. It is vnth genuine 
reluctance that I accept it. You have rendered not merely loyal but distin- 
guished service. Not since Mr. Adams has any of our Ambassadors to Eng- 
land served as long as you have served; and not since Mr. Adams has any 
Ambassador in your position rendered more devoted and more efficient serv- 
ice to the country. I thank you with aU my heart, not only as President, but 
as an American citizen, for what you have done; and your countrymen, you 
may rest assured, appreciate it to the full, and when you return will show 
you fay their aflfectionate welcome that the great place you already had in 
their regard and esteem has grown even greater. Distinguished though your 
career has been, no part of it has been more distinguished than that which 
has fallen within the last six years. 

You ask as to the time when you can take your departure; but you men- 
tion that you had hoped to complete and dedicate while yet in England your 
memorial window to John Harvard in St. Saviour’s Church. You say that 
you stiU hope to accomplish this before your recall reaches you. If the delay 
will not inconvenience you I should like to have you arrange to stay until 
you can dedicate this window personally. Accordingly, subject as I say to 
your convenience, I shall ask you to let me know the date when you expect 
to dedicate it, and I shall then notify you, accepting the resignation at a time 
shortly subsequent thereto. But be sure to let me loiow if this is not entirely 
convenient. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Choate, believe me, Sincerely yours 

3409 " TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSevelt MsS, 

Confidential Washington, December 26, 1904 

Dear George: This letter is naturally to be treated as entirely confidential, as 
I wish to write you very freely. I desire to send you as Ambassador to St. 
Petersburg. My present intention is, as you know, only to keep you for a 
year as Ambassador, but there is nothing certain about this inasmuch as no 
man can tell what contingencies will arise in the future; but at present the 
position in which I heed you is that of Ambassador at St. Petersburg. St. 
Petersburg is at this moment, and bids fair to continue to be for at least a 

1078 


year, the most important post in the diplomatic service, from the standpoint 
of work to be done; and in the category of public servants who desire to do 
public work, as distinguished from those whose desire is merely to occupy 
public place — a class for whom I have no particular respect. I wish in 
St, Petersburg a man who, while able to do all the social work, able to enter- 
tain and to meet the Russians and his fellow diplomats on equal terms, able 
to do all the necessary plush business — business which is indispensable — 
could in addition, the really vital and important things. I want a man who wUl 
be able to keep us closely informed, on his own initiative, of everything we 
ought to know; who ^\’ill be, as an Ambassador ought to be, our chief soturce 
of information about Japan and the war — about the Russian feeling as to 
the continuance of the war, as to the relations between Russia and Germany 
and France, as to the real meaning of the movement for so-called internal 
reforms, as to the condition of the army, as to what force can and will be 
used in Manchuria next summer, and so forth and so forth. The trouble with 
our Ambassadors in stations of real importance is that they totally fail to 
give us real help and real information, and seem to think that the life work 
of an Ambassador is a kind of glorified pink tea party. Now, at St. Peters- 
burg I want some work done, and you are the man to do it It happens to 
be the only embassy at which I do want work done just at present. There is 
at St. Petersburg, in the English Embas^, an Englishman whose name I wiU 
not give you, but whom I shall ask to call on you and talk freely over the 
situation, alluding to what he has written me. I have gained the most valuable 
information from him — better information than I have ever gained from 
any of our own people abroad, save only Harry White. Our First Secretary, 
Spencer Eddy, has also written us continually and given us good information. 
With the exception of Harry White and John Riddle, he is the only secre- 
tary during my time of whom this can be said. 

The situation in the far East is one which needs careful watching. I am 
not inclined to think that Tokyo ’will show itself a particle more altruistic 
than St. Petersburg, or for the matter of that, Berlin. I believe that the Japa- 
nese rulers recognize Russia as their most dangerous permanent enemy, but 
I am not at all sure that the Japanese people draw any distinctions between 
the Russians and other foreigners, induding ourselves. I have no doubt that 
they include all white men as being people who, as a whole, they dislike, and 
whose past arrogance they resent; and doubtiess they believe tiieir own 
yellow dvilization to be better. It is always possible, though I think improb- 
able, that Russia and Japan will agree to make up their differences and 
assume an attitude of common hostility toward America or toward England, 
or toward both. Under such circumstances they m%ht have Germany or 
France or both in with them. This country cannot count upon any ally to 
do its work. We must stand upon our feet and try to look into the future as 
dearly as may be. For years Russia has pursued a policy of consistent opposi- 
tion to us in the East, and of literally fathomless mendacity. She has felt a 


1079 


profound contempt for England and Japan and the United States, all three, 
separately or together. It has been impossible to trust to any promise she has 
made. On the other hand, Japan’s diplomatic statements have been made 
good. Yet Japan is an oriental nation, and the individual standard of truthful- 
ness in Japan is low. No one can foretell her future attitude. We must, there- 
fore, play our hand alone, or be ready to play it alone, so far as either of 
these two nations is concerned. Germany and France for their own reasons 
are amdous to propitiate Russia, and of course care nothing whatever for our 
interests. England is inclined to be friendly to us and is inclined to support 
Japan against Russia, but she is pretty flabby and I am afraid to trust either 
the farsightedness or the tenacity of purpose of her statesmen; or indeed of 
her people. 

Our Navy is year by year becoming more efficient. I want to avoid any 
blustering or threatening, but I want to be able to act decidedly when any 
turn of affairs menaces our interests, and to be able to make our words good 
once they have been spoken; and therefore I need to know each phase of 
any new situation. Sincerely yours 


3410 • TO JOSEPH GxniNEy CANNON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December 27, 1904 

My dear Mr. Speaker: I am rather concerned at the way some of the papers 
have been talking as to the proposed cut in the naval program. I do not expect 
to go on as rapidly as we have been going; but my dear Mr. Speaker, do not 
think that I am an alarmist, or an imperialist, or an amateur war lord, when 
I say that to make a serious cut in the navy would be very much worse than 
any possible cut, say, in rivers and harbors, or public buildings, and the like. 
As you know, though I have always stood up for taking Panama; for keeping 
the Philippines, as conditions actually were; for enforcing the Monroe Doc- 
trine; and so forth and so forth; I have insisted that we ought not to do any 
of these things and thereby run the risk of having our bluff called, unless 
we were prepared to make the bluff good; that is, unless we were prepared 
to build and nKtintain a thoroughly efficient fighting navy. For instance, at 
the present time no one can tell what course events will t^e in the East. No 
one can tell how long ffie war will last, or whether any other powers will 
be drawn into it, or whether when peace comes a great effort may not be 
made to save the honor of both combatants at the expense of outsiders, or 
by the aid of some outsiders at the expense of the remaining outsiders. Now, 
I want to go on with building up the navy, not merely for the sake of build- 
ing it up, but for the sake of letting other nations see that our policy is 
definite and permanent, and that we shall not abandon it. It would create an 
unfortunate impression — indeed I may say a very unfortunate impression 

1080 


— abroad if they gained the idea that we were fickle and infirm of purpose 
in such a matter as this.^ 

I do not suppose there is any need of my ^\Titing this to you, but as I 
felt a little uneasy I thought I would lay these considerations before you. 

With high regard, and wishing you the happiest of happy New Years, 
believe me, Sincerely your friend 


34x1 • TO PHILIP BATHELL STEWART RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, December 27, 1904 

Dear Stewart: Since writing the accompanying letter your second one came 
to hand with the proposal for a somewhat different trip. Evidently this sec- 
ond trip would have to be taken with an entirely different set of dogs and 
men. You do not say whether I should go earlier or later on this trip than 
with Goff, Could I go with Goff first and this trip afterwards, or ought I to 
reverse the proposal. What hunter and how many hounds would I be able 
to get for this proposed new trip? I am glad that there are mountain lions 
and bobcats as well as bears. Would you rather I wrote to GoflF for definite 
information than you, or would you be willing to write to him to find out 
as to whether there are lions to be had in his bear country, as to when I 
should start (so as to see if it could be combined with this other trip) etc,, 
etc.? 

Now for more serious matters. I am, of course, following with the most 
intense interest what is happening in Colorado, Stevens came in the other 
day. He told me that everybody except Evans^ believed that to seat Peabody 
save on the most overwhelming evidence would be a very disastrous thing. 
Of course I know nothing of the facts in the case. Is Wolcott definitely out 
of politics? Brooks now and then tries to persuade me that he is still a 

^ Roosevelt had stated his case for continuing naval construction in his annual mes- 
sage. Recommending that ships of all types be built, he gave particular attention to 
the need for battleships. Later the Secretary of the Navy, with the President’s ap- 
proval, specifically requested authorization, for the fiscal year ending June 1906, of 
three battleships, five cruisers, six destroyers, six torpedo boats, and two colliers. This 
program, particularly the battleship schedule, met serious opposition in the House of 
Representatives, Several Republicans, of whom Littlefield of Maine was most out- 
spoken, opposed it on the of economy. Most Democrats protested that the 

program was excessively expensive and dangerously imperialistic. They argued also 
that the battleships would ]>r(>\ u co be easy prey for enemy torpedo boats, a conten- 
tion denied by Roosevelt, Alorton, and informed naval ofiicers. Cannon gave Roose- 
velt his effective co-operation, but not until February 20, and then only by a close 
vote, did the House pass a measure which curtailed the program to two, battleships, 
three cruisers, and two colliers. The even more reluctant Senate at first approved 
only one batdeship but, after a joint conference, accepted the House bilk 

^ William Gray Evans, Denver Republican, influential railroad and rapid transit offi- 
cial, at this time president of the Denver City Tramway Company, was the" son of 
John Evans, railroad builder, territorial governor and senator from Colorado, after 
whom Evanston, Illinois, was named. 

1081 


factor, but I half suspect that this is done to frighten me when he and 
Bonynge* cannot agree about the offices. Faithfully yours 


3412 • TO HENRY WHITE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, December 27, 1904 

My dear White: As you of course know, I intend to appoint you Ambassador 
to Italy after March 4th. I need hardly tell you, my dear feUow, how glad I 
am to be able to do this. 

Now, I wonder if you could arrange to have the Foreign Office send 
Spring Rice over here to see me for a week? I understand he is to be in 
London for a little while. There is no one in the British Embassy here to 
whom I can talk freely, and I would like to have the people at the Foreign 
Office understand just my position in the Far East, and I would like to know 
what theirs is. I do not have much faith in the tenacity of purpose or willing- 
ness to stand punishment of either the English Government or the English 
people, and as it is impossible to foretell what conditions will arise, and there- 
fore what position our people will be willing to take, I think that all that 
can be done at present is to try to get a clear idea of the respective mental 
attitudes of the two governments. But I think it would be an advantage to 
have this clear idea. I do not know whether it is my fault or Sir Mortimer’s, 
but our minds do not meet; and in any event I should be unwilling to speak 
with such freedom as I desire to anyone in whom I had not such absolute 
trust as I have in Spring Rice, both as regards his intelligence, his discretion 
and his loyalty. This may be an impossible thing which I suggest and you 
may deem it inadvisable to try it; but I think it is worth wWle. Faithfully 
yours 


3413 • TO GEOL ARTHUR SPRING RICE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, December 27, 1904 

Dear Cecil: I have just received your exceedingly interesting letter. 

First, a word about the unimportant. My triumph was very great. Many 
causes conspired to bring it about. PersonaUy, I think the chief causes were 
to be found in the fact that the Democracy, as a party, had become hope- 
le^ly divided, and that Parker failed to develop what, indeed, I think no one 
could more than partially have developed — that is, the power to brii^ the 
two sides together on some new issue. As a whole the Democratic party in 
the North was a radical party, and this year it tried the experiment of run- 
ning under the direction of certain big so-called conservative (that is, capi- 
talistic) politicians who attempted on the one hand to show that I was not 
radical enough, so that the masses ought to be against me, and on the other 

‘Robext William Bonyuge, Republican cot^gressman from Ckilanulo, 1904-1909. 

io8z 


hand to show that I was too radical, and that therefore the business interests 
should mistrust me. It was a difficult game, of the kind that sometimes suc- 
ceeds under favorable circumstances; but this time the circumstances were 
not favorable. Parker himself is a weU-meaning man of personal probity, but 
in politics of about the average Dave Hill country Democratic standards, and 
with no knowledge of national or international matters. He had no real con- 
victions, and indeed, his party cannot be said to have had any strong and real 
convictions which they held as a body. The Republican policies had worked 
well, and very many of them the Democrats opposed simply from the old 
and rather foolish principle, habitual to all opposition parties in free govern- 
ments, of opposmg everything, good and bad, that is done by the man that 
is in. Then I think I can fairly say that I had added a certain strengdi to the 
Republican party by my own action. As you know, I am, in my own way, a 
radical democrat myself; that is, I am a thorough believer in the genuine 
democracy of Abraham Lincoln, the democratty of the plain people, which 
believes in these people and seeks to guide them aright and to give utterance 
to that which is best in them, but which has no more patience with the tyr- 
anny of a mob than with the tyranny of a caste or individual. A well-defined 
opinion was growing up among the people at large that the Republican party 
had become unduly subservient to the so-called Wall Street men — to the 
men of mere wealth, the plutocracy; and of all possible oligarchies I think 
an oligarchy of colossal capitalists is the most narrow-minded and the mean- 
est in its ideals. I thoroughly broke up this connection, so far as it existed. 
So far as I had any peisontd strength which contributed to the result, this 
personal strength was among what Lincoln would have called the “plain 
people,” and especially the younger men; and this though I do not believe I 
played flatterer to the multitude, or did what was dem^ogic. Naturally, I 
am proud and pleased over ihe result. 

While I feel that these popular contests are not only inevitable in great 
free nations, but must be recognized as in effect indispensable so long as the 
nations are really free, I do not at all agree with the view of those amiable 
closet philosophers who hold that they are the only important things in the 
life of a free people. It is just as true now as ever it was in the old days that 
every free people must face the very difficult problem of combining liberal 
institutions and wide opportunities for happiness and well-being at home, 
with the power to make head against foreign foes. I do not suppose this 
problem ever will be perfectly solved, and if the solution is too imperfect 
the nation will eventually go down. Liberal institutioris mean of necessity- 
government by elected representatives, who must have a multitude of im- 
mediate and pressing personal interests both of their own and of their con- 
stituents to distract them from the considerations of great and far-reaching 
policies — especially foreign policies. Moreover, liberd institutions of neces- 
sity tend to invite factionalism, and such absorption in party contests that 
the successful party leader, the successful parliamentary mkas^^, the victor 

1083 


in struggles at the ballot box, usurp an altogether improper place in popular 
estimation when compared with the military administrator, with the man 
who is preparing the resources of the nation for the event of war, and who 
is watching the course of other nations and the trend of developments in 
international affairs. Opportunities for individual happiness and well-being 
also tend to mean a certain softness and luxury — a condition of mind and 
body in which long-continued hardship becomes intolerable; a condition in 
which the stay-at-home people become fickle and hysterical under pressure 
of formidable foe, of danger, when they shrink from the grim necessities of 
war; a condition in which there is danger lest a soldier may be developed 
who will not show the necessary brutal heroism in attack and defense — 
shown today by the Japanese and Russians, as it was shown by the English 
under Wellington and Nelson, and by the Americans when they had fought 
for two years under Grant and Sherman and Farragut. 

All of this is by way of preface, so that you may see how interested I am 
in what you tell me. Largely because of what you set forth, I shall probably 
send Geoi^e Meyer to St. Petersburg. He is a close friend of mine, and I 
have told him that an Englishman (I did not mention your name) would 
speak to him and tell him that he had been in communication with me, and 
by my request was to keep in full touch with him. You can show him this 
letter if you feel it safe to take this letter with you to St. Petersburg, But it 
will not be necessary, for you can describe to Um what I have srid, and he 
will recognize the description and will know that I want you to go over all 
matters that come up with him. 

It is always possible that Japan and Russia may come to terms of agree- 
ment, as I suppose Count Ito truly wished them to do some few years ago. I 
have reason to believe that the Japanese were disappointed and unfavorably 
impressed by the English vehemence of speech and exceeding moderation of 
action in the Hull fishing fleet affair. Personally I appreciate to the full the 
difficulty of committing oneself to a course of action in reliance upon the 
proposed action of any free people which is not accustomed to carrying 
out with iron will a long-continued course of foreign policy. It would be 
well-nigh impossible, even if it were not highly undesirable, for this country 
to engage with another country to carry out any policy save one which had 
become part of the inherited tradition of the country, like the Monroe Doc- 
trine- Not merely could I, for instance, only make such an engagement for 
four years, but I would have to reckon with a possible overthrow in Con- 
gress, with the temper of the people, with many different conditions. In 
consequence, my policy must of necessity be somewhat opportunist; al- 
though as a matter of fact I have very definitely concluded what I intend 
to do if circumstances permit, so far as this far eastern question is concerned. 
I do not like to write my conclusions even to you; and unfortunately there 
is no one in your embassy here to whom I can speak with even reasonable 
fullness. I wish to Heaven you could come over, if only for a week or two; 

1084 


and I think it would be very important for your Government that you 
should come over. 

For similar reasons I would hesitate in counting upon the support of 
your Government and your people. I am not quite sure of their tenacity of 
purpose, of their fixity of conviction, of their willingness to take necessary 
risks, and at need to endure heavy losses for a given end. Both your Govern- 
ment and ours must reckon with the possible clamor of the great business 
interests, who regard anything that will tend to “unsettle values,” as they 
call it, with unaffected horror, as being worse than any possible future na- 
tional loss or even disgrace; and we also have to reckon with a fundamentally 
sound, but often temporarily unstable or mistaken, public opinion. More- 
over, in large parts of both of our countries there is undoubtedly too much 
softness. The amiable peace-at-any-price people who in our country have 
been prancing about as anti-imperialists for the last few years are, not in- 
variably but generally, men weak in body or mind, men who could not be 
soldiers because they lack physical hardihood or courage; and though in 
their extreme form these people are not very numerous, there are undoubt- 
edly large sections of the population whose men, if drafted into the ranks, 
would need long training before they would become effective fighters against 
formidable foes, and whose stay-at-homes, moreover, simply because they 
are unused to it, would become utterly appalled by slaughter in the field. In 
the Spanish War, for instance, and in the Boer War, our generals and yours, 
our public leaders and yours, had to grapple with a public sentiment which 
screamed with anguish over the loss of a couple of thousand men in the field; 
a sentiment of preposterous and unreasoning mawkishness, as is instanced 
by the fact that the actual mortality in the two wars, taken in the aggregate, 
did not equal the aggregate mortality in the* two countries, during the same 
number of years, of the women who died in childbirth; nor, as regards my 
own country, of the men who were killed in private quarrel. This softness 
and its attendant hysteria must be reckoned with. 

Russia for a number of years has treated the United States as badly as she 
has treated England, and almost as badly as she has treated Japan. Her 
diplomatists lied to us with brazen and contemptuous effrontery, and showed 
with cynical indifference their intention to organize China against our inter- 
ests. Russia could of course under no circumstances make any attack upon 
the United States; not even upon the outlying possessions of the United 
States, in the Philippines. I should have liked to be friendly with her; but she 
simply would not permit it, and those responsible for managing her foreign 
policy betrayed a brutality and ignorance, an arrogance and shortsighted- 
ness, which are not often combined. 

The Japanese, as a government, treated us well, and what they contended 
for was what all civilized powers in the East were contending for. But I 
wish I were certain that the Japanese down at bottom did not lump Russians, 
Englidi^ Americans, Germans, all of us, simply as white devils inferior to 

1085 



themselves not only in what they regard as the essentials of civilization, but 
in courage and forethought, and to be treated politely only so long as would 
enable the Japanese to take advantage of our various national jealousies, and 
beat us in turn. 

Two of our military attaches who have been with the Japanese have had 
very unpleasant experiences, and some, though not all, of the few correspond- 
ents of ours who were allowed to go to the front have had similar experi- 
ences. These two men. Captain March and Lieutenant Fortescue, one of 
whom was with the army that advanced north through Manchuria and the 
other at Port Arthur, instead of growing to feel, as the average military 
attach^ grows to feel, a warm partisanship for the army with which he serves 
— a feeling such for instance as our military attaches in South Africa grew 
to have both for the British and the Boers, according to the side that he 
served with — these two men who were with the Japanese army grew to 
dislike the Japanese, although they greatly admired them as soldiers. They 
were both originally pro-Japanese, and March, at least, struggled to remain 
such. They feel that the Japanese have a most admirable army. They do not 
believe at all that the Japanese are invincible, however; they become discour- 
aged, and unsteady, just like other men. They feel that the Russians have just 
as much cotirage, both in defense and attack, but that the Russian prepared- 
ness is nothing like as great or the Russian plans anything like as clearly 
thought out, and th^ feel that on the whole the Japanese private soldier 
shoots a little better and has more initiative than the Russian, though not 
superior to him in either daring or dogged and obstinate endurance. They 
feel that the Russian officers were inferior to the Japanese; but that all these 
differences in the effectiveness of the two armies are tending to grow less 
and less instead of growing greater. Still they think the Japanese superior to 
the Russians. They do not think that a Japanese regiment is superior to one 
of our good regular regiments, but of course they say that we could , not 
gather even a small army which would be able to meet a Japanese army of 
similar size. They say that when the Japanese have not got their blood up 
and take Russians prisoners they treat them well; but that in the big and 
obstinate fights neither the Russians nor the Japanese take many prisoners 
but bayonet all the wounded and those asking quarter in turn as the lines 
move forward and back. Moreover, they said ^t under the stress of victory 
the Japanese grow exceedingly insolent to the foreign attaches, and, curi- 
ously, partictdarly to the Americans; a latent feeling that I had not in the 
least expected becoming evident as to our having thwarted Japan’s hopes not 
merely in the Philippines but m Hawaii March said that toward the end of 
his stay the Japanese soldiers would sometimes threaten the various attach^ 
(the English and Americans just as much as the Germans or Frenchmen), if 
they met them alone, and that the tone of the Japanese officers was often 
insolent; in some cases to an almost unbearable extent. In short the Japanese 
army showed a dispoaiion to lump all white men together and to regard 




them with a conmion hatred. I gather that the exceedingly obstinate resist- 
ance of Port Arthur and the very effective offensive return made by the 
Russians at the close of the last great battle before Mukden have had a 
rather healthy effect in abating this insolence. Of course, in a way the feeling 
is most natural. It is only ten years since foreign nations ceased to treat Japan 
with official contempt in the matter of consular courts and the like, and I 
think. Springy, you and I will both admit that our traveling countrymen, not 
to speak of the inhabitants of Continental Europe, are not always ingratiat- 
ing in their manners towards the races which they regard as their inferiors. 
If the circumstances were reversed and if English or Americans had been 
lorded over by one yellow race for a long term of years and then had won 
some striking victories over another yellow race I doubt whether the vic- 
torious soldiers would have shown any great courtesy or consideration 
toward men of the first yellow race. I yet have hopes that this is only a 
passing phase and that when Japan settles down she will feel a desire to enter 
more and more into the circle of the great civilized nations as one of their 
number. There are many individual Japanese for whom I have a sincere 
liking and there is much in their civilization from which we can with advan- 
tage learn. 

But all this is aside from the main point which is that in international 
affairs, as things are in this very human world, each nation, while striving to 
act fairly by other nations, must rely for its own safety only upon its own 
forethought and industrial efficiency and fighting edge. Unless it has this 
fighting edge and this forethought it will go down. Whether Russia wins or 
Japan wins the victor will in the long run only yield either to England or to 
the United States substantially the respect which England or the United 
States is enabled to exact by power actual or potential. Moreover, looked at 
from the standpoint of a long course of years no nation can depend upon 
the mere friendship of any other, even though that friendship is genuine, 
unless it has itself such strength as to make its own friendship of value in 
return. When affairs come to the time of settlement in the far East (even if 
previous to the peace no other nation gets embroiled beyond the present 
pair of combatants) we shall have to look sharply lest our interests be sacri- 
ficed. If it were not for the attitude of England and the United States I think 
that Germany and France would probably have already interfered on Rus- 
sia’s side. But of course this does not necessarily mean that all four powders 
may not form a friendly agreement in the end; even an agreement as against 
us. But I hardly believe this. Japan has shown herself to be astute and far- 
sighted and she must know that if Russia made peace with her now, witih 
the purpose of joint hostile action against some other power, it would only 
be with the further purpose of eating her up a generation or so hence. So 
long as Japan takes an interest in Korea, in Manchuria, in China, it is Russia 
which is her natural enemy. Of course if Japan were content to abandon all 
hope of influence upon the continent of Asia and to try. to become a great 

1087 


maritime power she might ally herself with Russia to menace the American, 
the Dutch, or perhaps the English possessions in the Pacific. But in any such 
alliance between Russia and Japan do not forget what surely the Japanese 
would think of, viz: whereas the sea powers could do little damage to Russia, 
they could do enormous damage to Japan, and even though abandoned by 
Russia might well destroy the Japanese navy and blockade the Japanese 
islands. In such an alliance the entire risk would be run by Japan and an 
altogether disproportionate share of the advantage would come to Russia, I 
hardly believe that Japan would fail to see this. 

But the summing up of the whole matter is that we must trust in the 
Lord and keep our powder dry and our eyes open. What turn military or 
diplomatic affairs will take I have no idea but so far as possible I intend, as 
your people should intend, to be vigilant and reasonably ready to adopt 
whatever course is called for. 

Give my love to Airs. Springy. I do wish that both of you could come 
over here. I think it really important that I should see you and have a little 
talk with you so that you could tell your people just what I think of things. 
Faithfully yours 


3414 • TO LESLIE MORTIER SHAW RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, December 27, 1904 

My dear Secretary Shaw: I think our coinage is artistically of atrocious 
faideousness. Would it be possible, without asking permission of Congress, 
to employ a man like Saint-Gaudens to give us a coinage that would have 
some beauty? Sincerely yours 


3415 • TO PHILANDER CHASE KNOX RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Washington, December 28, 1904 

My dear Senator: A happy New Year to you and yours. 

Now, if you can drop in some day I would like to speak to you about 
the Department of Justice in relation to anthracite coal, the tobacco trust, 
and the IntemationaJl Harvester Company.^ Faithfully yours 

^ During Roosevelt’s administration legal proceedings were initiated against only the 
first of these three combinations. The Bureau of Corporations, however, investigated 
the tobacco industry. Later Taft ordered a similar investigation of International 
Harvester and prosecution of both American Tobacco and Interaational Harvester. 
For excellent analyses of the structure and operations of the coal, tobacco, and farm- 
machinery combinations, see Jones, Anthracite Coal Combination^ and William Z, 
Ripley, Trusts^ Tools and Corporations^ rev, ed. (Boston, 1916), chs. viii, ix. Ripley’s 
volume condenses the Bureau of G3rporation reports on the American Tobacco 
Company and International Harvester, 

1088 


341^ • TO JACOB HAROLD GALLINGER 


Roosevelt Aiss. 
Washington, December 31, 1904 

Aly dear Se^iator GalUnger: Can you come in to see me soon? I want to talk 
about the Crum matter. I do not know why his nomination has not been 
reported from the committee.^ 

Where can I get a copy of your report on the merchant marine? ^ Senator 
Lodge thinks it very much the best thing of the kind he has ever seen. Faith-- 
fully yours 

P. S. You know that I was told when the Senate adjourned last spring 
that Crum’s nomination would be the pending business before the Senate 
until disposed of at this session. 


3417 • TO RICHARD HARDING DAVIS ROOSevelt AlsS. 

Confidential Washington, January 3, 1905 

My dear Davis: I am glad to hear you think so well of the four men at Tokyo. 
They are the kind of men I intend to keep in the service, because they are 
in the service to do work for the Government. But there are a large number 
of well-meaning ambassadors and ministers, and even consuls and secretaries, 
who belong to what I call the pink-tea type, who merely reside in the service 
instead of working in the service, and these I intend to change whenever the 
need arises. 

What follows is confidential, but will serve to illustrate what I mean. 
The minister to Belgium is a nice man with an even nicer wife. He has been 
eight years in the service. He is polite to people, gives nice little dinners, and 
so forth and so forth. During all that rime it has never made one atom of real 
difference to the country whether he was in or out. He is in the service for 
his own advantage, not for the good of the service, although he does all the 
secondarily important work well; and in all probability I shall change him 
and promote some such man as Wilson,^ who during all that time has done 

^ Tillman, still holding up the appointment of Crum, soon relented. In 1905 the much- 
discussed Negro doctor finally took office as collector of customs in Qiarleston. 
*See Senate Report, 58 Cong., 3 sess., no. 1755, relative to Senate Bill 6291: “To pro- 
mote the national defense, to create a force of naval volunteers, to establish American 
ocean mail lines to foreign markets, to promote commerce, and to provide revenue 
from tonnage.” This measure, subsidizing the merchant marine, was passed over at 
the short session. 

^ Henry Lane Wilson, Indiana Republican, sometime law clerk in the office of Ben- 
jamin Harrison, editor of the Lafayette Journal, 1882-1885, had been appointed 
minister to Chile in 1897. In 1904, at Roosevelt’s request, he served as a political scout 
during the campaign. He then requested a diplomatic post in Europe and was ap- 
pointed minister to Belgium in 1904. Appointed ambassador to Mexico by Taft in 
1909, he played a prominent, indiscreet role in the Huerta countcrrevolurion against 
Madero, adopting policies shortly repudiated by the Wilson administration. He then 
joined Roosevelt in outspoken opposition to “watchful waiting.” 

1089 



really hard work in South America in a place where there was no pink-tea 
possibility. In Spain we have a gentleman, a novelist, who went to Spain, 
when John Hay wanted him to come here as Assistant Secretary of State; 
because he could not make a bargain for his own future promotion (I am 
putting it truthfully) he did not care to come here, where he was needed. 
When he tried to make conditions of this kind Hay abandoned the effort to 
get him and got Loomis to come in his stead. Loomis came, made no attempt 
at a bargain, and did first-class work. Now if the chance comes Loomis shall 
have a promotion, whereas I shah consider Hardy as having had all he is 
entitled to and shall put someone else in his place. He comes of that class 
which reflects no discredit on the country, but on the contrary is rather 
creditable; and which is in ornamental, and to some extent in nonomamental 
matters, useful to American people traveling abroad; but which gets far more 
than it gives, and which is therefore in no way entitled to permanency in 
place. 

On the other hand, Griscom, whom we approached at the same time that 
we did Hardy, was anxious to go to Japan instead of to Europe because he 
knew there was work to be done there; and he shall have his reward, just as 
John Riddle and Harry White, who have also done good work, shall have 
their rewards. 

In short, I shall not make a fetish of keeping a man in, but if the man is 
a really good man he will be kept in. A pink-tea man shall stay in or go out, 
just as I find convenient. Of course most places at embassies and legations are 
pink-tea places. A few are not, and in these we need real men, and these real 
men shall be rewarded. 

Do come on here as soon as possible and tell me about those men who are 
bad men. I particularly want to know, as I want to remove them when I 
make the changes on the 4th of March. Write about them if you cannot 
come on. 

You know how deeply I sympathize with you in the death of your 
father. Sincerely yours 


3418 -TO wn-LiAM HOWAHD TAFT Roosevelt Aiss. 

Washington, January 4, 1905 

The Secretary of Wm I must say that I think that ramrod bayonet about as 
poor an invention as I ever saw- As you observed, it broke short off as soon 
as hit with even moderate violence. It would have no moral effect and 
mighty little physical effect I think die suggestion of a short triangular 
bayonet a great improvement After you have gone over this subject of the 
bayonet and the sword, do take it up with me. 

I wish our ofiicers could carry rifles. If they carry any sword they ought 
to carry a sword that thty can cut or thrust with. Personally I do not see 


1090 


any point in having the cavalry armed with a bayonet, even though the 
modem cavalrj’^man is nine times out of ten on foot. He might have a sword 
in his belt, only it ought to be a sword that can do damage. 

I am particularly anxious that we should have a thorough test made of the 
long and the short rifle (that is of the 24-inch and 30-inch rifle) at some place 
like that in Utah where several companies of men can be employed at firing 
both weapons at long ranges. This ramrod bayonet business does not make 
me feel that we can afford to trust too much to theory of the closet variety. 
I would like to have the opinion of Captain March, and then the opinion of 
the other military attaches who saw the fighting between the Russians and 
Japanese, about both the bayonet and the sword. I would also like to have the 
opinion of any of our officers in the Philippines who have seen tibe bayonet 
actually used. 


3419 • TO JAMES CARSON NEEDHAM RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, January 4, 1905 

My dear Mr. Needham: My attention has just been called to yotur bill which 
has passed both Houses, but which I understand has not yet been signed by 
the Speaker and the President of the Senate. 

We have had a special commission investigating this matter. The only 
lands riiat can with my consent be excluded from the Yosemite National 
Park are those recommended by this commission, I could not sign your bill 
in view of the fact that it is at least doubtful whether under your bill one of 
the groups of big trees, the Tuolumne, might not be partially destroyed, and 
in view of the further fact that the beautiful sugar-pine forest surrounding 
the Tuolumne and Merced groves would certainly be destroyed. I regard 
this great sugar-pme forest, with the two groves of Sequoias in it, as one of 
the most valuable assets of the Park, and under no circumstances would I 
consent to its exclusion. I cannot sign any bill which excludes any territory 
from the Park the exclusion of which is not recommended by the commis- 
sion.^ Sincerely yoms 

‘James Carson Needham, Republican representative from California, 18^1913, in- 
troduced a bill in ^ril 1904 to exclude certain lands from Yosemite Nation^ Park. 
Before acting on tins measure, Coi^ress authorized Secretary Hitchcock to aj^ioint 
a commisMon to determine the boundaries of the park. The commission, composed 
of Major H. M. Oiittenden, Engineer Corps, U. S. Army, Robert Marshall, United 
States Geological Survey, and Frank Boyd, General Land Office, found that the 
Needham Bin, in excluding private holdings in the park, also excluded timber land 
of aesthetic interest and commercial value, A new bill, formulated by Hitchcock in 
accordance with the commission’s report and introduced by Representative Gillett 
on January 9, 1905, was passed and mproved by Roosevelt in February. For a dis- 
cussion of the admuiistradon of the YWmite National Park of that lime, see Report 
of the Secretary of the Interior, 1904 and 190J (Wadungton, 1904, 1905). 


1091 


342^0 * TO JOHN coiT SPOONER Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, January 6, 1905 

My dear Senator Spooner: The more I have thought over the matter the 
more I have become convinced that while the amendment proposed by the 
Southerners in reference to their states is objectionable, it is not as objection- 
able as the amendment you say was proposed by Lodge to the effect that 
the Senate must ratify any agreement hereafter arrived at between this and 
one of the foreign Powers concerned in reference to something to be arbi- 
trated. It seems to me that to put in such a provision makes these arbitration 
treaties an absurdity.^ We say that now we conclude an arbitration treaty to 
the effect that whenever we hereafter choose we shall conclude another 
arbitration treaty on any subject which we regard as fit. Surely this makes 
the present arbitration treaties the veriest shams. If each of these arbitration 
treaties is to have no possible effect until other arbitration treaties are con- 
cluded — and this is what the amendment in question amounts to — then 
why have these arbitration treaties at all? It seems to me that the proposed 
amendment converts the whole business into a sham, and I think it neither 

Tn November and December 1904, Roosevelt and Hay had negotiated identical 
arbitration treaties with England, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, 
and Italy. Similar treaties with Mexico, Austria-Hungary, Norv^ay, Sweden, and 
Japan were signed in January 1905. These treaties provided for arbitration, before the 
Hague Court, of any matters involving either interpretation of treaties or legal dif- 
ferences that did not affect the vital interests, honor, or independence of the contract- 
ing parties. Before submitting questions to the court, the nations involved were to 
conclude a “special agreement” defining the dispute and the procedure of arbitration. 

The phrase “special agreement” produced sharp debate in the Senate through- 
out January and February. The main source of contention was the question of sena- 
torial prerogative. The President could negotiate an “agreement” without consulting 
the Senate. Antagonized by Roosevelt’s policy in Santo Domingo, members of both 
parties considered the treaties a further example of the President’s desire to usurp 
legislative power. Some Democrats were also governed by partisanship. Southern 
senators were united in fear that the word “agreement” would permit foreign na- 
tions to sue for past debts. Lodge, Spooner, Morgan, Foraker, and Money led the 
opposition. A handful, including Dolliver, Fairbanks, and O. H. Platt, stood by 
Roosevelt. 

The letters Roosevelt wrote on this subject in the following weeks reveal his 
changing tone from patient disagreement to positive refusal to compromise. The 
Senate considered Roosevelt’s letter of February 10 to Cullom, in which he em- 
phatically stated that he would not submit amended treaties to foreign nations, 
merely a defiant threat. On February ii, by a vote of 50 to 9, the Senate amended the 
treaties by substituting the word “treaty” for “agreement.” This change necessitated 
ad hoc treaties before individual international disputes could be arbitrated. Roosevelt 
refused to accept it. 

The press also took a definite stand in the arbitration fight, for the most part 
agreeing with Roosevelt that the amended treaties were “an expression of barren 
intention.” 

The arbitration treaties were tabled until 1908, when Root, then Secretary of 
State, persuaded the President to accept the Senate’s amendment. For discussions of 
these treaties and the ensuing fight between Roosevelt and the Senate, see W. S. 
Holt, Treaties Defeated by the Senate (Baltimore, 1933), pp, 204-^12; Jessup, Root^ 
n, 79-81; Dennett, Hay^ pp. 435-435. 


1092 



%%nse nor proper for us to take part in a sham. I went into the work of getting 
these arbitration treaties publicly and with the belief that I had the senti- 
ment of my part\^ and of the country behind me in good faith. I should not 
have had that sentiment behind me, nor would I have gone into the effort to 
get these treaties if they were to be shams. The point of having the arbitra- 
tion treaties at all is to make it easier to arbitrate in the future. Now this point 
is entirely destroyed when instead of making it easier to arbitrate in the 
future we go through the solemn farce of ratifying an arbitration treaty that 
says nothing whatever but that under certain conditions we shall again go 
through the matter of considering whether or not we will have another 
arbitration treaty. Under these treaties, if adopted, the President could be 
impeached for violating the fundamental law of the land if he submitted to 
arbitration anything vitally affecting the interest or the honor of the Re- 
public, or anj’thing coming within certain broad categories. If you cannot 
trust the President to observe the fundamental law of the land we will be in 
a bad way anyhow — I do not mean trust me, but trust any President. At 
any rate it seems to me nonsense to try to have a general arbitration treaty 
which shall amount to a meaningless manifesto to the effect that we intend 
if the need arises, hereafter to have special arbitration treaties; but that the 
general arbitration treaty itself shall be whoUy ineffective. This is just pre- 
cisely what the proposed amendment does. 

I have not made up my mind what my course ought to be in tlie matter 
and shall not until I have had a chance of speaking to you and Lodge and 
some others, but my present feeling is that it would be better for me to 
withdraw the treaties and state that in my opinion the proposed amendments 
made them shams, rather than to have them amended in the fashion sug- 
gested. If the people of this country are sincere in saying they wish to take 
a short but a real step toward increasing the chances for peaceful settlement 
of differences between them and foreign nations, then the people of this 
country will want these treaties passed; but I certainly cannot tAe part in 
what in my judgment would become an insincere pretense of doing what was 
really not done. I in no way question the right of the Senate to amend a 
treaty; but when amendments turn a treaty into a sham then it is both the 
right and the duty of the President to say so and refuse to go farther with 
the treaty. Sincerely yoms 

3421 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 6 , 1905 

Dear Cabot: It does not seem to me that there is very much in the Fjurbanie; 
report and the correspondence. I think that it shows a greater eageme;^ on 
our part to meet the Canadians than on the part of the Canadians to meet us; 
but there is a specific request by Laurier for Fairbanks to meet him on a 
certain date, and a refusal by Fairbanks to meet him, coupled with an offer 


1093 


to meet on some mutually convenient later date, I think that some little good 
effect might be produced by the publication, but that on the whole it will 
give room for plenty of people to say that the difference between the two 
sides is not particularly marked. In any event, however, I think the publica- 
tion should come out in ordinary routine manner. If we publish it with a 
flourish of trumpets as showing that we have put the Canadians in a hole, I 
believe the impression will be rather that we have tried to play sharp politics 
than that we have tried to make a treaty. I wish you would show this to 
Senator Crane and consult with him about it. 

I am much more concerned about the arbitration treaties. Thinking over 
the matter and talking with Moody and Taft today, it seems to me that the 
amendment providing that the Senate shall ratify any of the agreements 
entered into under these arbitration treaties is much more objectionable than 
the amendment proposed by the southerners, and cuts the heart out of the 
treaty. In fact I think that this amendment makes the treaties shams, and my 
present impression is that we had better abandon the whole business rather 
than give the impression of trickiness and insincerity which would be pro- 
duced by solemnly promulgating a sham. The amendment, in effect, is to 
make any one of these so-called arbitration treaties solemnly enact that there 
shall be another arbitration treaty whenever the two governments decide 
that there shall be one. Of course it is mere nonsense to have a treaty which 
does nothing but say, what there is no power of enforcing, that whenever 
we choose there shall be another arbitration treaty. We could have these 
further special arbitration treaties in special cases whenever desired just 
exactly as well if there were no general arbitration treaty at all. Now, as far 
as I am concerned, I wish either to take part in something that means some- 
thing or else not to have any part in it at aU, During the campaign last sum- 
mer I announced and Hay announced that we were negotiating these treaties 
with the various countries concerned. Our party speakers on the stump made 
a great deal of it, and now I believe that the people generally approve of 
w’hat has been done. If they do not approve, and if their representatives object 
to providing the exceedingly small measure of arbitration which these treaties 
actually provide, then let them be beaten. But for Heaven’s sake do not let 
us take part in a sham and be pretending to do something that we do not 
really do. If these arbitration treaties are ratified the President will be bound 
by the supreme law of the land not to submit to arbitration anything that is 
of vital concern to the honor or interest of the country. He could be im- 
peached if he transgressed this law. The fear that he -would transgress it is 
in my judgment utterly chimerical, and in any event has no greater warrant 
than the fear that he will in any other way violate the law of the land and run 
the risk of impeachment. 

In any event, if there is this fear as to what the President will do, then 
the objection to all general arbitration treaties is fundamental; and it is un- 
pardonable, under such circumstances, ever to have undertaken to negotiate 


1094 



them or to have sanctioned such negotiation. In such case we must be rele- 
gated to making arbitration treaties on each separate subject that comes up; 
and if this is the fact, then a general arbitration treaty is nonsense and ought 
not to be gone into. 

My present feeling is that I should like to have a clear-cut issue as to 
whether we are or are not to take this very short but real step toward settling 
international difficulties by arbitration, and that if we are not to take it I 
should prefer to w'ithdraw the treaties and simply say that the temper of the 
Senate is hostile to arbitration. 

In any event I think we should avoid above everything the suspicion that 
we are acting insincerely or trickily, or only with an eye for political effect, 
and making believe to pass an arbitration treaty which in reality amounts to 
nothing. Alviays yours 

3422 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt AlsS. 

Washington, January 9, 1905 

To the Secretary of War: It seems to me that Dr. Gorgas (or his successor) 
should receive a salary of $10,000 under the Isthmian Canal Commission and 
that his subordinates should be decently paid. I am wholly unable to under- 
stand why Admiral Walker should wish to leave untouched the useless and 
expensive New York office of the Panama Railroad, and yet should want to 
economize improperly, as it seems to me, in the medical service. 

3423 • TO MARU LONGWORTH STORER RoOSevelt AisS. 

Washington, January 9, 1905 

Dear Alaria: Edith has shown me your letter to her and given me your letter 
to me. 

In the first place, as to your letter to her. I intend to reappoint Bellamy 
to Vienna. It may be that if after three years have elapsed I am unable to 
transfer Bellamy to some other post, I should like for die year or so which 
will remain to put into his place Francis, ex-Minister to Greece, whose father 
was both Minister to Greece and Minister to Austria. Francis did well as 
Minister, and has been one of my most influential supporters in the late elec- 
tion. It may be that I shall not want to put him in at all, but it may be that 
I shall want to put him for a year in his father’s old post. 

You say there is no work at Vienna, and speak as if there was work at 
Paris. There is none whatever and has been none at Paris. Under existing 
political conditions in France you will readily see why the French authorities 
do not desire me to send a member of your church over as Ambassador. You 
also speak of London and Berlin as being, excepting Paris, the only em- 
bassies in which there is work to do. The only embassy in which there has 
been real work to do since I have been President has been St. Petersburg; 


1095 


and when I spoke to Bellamy about sending him to St. Petersburg he said he 
would be unable to go. 

Now as to your letter to me. You say that you are asking for very litde 
in view of the fact that I have so much to give away. You ask me to send 
Joseph Grew as Third Secretary to Vienna, and say, “Please send him to 
Vienna.^ You must still remember what it is to a young man to have a chance 
to start in public life.” I perfectly remember what it was to have such a 
chance, and you force me to say that I obtained every chance I got by show- 
ing that I was better able and better fitted to do the job than anyone else was. 
I never have heard of Grew before. I do not know that we are going to have 
a third secretary at Vienna. If Grew is in the diplomatic service I shall see if 
he can be promoted. If he is not in the diplomatic service, there are a number 
of excellent young fellows, men of high character and eminent fitness, whom 
I have been anxious to appoint, some of them for a year or two, and have not 
yet had the chance to appoint; and I shall put him down to consider together 
with the others. Phillips and Sartori must be considered first. 

When you speak of my having so much to give away I do not think you 
remember that I am not giving them away to suit myself, but to try first to 
fulfill my duty to the public, and in the next place my duty to the Republican 
party. There are a few cases, such as that of Harry White, where the man 
has rendered such conspicuous and faithful service to the public that I refuse 
to allow any question of politics to come in. In most cases I have to consider 
the political side. 

I hardly think you fully realize exactly how your two letters read and 
sound. I do not care in answering them to put down in writing certain things 
which when I see you I feel that I should like to tell you. Sincerely yours 

P. S. I find that Grew is Deputy Consul General to Cairo. If the chance 
comes to promote him without injustice to others, I shall be most glad to do 
so. But do remember, when you speak of this as a small personal favor to 
you, that I have to be sure that a small personal favor to one person does not 
take the form of an injustice to some other person. 


3424 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY Moody MSS.^ 

Washington, January 9, 1905 

Dear Moody, I have heard again and again already — notably from Judge 
Day — of the profound impression made by your argument today;^ as Day 
said, it was the argument not only of a great lawyer but of a great statesman, 
and he added that it was as effective from it’s intense sincerity as from it’s 
real though severely self restrained oratorical power. 

' Joseph Qaxk Grew, then in the second year of his long, effective diplomatic career, 
remained in his Cairo post until 1906. 

^ Moody presented the government’s case against the beef trust to the Supreme Court. 

lopd 



My dear fellow you do not know how pleased and proud I am. Your 
friend 

Good Mat Hale says it made him think of Cicero’s oration against Cataline! 


3425 • TO THOMAS KEY NIEDRINGHAUS Roosevelt MsS. 

Washington, January 9, 1905 

My dear Mr. Niedringham:^ I write to extend you my hearty congratula- 
tions. There is a peculiar fitness in having a man of your ancestry and blood 
chosen as the first Republican Senator from Missouri since the close of the 
reconstruction period. Your father served in Congress. You were bom in 
Missouri, and you come of that German stock which, in 1861, saved Missouri 
to the Union. 

I coi^ratulate you most heartily and beg to remain, with regard, Sincerely 
yours 

3426 • TO GEORGE EDMUND EOSS RoOseveU MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 10, 1905 

My dear Mr. Foss: ^ I most earnestly hope that there will be no halt in the 
building up of the Navy. A newspaper correspondent has told me that a 
Republican member of your committee has said there would be no batdeship 
provided this year, and only one swift cruiser. I can hardly believe that any 
member of your committee can have uttered so preposterous an absurdity. 
Heavy armored cruisers are very well in their way, but heavy battleships are 
what we need. We do not need light cruisers at all. It would in my judgment 
be a most serious misfortune to the whole country if at this time there should 
be a halt in the work of upbuilding the Navy. Sincerely yours 


3427 • TO JOHN JAMES MCCOOK RoOSBVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 10, 1905 

My dear Colonel McCook: Your letter is very important. I have known noth- 
ing of the incidents you refer to as occurring under President McKjnl^ and 

' Thomas Key Niedcinghaus, St. Louis manufacturer, R^ubUcan. Niedringhaus had 
been chosen for the United Stat« Senate by the caucus of Republicans in the Mis- 
souri Legislature. Roosevelt’s letter of congratulation, however, was premature. 
Kerens, a^irin^ to the Senate, induced his supporters to withdraw their support 
from Niemdnghaus. In an effort to break the deadlock that followed, Niedringhaus 
published the Presidenfs letter. But this maneuver failed to impress Kerens or his 
friends. The deadlock was resolved when both candidates withdrew in favor of 
William Warner, who was elected by the muted Republican vote. 

*As chairman of the Hou% Committee on Naval Affairs, George E. Foss tm a 
reluctant and not paiticulariy effective pardc^tor in our naval expandcm. 


1097 


have always been informed by all railroad men that the rebate law has never 
been enforced so well as during the past eighteen months. 

You say there is no occasion for new legislation upon the subject at this 
time. My dear Colonel, on this point I am absolutely sure that there is the 
gravest occasion for new legislation, and your statement surprises me greatly, 
for hitherto no competent man in whose judgment and intentions I trusted 
has made any such statement to me. 

You go on to say that if the penalties against rebating are strictly, uni- 
formly and universally enforced they are adequate to remedy the trouble; 
that this practice can be stopped, and that no fairly intelligent man doubts it. 

Neither the Attorney General nor the best counsel that I have been able 
to advise with agree with you; and frankly I do not think you can be familiar 
with the extreme difScuIty of getting evidence when you say that these re- 
bates can be stopped with ease under the present law. Take the beef trust case 
— the packers’ cases, for instance — in these cases wc are endeavoring to 
change a moral into a legal certainty. I think we shall succeed, but it is a slow 
business; whereas the moral certainty would offer ample ground for immedi- 
ate and comprehensive action by the Interstate Commerce Commission if it 
possessed the requisite power.^ 

I wish you ’would let me show your letter to Moody, but do not feel at 
liberty to do so without your consent. Sincerely yours 

[Ha?id'written] We Tmist have legislation. 


3428 • TO SHELBY MOORE CULLOM RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 10, 1905 

My dear Senator Cullo??2 : 1 notice in connection with the general arbitration 
treaties now before the Senate that suggestions have been made to the effect 
that under them it might be possible to consider as matters for arbitration 
claims against certain States of the Union in reference to certain State debts. 
I write to say, w^hat of course you personally know, that under no conceiva- 
ble circumstances could any such construction of the treaty be for a moment 
entertained by any President, The holders of State debts take them with full 
knowledge of the constitutional limitations upon their recovery through any 
action of the National Government, and must rely solely on State credit. Such 
a claim against a State could under no conditions be submitted by the general 
Government as a matter for arbitration; any more than such a claim against 
a country or municipality could be thus submitted for arbitration. The ob- 
jection to the proposed amendment on the subject is that it is a mere matter 

^The inability of the government, tinder the Sherman Interstate Commerce and 
Elkins acts, to compel the production of evidence had been clearly revealed in the 
prosecutions of the beef trust. As finally passed, the Hepburn Act contained a clause 
intended to remedy this defect. It was not, however, entirely successful in so doing. 
See Ripley, BMlroads; Rates and Regalationi pp. 513, 550, 

1098 


of surplusage, and that it is very undesirable, when the form of these treaties 
has already been agreed to by the several Powers concerned, needlessly to 
add certain definitions which affect our own internal polity, only; which deal 
with a matter of the relation of the Federal Government to the States which 
it is of course out of the question ever to submit to the arbitration of any out- 
side tribunal; and which it is certainly absurd and probably mischievous to 
treat as possible to be raised by the President or by any foreign power. No one 
would even think of such a matter as being one for arbitration or for any 
diplomatic negotiation whatever. Moreover, these treaties run only for a 
term of five years; until the end of that period they will certainly be inter- 
preted in accordance with the view above expressed. Very truly yours 

3429 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, January 10, 1905 

My dear Ambassador: I have read your dispatch with keen interest, and beg 
you to express to the Emperor my grateful appreciation of his suggestions. 1 
agree with him fully as to the importance of the matter, and %tdll at once take 
measures to ascertain the views of various powers in regard to it. Meantime, 

I shall be glad if you will present to His Alajesty my cordial thanks for his 
message, and my deep appreciation of the most welcome assurance he gives 
me of his disinterestednes and of his intention not to demand any territorial 
acquisitions, as well of his continued and powerful support of the policy of 
the open door and the integrity of China.^ 

3430 • TO LYMAN ABBOTT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal AVashing^on, January 1 1, r 9®5 

My dear Dr. Abbott: I was more than satisfied with the conference. I have 
sent you for correction the final draft.^ 

* On January s, the Kjtiser had cabled Roosevelt contending that a coalition ledby 
France was negotiating for the future partition of China among themselves. The 
Kaiser suggested that Roosevelt request all European nations to repiedge rheir sup- 
port for the continued territorial integrity of China. The German Emperor, 
ever, significantly added that “a grant of a certain portion of territory to both 
belHeerents eventually in the North of China is inevitable.*’ Rocweveit accepted this 
proposal as evidence of the Kaiser’s ‘‘disinterestedness” in the Orient. Hay, ho\\ eve^ 
recognized both the Kaiser’s attempt to facilitate a German alliance with Russia and 
his designs on nordiem China. In the circular sent out on January 13, Hay, therefore, 
eliminated the Emperor’s reservation in favor of partition. 

For detailed accounts, see Griswold, Far Eastern Policy^ pp. 102-104 (an accent 
critical of Hay’s and Roosevelt’s understanding of the situation); Dennett, 
pp. 408-409; Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War^ pp. 77'^3 (accounts 
favorable to Hay and critical of Roosevelt); No. 3595 (a reminiscence favorable 
to Roosevelt and critical of Hay). 

* Judge Jones* President Alderman of the University of Virginia, McBee, Abbott, 
N. M. Butler, and several southern congressmen had conferred with Roosevelt on 

XO99 


I am having anything but a harmonious time about the tarilf and about 
the interstate commerce. I think I have dragooned the Senators on the subject 
of the arbitration treaties; finally I notified them that I would withdraw the 
treaties if they were amended so as to interfere substantially with their pur- 
pose. I think we shall be able to go on with the navy. On the interstate com- 
merce business, which I regard as a matter of principle, I shall fight. On the 
tariff, which I regard as a matter of expediency, I shall endeavor to get the 
best results I can, but I shall not break with my party. Sincerely yours 

3431 • TO FRANCIS ELLINGTON LEUPP RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 12, 1905 

Dear Leupp: If I can take part in some way in that movement for the memo- 
rial for Mr. Baldwin I shall be glad to do it. 

You were entirely right in your advice about the Newsboy^ Magazine^ 
but I shall permit myself the malicious pleasure of saying, as a kind of an off- 
set, that your view (in which I cordially joined) as to how the Panama Canal 
Commission ought to be composed was entirely wrong. The best man I got 
on that commission was Hecker, and the composition of the commission is 
rendered so absurd by the present law that Hecker got off. Not an engineer 
should be on it. Faithfully yours 

3432 * TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Washington, January 12, 1905 

Dear John: This letter of Speck’s is most interesting. Evidently the Emperor 
is really alarmed about France and England. You notice how he keeps repeat- 
ing the phrase, “the integrity of China.’’ I am glad I suggested that it be 
included in your note to the Powers. Return the letter to me when you are 
through with it. Alnjoays yours 


3433 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, January 12, 1905 

Dear Speck: Your very interesting letter has just been received. Tell His 
Majesty that I now understand entirely the situation. I shall be astonished if 
England is really intending to do as His Majesty thinks likely; but we shall 

January 6 about ‘‘certain things connected particularly with the South.” After the 
conference Jones praised the President’s generous attitude toward that section. A 
month later skeptics echoed this view* One fruit of the conference was Roosevelt’s 
Lincoln Day Speech of 1905 (American Problems, Nat. Ed. XVI, 342-350}, which the 
southern press greeted as a safe and sane approach to the Negro problem. 

^ A letter of Roosevelt praising the newsboys* organization had been used to promote 
sales of the organization’s magazine. Roosevelt, therefore, withdrew his letter. 


noo 


soon see. I am in absolute and complete harmony wth the views expressed 
by His Majesty as set forth in your letter, and acted on his suggestion even 
before your letter was received. I suppose the question as to what compen- 
sation of territory Russia will be entitled to demand must depend upon the 
military situation at the time of the peace negotiations. 

With w’arm regards to the Baroness, and hoping that you will present my 
respects to His Majesty, believe me. Always joins 


3434 • TO JOSEPH GORNEY CANNON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, January 13, 1905 

My dear Mr. Speaker: Major Warner of iMissouri having declined, I have 
acted on the suggestion of you and of almost all the other members of the 
House and of the Illinois Senators in offering the position of Commissioner of 
Pensions to Vespasian Warner.^ 

I think this would make it a little difficult to appoint Scott Public Printer. 
Even if the New York man was not appointed I should have to consider Min- 
nesota’s claims. But as yet there is no need of our consulting about this.® 

Stop in here as soon as you can. I care very little for what the ncAYspapers 
get in the way of passing sensationalism; but I do not want the people of the 
country to get the idea that there will be any split or clash between you and 
me on the tariff or anything else. I have deeply appreciated your willingness 
to go on with the building up of the navy — it not being so important that 
we shall go fast as that we shall keep going. As you know, I shall be entirely 
content to have less than I want so long as we get something real. 

Just at the moment what I am strivii^ hardest for is to get the arbitration 
treaties confirmed by the Senate. Then I should like to find out what chance 
there is of action on the interstate commerce proposal, and whether there will 
be an effort made to give us action that will not amount to anything and for 
which we could not stand. Faithfully yours 


3435 • TO GEORGE EDMUND FOSS RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, January 13, 1905 

My dear Mr. Foss: In your letter you say that you “do not find any disposi- 
tion to call a halt on the building up of the Navy.” But you then add that 
there is “a disposition to let our Naval Programme go over for a year.” It 
seems to me that this does amount to calling a halt in the building up of die 
navy. It is one of the subjects upon which I believe the people feel most 
deeply. Personally I could not avoid regarding any such proposal as being a 

‘ Vespasian Warner, Dlinois RepubKcan, ( 3 vfl War major, congressman, 1895-1905, 
was appointed Commissioner of Pensions jrfter Ware resigned. He served nnt& 1909. 
'Public Pointer Palmer did not leave office until September. 


I lOI 



direct violation of the plighted faith of the Republican party, and an attack 
upon the honor of the Nation. 

I should not on any ordinary question feel warranted in writing you in 
this manner, but such a proposition as to stop the building up of the navy 
cannot in my judgment be entertained save at the expense of far-seeing patri- 
otism; and there is not in my judgment any real justification for it. If you 
should authorize three battleships and six torpedo boats, as you know, the 
expense would be distributed through a number of years, and there would 
be no appreciable difference in the expense for next year. As you also know, 
the expenditures have become abnormally great for this particular year simply 
because the yards, having no other work, have been able suddenly to turn in 
and hurry up our ships. 

Let me reiterate that from every standpoint of sound public policy there 
could not be anything worse done in this Congress than the adoption of the 
plan of letting the naval appropriations go over for a year. I do not feel that, 
from the standpoint of the interest of the country, or from the standpoint of 
seeing the party live up to its professions, we would have a right to act in this 
manner. Very respectfully yours 

3436 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, January 13, 1905 

Dear JoJm: The following cable has just been received: 

London, January 13, 1905. 

Secretary of State. 

Confidential. Spring Rice sailing next Wednesday, steamer Baltic. Would like 
to stay with Henry Adams. Please cable me whether latter can take him in. Hopes 
Ronald Ferguson, if still in Washington, will await his arrival. 

White. 

This is very interesting. Won't you ask Henry if he can put up this dis- 
tinguished member of the kitchen ambassadorial circle — if there are mem- 
bers of the kitchen Cabinet, why cannot there be kitchen ambassadors? Also 
could you convey a word to Ronald of the request? 

Mrs. Roosevelt and I are delighted with Henry James. I hope to see some- 
thing of him when he returns here. 

I am very sorry you should have had a fever and cold this morning. 

Were you not delighted with the solemn fatuity of those speeches of 
Aionroe on his Presidential tour? Ever yours 

3437 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, January 16, 1905 

T 0 the Secretary of State: It seems to me that if you present Russia's protest 
about breach of neutrality to China, we should at the same time make a strong 


1102 


protest against Russia herself violating China’s neutrality, as reported in this 
morning’s papers. I think we should seize the opportunity when the wolf 
invites outside interference against the lamb to call the wolf’s attention 
sharply to his own misdeeds. It may possibly have a healthy effect in restrain- 
ing him from a course of conduct that will cause us trouble hereafter.^ 


3438 • TO LESLIE MORTTER SHAW RoOSeVelt MSS» 

Washington, January 16, 1905 

The Secretary of the Treasury: In accordance with our conversation and the 
agreement we came to in connection with the coinage, I would like you to 
submit this letter to the Director of the Mint. I suppose it comes under his 
immediate supervision. 

In the first place, about the coinage. How soon will it be possible to have 
Saint-Gaudens employed for at least one set of coins? Of course he is to be 
given an absolutely free hand. This is not a reflection upon the Director of 
the Mint or any of his subordinates. It is out of the question that great artists 
should be put in the position of Director of the Mint or of his subordinates, 
if only for the reason that they would probably be wholly incompetent to do 
the work; but it is of the utmost importance that the artist should be left abso- 
lutely unhampered in worldng out the design and execution of the coin or 
medal. I do not wish there to be the slightest interference with Saint-Gaudens 
in connection with the coinage from its artistic side. Please have the matter 
taken up at the earliest possible moment, and advise me about it. In the next 
place, please have the Director of the Mint write at once to Saint-Gaudens, 
and to F. D. Millet,^ whose address is 6 West 23d Street, New York City, as 
to the medal to be struck for the inauguration. General Winfield Scott, in 
July, 1846, wrote to the Secretary of War in regard to the medal for the 
Mexican War veterans as follows: 

As medals are among the surest monuments of histor)’’ as well as muniments of 
individual distinction, there should be given to them, besides intrinsic value and 
durability of material, the utmost grace of design with the highest finish in me- 

^Russia, on January 13, had sent a Jetter of protest, charging China and Japan with 
neutrality violations. China, the letter claimed, had permitted Japan to use a part 
of the Liaotung Peninsula as a naval base and had mmished Japan with cast iron. 
Russia, therefore, claimed that she would be obliged to consider the neutrality of 
China “from the standpoint of her own interests.” Roosevelt in this request to Hay 
was influenced by newspaper reports of a Russian cavalry raid on the Chinese city, 
Newchwang. Hay*s answer to the Russian letter, on January 17, couched Roosevelt’s 
request in broad generalities, expressing the hope that neither belligerent would 
breach neutrality. For the diplomatic communications, see Foreign Relattom^ 1905, 

* Francis Davis Millet, Massachusetts artist, designed with John La Farge the decora- 
tions for Trinity Church in Boston. In 1911 he became director of the American 
Academy at Rome. Returning to America in 1912 with Major Archie Butt, Millet 
went doxtn with the THmic. 


1103 



chanical execution. . . . What the state of this art (medallist’s art) may be now 
in the United States, I know not. But I beg leave again to suggest that the honour of 
the country requires that medals voted by Congress should always exhibit the 
arts involved, in their highest state of perfection wherever found, for letters, 
science and the fine arts constitute but one republic, embracing the world. So 
thought our early government and Mr. Jefferson — a distinguished member of that 
general republic. 

We find that all artists ai*e one in feeling that our recent medals are 
markedly inferior to the medals struck for foreign nations, notably the 
French. I desire that this medal represent fine artistic work, and that either 
Saint-Gaudens or someone chosen by Millet and Saint-Gaudens be given an 
absolutely free hand in making it. Please have an immediate report made to 
me on this matter also.® 


3439 • TO ROBERT UNDERWOOD JOHNSON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, January 17, 1905 

Dear Johnson: Muir and Colby^ are too vague. My own belief is that Califor- 
nia will be likely to resent anything looking like interference on my part. As 
for promising ‘Vhat I am going to do with the Yosemite,” I do not know 
what Muir and Colby mean. I can only promise to treat it as we have treated 
the Yellowstone. Colby says that Senator Curtin’s main argument is that 
there is ‘‘no assurance that the National Government will do any more for 
the Yosemite Valley than it has done for the Yellowstone National Park, 
which he claims is a very insignificant amount.” This statement is simply not 
true, for the National Government has done an enormous amount for the 
Yellowstone National Park, and the way to answer Mr. Curtin is to show 
that he is not stating the facts. Most emphatically I do not see how we could 
promise to do more than we have done for the Yellowstone Park. From what 
Colby says in his letter, it looks as if Curtin’s real grievance was that the 
National Government had prevented sheep and cattlemen from plundering 

* Despite this letter, Augustus Saint-Gaudens was distinctly “hampered” in creating 
his artistic designs by the Treasury Department and by the President himself. Late 
in 1905, Saint-Gaudens, whose works include the memorial to Mrs. Henry Adams 
and statues of Lincoln, Farragut, and Sherman, presented models to Roosevelt for 
the one-cent piece and ten- and twenty-dollar gold pieces. The President rejected 
the one-cent piece. He altered Saint-Gaudens’ pkn for the ten-doUar gold piece by 
replacing a wreath with an Indian feather bonnet. The twenty-dollar gold piece, as 
originally designed, had a victory figure holding a torch and olive branch standing 
in front of the Capitol with a doubfc eagle on the reverse side. The Treasury De- 
partment shifted the balance of the lettering and flattened the high relief which 
Roosevelt had suggested. These gold pieces were not coined until 1907. The 1905 
inauguration medal was actually designed by Adolph Weinman under the super- 
vision of Saint-Gaudens and Millet. 

^ William Edward Colby, California lawyer; associate of John Muir in conservation 
matters. Colby was chairman of the California State Park Commission, 1927-1937, 
^and counselor for the Save the Redwoods League. 


and ravaging the reservations, and did not wish the Yosemite put where it 
would be protected by the National Government. I am surprised that there 
should be anything like a proposal that the National Government should 
stop protecting the park from sheepmen, cattlemen, or any other transgres- 
sors. 

It seems to me rather nonsensical to try to get me to promise something, 
(they do not know what), with a view of influencing in favor of the Yosemite 
men whose real objection to having us take charge of the Yosemite Park is 
that w’e would protect it too well. Sincerely yours 


3440 * TO BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 18, 1905 

My dear Wheeler: Yours is an illuminative letter about the new Senator,^ and 
tells me just what I want to know. Personally, I think w’e should have pooling 
allowed under conditions approved by a strong interstate commerce com- 
mission;^ and the private car lines are the ones against which we want most 
drastic action. 

With hearty thanks and regard, believe me. Faithfully yours 


3441 * TO WILLUM HENRY MOODY RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 18, 1905 

Dear Moody: In writing to Hepburn approval of the bill, could you not 
guard yourself by saying something to the effect that the more carefully we 
look into the matter the more it becomes evident that it may be necessary to 
suggest further modifications of the law in addition to those in the bill, but 
that we regard this bill as in itself a good one along the lines you mentioned 
yesterday as those you were going to take?^ 

'Frank Putnam Flint, California Republican; United States District Attorney for 
the Southern District of California, 1897-1901; United States Senator, 1^5-1911. 

* Railroad managers and many railroad economists agreed on the desirability of legal- 
izing railroad pools, which, under the Interstate Commerce Act, were illegal. In 
1901, testifying before the Industrial Commission, Secretary Morton had advanced 
the classic argument for pools. His opinion, unchanged with the years and shared by 
other advisers of Roosevelt, doubdess influenced the President. The House, how- 
ever, at the current and succeeding sessions of Congress, reflecting mevalent anti- 
railroad prejudices, refused to include a pooling provision in railroad legislation. 

'The Hepburn Bill, introduced January 21, gave the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion the power to prescribe actual railroad rates subject to the review of a new 
Court of Commerce. The commission was empowered, on receipt of complaint, to 
declare just and reasonable rates. Its order was to take effect in sixty days. Carriers 
refusing to obey the orders of the I.CC. were subject to a fine of $500 per day. The 
commission itself was increased in she to seven members to be appointed on a 
bipartisan basis and to hold office for ten years at $io,ooo per y^. The bill pro- 
vided for a spedal assistant attorney general to serve die commission. C^riers were 
given the right of appeal for review of die commission’s orders by a Court of Com- 

1105 


I am not at all sure that private car lines do not offer the worst abuses; and 
I should like to be sure that we get at this abuse, or provide a ^^’ay of getting 
at it, before we express ourselves as entirely satisfied with anything that we 
are doing.® 

Will you look at the enclosed letter from Governor Odell? I earnestly 
hope that the work he mentions will not be stopped. Sincerely yours 


3442 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Telegram Washington, January 18, 1905 

Have not only sounded the government you mention about its disinter- 
estedness through formal channels, but also personally through its Ambassa- 
dor at Washington. Expect to receive favorable answer. As you by this time 

merce. This court was to be composed of five circuit judges designated for duty 
by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The only appeal from the Court of 
Commerce was to the Supreme Court. 

The Hepburn Bill was one of a number of railroad measures introduced but 
not enacted at the last session of the Fifty-eighth Congress. Its provisions and 
phraseology were much the same as those of the Esch-Townsend Bill, which, with 
amendments taken from the Hepburn Bill, was finally reported from the House 
Committee on Interstate Commerce and passed by the House. Hepburn graciously 
forsook the prestige of authorship to facilitate the Administration's program. Jolm 
Sharp Williams, leading the Democrats, favored the Davey Bill, which differed from 
Republican measures in providing that when the I.C.C. Sxed a new rate it was to 
go into effect at once and remain in effect until such time as the decisions of the 
I,C.C. should be held in error. When this bill was blocked, Williams marshaled 
the Democrats behind the Esch-Townsend Bill. It passed on February 10 by a vote 
of 326 to 17, the “nays’* contributed by congressmen of both parties from the 
Northeast. The bill failed in the Senate. 

For the exact provisions of the Hepburn Bill and the Esch-Townsend Bill, see 
Congressional Record^ vol. 39, pt. 3, 58 Cong., 3 sess., pp. 2197 ff. 

®The railroads’ classic system of rebating to favored shippers through refunds by 
direct pa)7ments of a proportion of freight charges had been refined and extended 
even before the passage of the Elkins Act. More subtle discriminations than tliose 
effected by direct payment were accomplished by arrangements with terminal or 
spur railroads, by damage allowances, by regional rate adjustments, and by “mid- 
night tariffs.” One of the commonest forms of discrimination was the deduction 
from full published charges given to private car companies for the use of their 
equipment. These companies, owning and operating stock cars, refrigerator cars, 
and other special rolling stock, received traffic privileges as weU as special rates 
from the railroads. The largest of these concerns, the Armour Company, at this 
time endeavoring to secure a monopoly of the business, used its system also to 
preserve and increase the marketing advantages of the beef trust. Most railroads, 
unable to afford to maintain specialized equipment for seasonal business, paid 
tribute to the private car companies without complaint. The I.C.C, however, had 
long voiced the objections of independent shippers to such discriminatory practices. 
For a detailed discussion of the various methods of effecting rebates, see Ripley, Rail-- 
roads; Rates and Regtdathn, pp. 188-214. Also in Ripley, pp. 499 ff., there is an 
analysis of the meaning of “transportation” in the Hepburn Act of 1906, which ex- 
pressly designated private car companies, spur lines, terminal companies, etc., as 
subject to the rulings of the I.G.C. This jurisdiction w^ doubtful in the wording of 
the Esch-Townsend and Hepburn bills of 1905. 

1106 



know, we have received answers from England and Italy which take the 
exact ground that Germany and the United States do about maintaining the 
integrity of China, and about the neutral powers positively declining in 
the event of peace to accept any territorial compensation for themselves. 


3443 • TO KERMiT ROOSEVELT Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, January 23, 1905 

Blessed Kennit: The members of the Electoral College are assembling here to 
cast their formal ballots for me, and from the Western States quite often men 
turn up w'ho were friends of mine in the old dap. Thus the Presidential 
Elector from Montana who carried on the electoral vote of that State was 
Merrifield, my ranch foreman, with whom I began hunting and ranching 
twenty-two years ago. I had forgotten he was on the electoral ticket and was 
immensely surprised when he turned up. Evidently he and his good wife had 
carefully planned that he should be creditably fixed up in every W'ay, and he 
had a severely correct frock coat, cravat, and top hat. I had him at lunch with 
Bishop and Mrs. Lawrence, General Crozier, General and Mrs. Mills, Secre- 
tary Morton, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, and one or two odieis, and then he was 
at Mother’s tea in the afternoon, for I wanted him to feel that there would be 
no guest in the White House whom I would honor more. I think he was as 
pleased as possible. 

Ted and I continue to box with Grant, the wrestler. He isn’t a very good 
boxer for a prize fighter, but then you don’t have to be much of a professional 
in order to give an amateur points. He usually hits us very gently, but of 
course now and then if we press him hard he has to save himself by thumping 
us, and he gave me a slight black eye the other day, and swelled Ted’s nose 
until Ted looked a little bit like a walrus puppy. 

Little Corinne, with Isabella Selmes, Lorraine and two other girls have 
been here for the Diplomatic Dinner, and have been going to various festivi- 
ties ever since. Archie and Quentin had the grip, and Quentin is still in bed. 
I have finished reading The Deerslayer to them, and as soon as Quentin gets 
well will have to begin on something else. 

I do not think Mother can go on riding Yagenka much longer. I am 
afraid poor Yagenka will have to go to Mr. Wilmer’s farm. Your loving 
father 


3444 ' TO DAVID DECAMP THOMPSON RoOSPOelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 23, 1905 

My dear Mr. Thompson: The two beautiful books have come. Mrs. Roosevelt 
appreciates them just as much as I do. I shall be particularly interested what 


1107 


you say in Wesley’s Life^ in reference to the labor problems and the churches. 
As you know, I have felt very strongly that we needed a well-nigh revolu- 
tionarj’^ change in our methods of church work among the laboring people, 
especially in the great cities. I can say with perfect truthfulness that where- 
ever we have a thoroughly flourishing Methodist congregation, where the 
bulk of the members are artisans and mechanics, I regard the social and 
industrial outlook for that particular locality as good; just as I feel that a 
flourishing Young Men’s Christian Association movement in connection with 
a particular railroad opens vistas for hopefulness for that railroad. One thing 
that I have always liked about young Gould has been his appreciation of the 
good effect of tliis Young Men’s Christian Association movement in railroad 
matters. How much of it is due to his sister’s appreciation even more than his 
own I shall not pretend to guess! Alnjoays yours 


3445 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY Roosevelt Mss, 

Washington, January 25, 1905 

Sir: Your letter of January 24th gives me great concern. Please prepare im- 
mediately, for submission by me to Congress, a special message setting forth 
in detail the iniquities of what is now being done in connection with these 
corporation laws, and advocating not only the repeal of the statute but a 
substantial franchise tax to affect the companies already incorporated under 
the law in question. Would it be proper for me to submit your letter of the 
24th instant with my message? I am urgent about the matter because it seems 
to have been the negligence of the administration which permitted this law 
to be amended in 1902, although apparently the obnoxious features were 
incorporated in 1901, 

Axe there further steps which can be taken in directing the Recorder of 
Deeds to refuse to record deeds of incorporation under this law?^ Sincerely 
yours 

^ David Decamp Thompson, John Wesley as a Social Reformer (New York, 1898). 

^lu a message to Congress of January 30, Roosevelt reported the conclusion of 
Attorney General Moody that “the law governing the formation and control of 
corporations in the District of Columbia is not, as it should be, a model of its kind, 
but, on the other hand, is hopelessly vicious ” Unscrupulous promoters were forming 
wildcat corporations at an alarming rate. In one day in January, the President de- 
clared, one person had presented articles for the incorporation of thirty-eight com- 
panies with an aggregate capital of $43,000,000. In each of these the same persons 
were trustees. The President urgently requested legislation to annul the charters of 
spurious corporations already established and to prevent the abuse in the future. 

A week before this message the House had passed a bill providing for a tax of 
forty cents on each thousand dollars of capital stock and providing further that all 
of the stock be subscribed in good faith and 10 p^ cent actually paid in before a 
charter could be obtained. The measure easily passed the Senate and was signed by 
Roosevelt on February 7. 


1108 


344^ ’ ™ JOHN HAY Roosevelt Aiss. 

Washington, January 26, 1905 

Dear Joh>i: I am much concerned at your being under the weather* I would 
have called if I had had a moment to spare. 

The Santo Domingo business is going on satisfactorily, and we will soon 
have a protocol to submit.^ I shall send in a rather elaborate message about it, 
which I shall want to go over with you. 

You spoke to me the other day about the Chinese railroad. I should be 
very sorry to abandon the project of building that road.^ Sometime go over 
the matter with me. Airways yotirs 


3447 • TO ELBERT FRANCIS BALDWIN RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, Januaiy 26, 1905 

Dear Mr. Baldwin: Of course Senator Teller is simply trying over again what 
he has done with the Philippines, with Panama, with Cuba, with Porto Rico, 
and with every like matter that has come up. What I am doing with Santo 
Domingo is to negotiate a protocol or treaty, preferably the former, which I 
shall then lay before the Senate. If the Senate approves it will then become 
part of the policy of the country. If it does not, we shall have to look on and 
see chaos develop for a few months or a few years until our hand is forced. 
The only difference between this negotiation and any other kind of negotia- 
tion is that with a country like Santo Domingo, where revolutions are threat- 
ened continually and where very sinister influences are at work, we have to be 
prepared to support the existing government in its proposal until the Senate 
has a chance to act upon it. 

^This, the Dillingham-Sanchez Protocol, provided for a guarantee by the United 
States of the territorial integrity of the Dommican Republic and for control by the 
United States of all Dominican customs houses to ensure payment of the Republic’s 
debt With this agreement Roosevelt underwrote the celebrated interpretation of 
the Monroe Doctrine in his annual message of 1904. Democrats in the Senate, how- 
ever, led by Morgan and assisted by a few Republicans, defeated the protocol and 
its more moderate successor of February 1905. In their opposition they described 
the negotiations and protocols as executive usurpations of senatorial prerogatives 
and as dangerous precedents for imperialistic adventures. Roosevelt, in turn angry, 
then obtained the arrangements described in the protocol by an executive agree- 
ment. Root later negotiated a treaty satisfactory to the Senate. Of significance for 
American foreign policy and for Roosevelt’s deteriorating relations with the Senate, 
this episode has been ably described and anal3^ed. Among the best of many good 
accounts are those in Hifl, Roosevelt and the Caribbean^ ch. vi; Holt, TreaHes De- 
feated by the Senate^ ch. ix-, Perkins, The Monroe Doctrme, ch. vi. 

Roosevelt summarized his point of view in his Autobiography ^ Nat. Ed. XX, 
496-501, 

*The Hankow-Chnton railway concession had been granted to Americans in 1898. 
Belman interests had acquired control of the concession but resold their control to 
J. P. Morgan in 1904. In the summer of 1905, China, retaliating against American 
immigration poH<^ and, yielding to British pressure, canceled me concession. See 
Dennett, Roosevelt tmd the Russo-Japanese War, p. 155. 


I 109 



To recapitulate then; I am engaged through my agents in negotiating an 
agreement with Santo Domingo, which agreement is not yet agreed to even as 
between the Santo Domingan government and these agents, and which when 
agreed to will be laid before the Senate and which will then become or not 
become “binding upon the American people” in accordance with the Senate’s 
action. 

If Senator Teller is honest he has had a pipe dream. Smcerely yours 

P. S. The enclosed letter from President Jordan of Leland Stanford Junior 
University may interest you. I have been trying to do in Ha\vaii just what I 
have been trying to do in the Philippines and in Porto Rico; and I believe that 
in these insular possessions we have not only raised the standard of adminis- 
tration, but we have it at a high pitch. 

3448 • TO CHRISTOPHER GRANT LA FAROE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, January 27, 1905 

Dear Graiit: Edith has shown me your letter. In the first place, about the 
window^s. We do not want transoms or windows that open in or out. We 
want windows that open up and dow’n with outside blinds. We are a little 
doubtful as to whether the skylight is advisable. It might be more care than 
it w'as worth. 

Now, about the woods. Before settling on this I wish we could have some 
figures on the cost. As you know, we were very much nonplussed at the 
figures. Judging from the amount the Lodges paid for their extension, we 
had not expected that the figures would be anything like as large. Would it be 
possible to have some other man, who might do the work cheaper, figure on 
them? How about that Oyster Bay builder, Mailer? Our idea is to have this 
room done as cheaply as possible, and as nearly as possible in the style of the 
rest of the house. If we could afford it of course we would like to have it 
handsome; but we cannot afford it, and therefore we can only have as much 
beauty as is compatible with building cheaply a room of the necessary size. 
Our idea was to have the floor of cheap hardwood, the ceiling of cheap 
wood, the walls with linen paper and finished in oak or similar wood like that 
we have in the rest of the house. Now, if you think it would not be incongru- 
ous, and if the cost of the whole thing is not too expensive, then we could 
put in the four pillars with the wood back of them, and finish the fireplace 
with wood over it. But before agreeing to purchase the Tindalo wood and 
the mahogany log for these purposes, I think we ought to have an idea of 
what the whole expense will be. Then we can see whether we can afford to 
purchase these handsome woods even for this limited amount of work. Would 
having the four pillars and the wood back of them, and the wood above the 
fireplace, of handsome wood look incongruous? We love your plan with the 
bay window and with the pillars as a feature, and the big fireplace; but we 
feel we ought to know something as to what the cost will be before we com- 


IIIO 


mit ourselves to the expensive woods. Would it do to make the pillars of 
plain woodr^ Al'v:ays yours 


3449 ' TO LYMAN ABBOTT Rooscvelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, January 28, 1905 

My dear Dr. Abbott: I wish we could have the men who believe in interna- 
tional arbitration start a backfire on Senator Bacon, ^ Senator Morgan, Senator 
Martin- and the other men who are really holding up these treaties. I do not 
have to point out to you that to amend the treaties is to vote against them. 
We have got the foreign governments to accept this minimum, and if we now 
put in absurd and meaningless amendments we put ourselves into a humiliat- 
ing position and expose ourselves to the risk of having foreign Powers treat 
us as insincere. Bacon is a man of meticulous mind, a violent partisan, with no 
real public spirit, and he and his fellows are engaged in trying to beat the 
treaties with the unworthy purpose of preventing the administration getting 
whatever credit may attach to helping in the effort to serve the country. As 
you know, I dealt with the Republican Senators on my own hook and have 
them substantially straightened out. It is a shame if the Democratic Senators 
beat the treaties now. They ought to receive a sharp lesson. Faithfully yours 
[Handwritten] Clay of Georgia, Foster of La, Qark of Arkansas, Over- 
man of N. C. Taliaferro of Fla, are all for the treaty — and are good men. 


3450 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevek Mss, 

Personal Washington, Januaiy^ 28, 1905 

Dear John: I rather doubt if it is w^orth while writing anything about the 
New'foundland treaty. At least it seems to me that what we must concentrate 
ourselves on now is the effort to get through the arbitration treaties and the 
Santo Domingan protocol I shall see you tomorrow and go over the matter 
with you. 

Meanwhile I suppose you have received a letter similar to the enclosed, 
which please return to me when you are through with it. In the first place I 
do not wish to accept as a member of this foolish Academy of Arts and Letters 

^ The library was built at Sagamore Hill as originally conceived by La Farge. It is 
a large, impressive room in which are collected the pictures Roosevelt loved, the 
flags of public office, bronzes by Frederic Remington, the mounted heads of two 
heroic wapiti, exquisite ivories from the Emperor of Japan, Rough Rider para- 
phernalia, trophies of the hunt, the gifts of grateful men and nations. The library 
is a depository of the outward, visible signs of the extraordinary career and person- 
ality of Theodore Roosevelt. 

^Augustus Octavius Bacon, Democratic senator from Georgia, 1895-1914. 

® Roosevelt later corrected himself- It was Senator Hernando De Soto Money 
(Democrat from Mississippi), not Democratic Senator Thomas Staples Martin of 
Virginia, who was holdmg up the treaties in the Foreign Relations Clommittee. 


till 


unless the rest of the fifteen men named therein accept; and in the next place 
I am not at all sure that I wish to accept anyhow. Doesn’t it seem to you a 
rather ridiculous thing to try to start such an academy? I do not see what 
good it can do, and I do not see how it can avoid becoming somewhat ridicu- 
lous. I am not sure that these academies ever do anything real for permanent 
literature after all. I believe they only tend to perform the useful but not 
vital function of improving the second-rate. But apart from this, what can 
we do with an academy of this sort here in the United States? I am afraid we 
shall make ourselves laughable rather than useful by going into it. Ever yours 


3451 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss, 

Washington, January 28, 1905 

Dear John: All right, I accepted at once,^ What is good enough for you is 
most certainly good enough for me. 

Now, tomorrow I have to go to the dedication of the Lutheran Memorial 
Church, and so I cannot come in for my morning talk. I am sorry because 
there is a good deal I want to say. I am getting to take your view of the 
Senate under stress of seeing the way they are handling the arbitration trea- 
ties. I wish our people would report them out anyhow, and then see if the 
Southerners would really dare to beat them under such a pretense. Always 
yours 

[Handwritten] We can not possibly interfere for the Koreans against 
Japan. They could’n’t strike one blow in their own defence,^ 


3452 • TO EDWABD HENRY HARRIMAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, January 31, 1905 ‘ 

My dear Mr, Harriman: I have your letter of the 30th. As I wrote you, I am 
afraid I am committed to Fowler and I do not see very well bow I could 
get out of it. It would be very unpleasant for me, with Morton in my Cabinet, 
to say that I «rejected» him, merely because I had heard that he was “a strong 
Santa Fe man,” unless there was some specific objection to him. I need hardly 
tell you that if I appointed him I would twist his neck as if he was a chicken 
the moment I found he was showing one particle of favor to the Sante Fe, 
or for the matter of that, to the Southern Pacific or any other railroad, just 
as I would twist it if I found he was discriminating against any railroad. How 

^ Membership in the Academy of Arts and Letters. 

*A year earlier Japan had established a protectorate over Korea. For a discussion 
of Roosevelt’s attitude towards Korea, see Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-fapa^ 
nese War^ pp. io8-n6. 


1X12 


would it do for me to write him this in practically these words? ^ Sincerely 
yoim 


345 3 * ™ CHARLES FERRIS oETTEMY Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, February i, 1905 

My dear Air* Getterny: ^ Senator Lodge has sent me your article and also your 
manuscript and letter to him. What you say is of peculiar interest to me, for 
I have felt that the growth of the socialist party in this country^ was far more 
ominous than any populist or similar movement in time past. I think your 
study is of real importance. Sincerely yours 

3454 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Washington, February 4, 1905 

The Secretary of War: If they make no change in the Isthmian Canal law,^ 
we may want to make changes in the personnel of the commission. I am 
afraid Walker will have to go. I do not think Burr and Harrod are of much 
further use. Can you find out about tw’^o engineers named Bogue and Jacobs, 
both living in New York? 

I wish to Heaven I could get Root at a salary of fifty or a hundred thou- 
sand — which I would cheerfully give him to take complete charge and run 
this whole business. 


3455 ' TO JAMES WILSON Rooscvelt Mss. 

Washington, February 6, 1905 

Aly dear Secretary Wilson: I do not like the way in which in the Agricul- 
tural Appropriation Bill the two hundred and thirty-odd skilled laborers and 

^Benjamin Austm Fowler, Arizona rancher, railroad man, irrigation advocate, prob- 
ably at this time being considered for a judicial office in the Territory, did not 
receive an appointment. 

^Charles Ferris Gettemy, journalist and statistician, at this time Washington cor- 
respondent of the Boston Herald; secretary to Curtis Guild, Jr., 1905-1907; later, 
1907-1919, director of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics. 

^Emphasized by the marked increase in Debs’ vote in 1904. 

* Roosevelt’s request for a new law to change the structure of the Isthmian Canal 
Commission was one of the many casualties of the last session of the Fifty-eighth 
Congress. The House passed the Mann Bili which gave the President the authority 
he had requested in a message of January 13 and provided further for a smaller, 
more flexible commission. The Senate, however, again unwilling to surrender 
authority to the executive, destroyed the House’s intent by amendments. When the 
two houses failed to resolve their differences, they passed a resolution continuing 
the Spooner Act until the terminal date of the succeeding session of Congress. For 
a discussion of the deleterious eflects of the Senate’s obstructiomsm on this issue, 
see Mack, Land Divided^ ch, xl; Appendix I, VoL VI, this work; Numbers 3479, 350Z. 

I HJ 


laborers are proposed to be promoted to the classified service. It seems to me 
that if this bill passes I should have to have all those men dismissed, because it 
is intolerable that legislation of this kind be enacted. Cannot this be ex- 
plained to the Senate and to whoever has the bill in charge, and a substitute 
oflFered for the last paragraph in the bill, providing that none of the promo- 
tions, transfers or appointments herein provided for shall take effect save 
under and in pursuance of the rules and regulations of the Civil Service Com- 
mission? 

I do not want to have to dismiss all these men; but I think I should have to 
do something drastic to emphasize my extreme disapproval of the measure.^ 
Sincerely yours 


3456 • TO ANDREW CARNEGIE RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Washington, February 6, 1905 

My dear Mr. Carnegie: I do not agree with you about the treaties. I am not 
willing to go into a farce. We have the power to make special arbitration 
treaties now, and it is simply nonsense, from my standpoint, to pass a general 
treaty which says that we can negotiate special treaties if we like, which of 
course we can do whether the general treaty is or is not passed. But I shall 
take up the matter with Secretary Hay tomorrow morning and go carefully 
over it with him. Sincerely yours 


3457 ' TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, February 6, 1905 

Dear John: The enclosed letter from the good Carnegie explains itself. I have 
written him that I utterly disagree with him. Foster^ is also weakening. He 
says he has grave doubts as to whether the Senate amendments are not Con- 
stitutionally right. I told him that in that case the thing to do was in manly 
fashion to say that it was not possible under our Constitution to pass general 
arbitration treaties, and to leave it at that. 

I hope to see you tomorrow, and that you have not been hurt by coming 
out today. Always yours 

* The Agricultural Appropriation Bill, introduced by Representative Wadsworth on 
January 25, promoted skilled laborers in Washington departments to the classified 
service, in accordance with a Presidential order of January 12. The biH, however, 
provided that the promotions could take efFect without civil service examinations. 
Senator Proctor amended the bill to place the skilled laborers under the jurisdiction 
of the Civil Service Commission. Roosevelt approved the amended bill on March 4. 

^ John Watson Foster. 


1114 


3 45 8 * TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE METER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, February 6, 1905 

Dear George: Your letter is very satisfactory. I am not surprised at what the 
newspaper correspondent teUs you. Unlike what is found in most wars, there 
is in this a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction among the military attach^ 
and the newspaper correspondents with the side with which they happen to 
be serving. The feeling is by no means universal, but it is extensive. Our 
military attaches with the Russian army think that the Russians are colossal 
in their mendacity and trickery, and do not think they fight as well as the 
Japanese, and that they are at heart thoroughly hostile to all other European 
powders and to the United States, and would really like to make an alliance 
with Japan. They however like the Russians individually. As regards our 
representatives with Japan, Captain Morrison,^ Air. George Kennan and Mr. 
Frederick Palmer® strongly sympathize with the Japanese and like them indi- 
vidually and in the mass — that is govemmentally — and believe them to be 
friendly to America. On the other hand Captain March, Lieutenant For- 
tescue, John Fox and Richard Harding Davis immensely admire their valor 
and efficiency as soldiers, but think they are hostile to all white people, in- 
cluding America, and that they are insincere, treacherous and inscrutable. 
Personally, I greatly admire the Russian people; but I think the Russian gov- 
ernment represents all that is worst, most insincere and unscrupulous, and 
most reactionary; and undoubtedly our people who live in Japan are better 
treated by the Japanese and have more ^rmpathy with them than is the case 
with those who live in Russia. I like the Japanese; but of course I hold myself 
in readiness to see them get puffed up with pride if they are victorious, and 
turn against us, or the Germans, or anyone else. However, I do not believe 
that any alliance with, or implicit trust in, any foreign pow'er will ever save 
this country from trouble. We must rely upon our own fighting power, in 
the first place, and upon being just and fair in our dealings with other na- 
tions, in the second place. Our regular army is insignificant in size, though I 
think most of the regiments would make good fighting units. Our navy is 
excellent. We will have no trouble with Japan, or with Germany, or with 
anyone else if we keep our navy relatively in as good condition as it is now, 
and if we continue to show that we are honestly and sincerely desirous to 
deal honorably and fairly by ail nations, and that we eamesdy hope for their 
good will while yet being ready to defend our own rights if the necessity 
arises. 

In St. Petersburg Spring Rice wfll call upon you. He knows just how I 
feel on all these matters, and you can talk with him without any reserve. 

‘John F. Morrison, Captain, United States Army; military attadhd with J»pan«e 

army, 1904; later senior instructor. Army Staff College, 15107-1912; director of train- 

ii^. United Sates Army, 1917-1918. 

•Frederick Palmer, veteran militsuy reporter then covering the Russo-Japanese War 

for Comer’s Weekly . 


III5 


England’s interest is exactly ours as regards this Oriental complication, and 
is likely to remain so. If the situation on this point should change, I would of 
course wire you at once. But it is important that without any talk whatever 
being made of it, there should be a thorough understanding between us and 
the English as to what is happening. Moreover, at present the Germans seem 
inclined to act with us. I do not know how long it will continue; but mean- 
while I would like you to be careful to keep on good terms with the German 
Ambassador at St. Petersburg, and to say to him that I have told you how 
much pleased I have been at the position taken by the Emperor, and my 
belief that the two countries will be able to work together as regards our 
policy in the far East. 

What the Japanese Minister said to you was substantially true. Of course, 
the military situation may alter; but if peace should come now, Japan ought 
to have a protectorate over Korea (which has shown its utter inability to 
stand by itself) and ought to succeed to Russia’s rights in and around Port 
Arthur, while I should hope to see Manchuria restored to China. Of course 
it would be out of the question to forecast the details of peace now, because 
no one can teU whether the military situation will continue unchanged, or 
what will be the result if Russia keeps on the war for another year. I do not 
believe that Japan has the slightest intention of making an alliance with 
Russia, or that she will do so unless affairs change very much for the worse 
as regards herself and the war. If the Russians beat her, and she finds that 
America and England separately or together will give her no help, she may 
conclude that she has to make what terms she could with Russia. But this is 
not as yet among the probabilities. I think you had better be ready to go to 
St. Petersburg at once, as I should like to make the change immediately after 
the 4th of March. 

AH of this letter is in the deepest confidence. Sincerely yours 

3459 • TO ERNEST HAMLIN ABBOTT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 6 , 1905 

My dear Mr. Abbott: ^ If your father has returned, show him this letter. 

There has been a kaleidoscopic change about the arbitration treaties. 
Most of the Republican and all the Democratic members of die committee 
have now agreed that they cannot be passed without amendment and ought 
not to be passed, and that the original amendment to which I so strongly 
objected should be inserted, namely, that it should be declared that whatever 
agreement is hereafter entered into under these treaties is itself a treaty and 
requires ratification by the Senate. To my utter surprise, Andrew Carnegie 
and some other excellent gentlemen, who I think desire merely (although 

* Ernest Hamlin Abbott, son of Lyman Abbott, from 190* on the editorial staff of 

the Outlook; editor of die Outlook, 1923-1928; Congregational minister; author of 
■ Relipous Life in America (1902), On the TrcMn^ of 'Parents (1908). 

1 11 A 


perhaps unconsciously) to make believe they have something when they 
have nothing, are inclined to support this. I still remain of the opinion which 
I expressed to your father, that if such an amendment is put in I had better 
withdraw the treaty on the ground that it is a sham, for we would be then 
in the position of having a treaty which solemnly said that whenever we 
liked we could conclude another treaty — which of course we could do 
anyhow, w’ithout the preliminary treaty. I write you simply that you may 
know what the situation at the moment is. Sincerely yours 

[Handncritten] The text of aE these treaties, to which the Senate Foreign 
Affairs Committee now”^ object, was submitted in advance to each member of 
the Committee a year ago, and no member save Morgan raised any objec- 
tions or e.xpressed anything save approval. 

3460 • TO tVILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, February 7, 1905 

To the Secretary of War: In my last annual report to Congress I remarked, 
“We should, however, pay much more heed than at present to the develop- 
ment of an extensive system of floating mines for use in all our more impor- 
tant harbors.” 

I should like to know what action has been taken by the Chief of Artillery 
in this matter. 

3461 ‘TO ANDREW CARNEGIE RoOSCVelt MSS. 

PcKonal Washington, February 8, 1905 

My dear Mr. Carnegie: I wish to supplement my note to you of the other 
day. My view is that most emphatically we would not only not get the sub- 
stance if we accepted the amendment, but we would get no shred of the 
substance, and would stay exactly where we are now under the Hague arbi- 
tration treaty. Moreover, as Hay pointed out to me when I showed him your 
letter, you are in error as to what occurred as to the British treaty concern- 
ing which you wrote. You say, “I found the Secretary of State distressed 
about Arbitration Treaties as I once before found him about the Hay- 
Pauncefote Treaty — Senate amendments in both cases. I said to him these 
had strengthened the latter and Britain would cheerfully accept them. He 
thought not, but later pronounced me ‘a true prophet.’ ” Concerning this. 
Secretary Hay writes me that you have evidently forgotten the fact that 
the British Government did not accept the Senate amendments of the treaty 
in question, but on the contrary promptly rejected them. So that your 
prophecy, which he distincdy remembers your making, was not justified 
by the outcome. 

Amendments to a treaty are to be judged by the particular circumstances 
of each case. In this case there should be no amendment^ the proposed 


II 17 


amendment would make the treaties absolutely worthless and therefore, in 
my judgment, improper to embody as part of the supreme law of the land. 
Sincerely yours 


3462 * TO JOHN SHARP WILLIAMS RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal and private Washington, February 8, 1905 

My dear Air, Willwns: Your letter interests me much. Can you come in to- 
morrow morning and let me talk to you about it? I am not prepared to give 
an offhand judgment. There may be difficulties of which I am not cognizant, 
but personally, I have always wished that we could have the President inaugu- 
rated and the new Congress go into being on January ist, just as is done 
in State legislatures. Sincerely yours 


3463 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, February 9, 1905 

Dear Will: When you go to the Philippines next summer could you stop at 
Hawaii to look into the labor problem there, and especially into the Japanese 
business. Carter has written a very interesting letter to Hay, which I would 
like you to send for. The Japanese have become very numerous in the islands. 
They far outnumber the whites, and are now showing signs of an insolent 
temper, which may make them a most formidable problem. After reading 
Carter’s letter would it not be well for you to communicate with him and see 
if he needs a regiment or two of troops in the islands. Yours 


3464 • TO SHELBY MOORE CULLOM RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, February 10, 1905 

My dear Senator Cullont: I learn that the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela- 
tions has reported the arbitration treaties to the Senate, amending them by 
substituting for the word “agreement” in the second article the word 
“treaty.” The effect of the amendment is to make it no longer possible, as 
between its contracting parties, to submit any matter whatever to arbitration 
without first obtaining a special treaty to cover the case. This will represent 
not a step forward but a step backward. If the word “agreement” were re- 
tained it w'ould be possible for the Department of State to do as, for instance, 
it has already done under the Hague treaty in the Pious Fund arbitration 
case with Mexico, and submit to arbitration such subordinate matters as by 

1118 



treaty the Senate had decided could be left to the Executive to submit under 
a jurisdiction limited by the general treaty of arbitration. If the word “treaty” 
be substituted, the result is that every such agreement must be submitted to 
the Senate; and these general arbitration treaties would then cease to be such, 
and indeed in their amended form they amount to a specific pronouncement 
against the whole principle of a general arbitration treaty. 

The Senate has of course the absolute right to reject or to amend in any 
way it sees fit any treaty laid before it, and it is clearly the duty of the Senate 
to take any step which, in the e.xercise of its best judgment, it deems to be 
for the interest of the nation. If, however, in the judgment of the President 
a given amendment nullifies a proposed treaty it seems to me that it is no less 
clearly his duty to refrain from endeavoring to secure a ratification, by the 
other contracting power or powers, of the amended treaty; and after much 
thought I have come to the conclusion that I ought to write and tell you that 
such is my judgment in this case. 

As amended we would have a treaty of arbitration which in effect will 
do nothing but recite that this Government will when it deems it wise here- 
after enter into treaties of arbitration. Inasmuch as we of course now have 
the power to enter into any treaties of arbitration, and inasmuch as to pass 
these amended treaties does not in the smallest degree facilitate settlements 
by arbitration, to make them would in no way further the cause of interna- 
tional peace. It would not, in my judgment, be wise or expedient to try to 
secure the assent of the other contracting powers to the amended treaties, 
for even if such assent were secured we should still remain precisely where 
we were before, save where the situation may be changed a little for the 
worse. There would not even be the slight benefit that might obtain from 
the mere general statement that we intend hereafter, when we can come to 
an ^reement with foreign powers as to what shall be submitted, to enter 
into arbitration treaties; for we have already when we ratified the Hague 
treaty with the various signatory powers, solemnly declared such to be our 
intention; and nothing is gained by reiterating our adherence to the principle 
while refusing to provide any means of making our intention effective. In 
the amended form the treaties contain nothing except such expression of 
barren intention, and indeed, as compared with what has already been pro- 
vided for in the Hague arbitration treaty, they probably represent not a step 
forward but a slight step backward as regard the question of intemationd 
arbitration- As such I do not think that they should receive the sanction of 
this Government. Personally it is not my opinion that this Government lacks 
the power to enter into general treaties of arbitration, but if I am in error, 
and if this Government has no potver to enter into such general treaties, then 
it seems to me that it is better not to attempt to make ihem, rather than to 
make the attempt in such shape that they shall accomplish literally nothing 
whatever when made. Sincerely yotars . 


1 1 19 



34<^5 ‘ TO LYMAN ABBOTT Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Washington, February 12, 1905 

My dear Dr. Abbott: I thank you for your letter and the editorial, I have 
read the latter carefully, and I am sorry to say that I do not agree with you 
about it. In the first place, you say there has been “an agreement, testified to 
and not denied,” by which certain election districts were to be carried by 
the Republican party in return for administrative support of the denomina- 
tional schools. There has been no testimony to this effect of a kind to merit 
denial, and as far as I know the statement is a lie pure and simple. I shall be 
astonished if the Outlook repeats such a slander, absolutely without basis of 
any kind. In the next place you say that it has been testified that over $55,000 
has been given to schools where the pro rata of the petitioners would be less 
than $2000 . 1 am not aware that there is the slightest evidence of this. If it is 
true, it reflects, I suppose, upon Commissioner Jones, who is out of office, and 
the contracts made by him have now but little more than four months to 
run. At the end of four months the damage, if such there be, will cease, for 
Mr. Leupp will assuredly make contracts on the right basis. 

But this is not the main point. The main point is that in my judgment 
your whole analogy between these Indian trust funds and the funds held by 
the Government for white citizens is misleading. The Government has no 
moneys Avhich it pays out pro rata on quarter day to the citizens, or uses for 
the benefit of each individual citizen. On the Indian reservations, however, 
it has funds which it disposes of at the request of each individual Indian, or 
as in its judgment it deems wise for each individual Indian. When a number 
of the individuals petition that their shares of this money shall be used for 
a given school, it seems to me entirely improper to refuse their request. It 
does seem to me, .however, that it would be better to have the money given 
to the Indians themselves so that they can then use it as they see fit; and in 
accordance therewith I have championed the enclosed bill, as you will see 
from the enclosed report. I am sorry not to take your view of this matter.^ 
Sincerely yours 

^ In February 1904, Roosevelt had authorized Secretary Hitchcock and Commissioner 
Jones, upon petition from the Indians, to use the tribal funds at their disposal for 
the support of Indian mission schools (see No. 2982, note i). Nine contracts 
were made, one with a Lutheran and eight with Catholic schools. On January 5, 
1905, William H, Hare, the Protestant Episcopal Bishop of South Dakota, charged 
Roosevelt with favoring the Catholic schools. Hare claimed that Roosevelt, influ- 
enced by Bonaparte and the political power of the Catholic Church, had illegally 
divided up the tribal funds. This view was upheld by articles in the Outlook and by 
Senator Bard of California, who stated that the Indians had not given their consent 
to this expenditure. Bard also accused Professor Scharf of Catholic University of 
promising political support in return for favorable disposition of the fund. The Indian 
Rights Association argued that the petitions had not been genuine. 

Roosevelt oflicially denied these charges, asserting that contracts had been 
granted only upon the written petitions of the Indians. Moody upheld the legality 
of the method. In a letter of February 3 to Hitchcock, the President ordered the 


1120 


[Ha?idwritten] I do not see the slightest real analogy to the non-sectarian 
public school question in this matter. I have always championed in radical 
fashion our public school system; I send my sons, at the public expense, to 
the public schools, while they are young; later I use my ow'n money to send 
them to a church school. The public moneys on the Indian reservation can 
not be used for denominational schools, but the funds held to be divided 
among the Indians individually, are properly to be used as the individuals 
prefer, any other course seems to me radically unjust. 


3466 ■ TO SILAS MCBEE 
Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, February 16, 1905 


My dear Mr. McBee: I am very much pleased with your letter and also with 
the article. 

As regards the arbitration matter, the people who have exasperated me 
more than any others are those, like John W. Foster, Andrew Carnegie and 
Wayne MacVeagh, who, partly from jealousy of John Hay and partly from 
that curious vanity which makes men desire to cover up defeat, luve insisted 
that we ought to take, on the half-loaf principle, a measure which is not a 
half a loaf at aU, but a distinct, though slight, step backward. The opposition 
of the Senate is so wrong that I cannot believe that those who took it reauy 
thinV themselves right. Washington himself, in 1796s concluded a treaty with 
Tripoli which the Senate ratified, and in this treaty the Senate and the Presi- 
dent delegated to the Bey of Algiers the power to arbitrate on all questtons 
that arose under the treaty between the parties in interest, and bound them- 
selves to submit to his decision. In other words the founders of the Consuw- 
tion, under the first President, concluded an arbitration treaty under whic 
they submitted everything to arbitration. Moreover, not a month ago t e 
Senate, after two years and a half delay, passed a treaty under wWch t ey 
gave the President power to refer to arbitration by the Hague Court al 
private claims affecting the citizens of the United States and the vanoTO 
South American countries. Every sensible man knoivs that the Senate, wm e 
perfectly willing to declare itself for a general principle, such as reciprocity. 

Interior Department to continue government contracts until Congress directed 
otherwise or until the courts reversed Moody’s decision. 

Both the opposition and rlie Administration supporters bright ® ^ 

before Congres. After a prolonged series of hear^, the Senate Co^Uee ^ 
Indian Affates submitted two amendments to die Indian Appropriauim Bdl T 
to^endment prohibited further government contracte mission sAook. 

S ^ond incojorated the Lacey %iU which Roosevelt 
letter to Abbott. This bill gave individual Indians v •„ 

funds allotted to them by the Interior Department. The “t - ter 

exerted strong^ influence against these amendments. Bo* faded. Later, 
h^wrjn 1907, a modffled form of die Lacey BiU was by Con^^ 

For a discussion of the Indian school contracts, see Goldman, OTUtp , PP* 

47 - 49 - 


II 2 I 


for instance, will not conclude any specific reciprocity agreement, and 
neither will it conclude any genuine arbitration treaty save under wholly 
exceptional circumstances. I was able with the utmost difficulty to get the 
Alaska boundary treaty through only by having it understood that I in- 
tended to put on one Republican and one Democratic Senator among the 
three commissioners. Under this treaty, by the way, the Senate delegated, 
not to the President but to three men appointed by the President, the abso- 
lute power to decide on the sovereignty of the United States over a great 
strip of territory — an infinitely greater delegation of power than any asked 
for in these arbitration treaties which the Senate has rejected. 

I do not wish to bind myself as regards future action, even to myself, but 
it does seem to me that it would be foolish and undignified to make any 
attempt to negotiate any further arbitration or reciprocity treaty, with the 
Senate occupying its present position. The individual Senators evidently 
consider the prerogative of the Senate as far more important than the welfare 
of the country. Always yours 


3467 * TO CHARLEMAGNE TOWER RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 16, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I am interested in the conversation you report 
with the Emperor.^ I cannot believe that England has any intention of taking 
part in the partition of China, but there certainly do seem to be suspicious 
indications as to the possible action of France. I think the Emperor rendered 
a service by what he did. Sincerely yours 

3468 * TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Memorandum Washington, February i8, 1905 

I cordially concur in the above.^ Col. Hepburn, like Senators Allison and 
Dolliver, has aided in every possible way in this rate bill; and when it seemed 

^Tower’s report emphasized the French schemes and German “disinterestedness” 
in China. See Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War, pp, 78-80. 

^ Moody to Hepburn, February i8(?), 1905, Roosevelt Mss.; 

“My dear Colonel Hepburn: 

“You write asking me if I can properly say to you whether, in the proposed 
amendment to the Interstate Commerce Law, your attitude has been adverse to the 
recommendation made in the President’s message, or otherwise. I see no reason why 
I cannot answer your letter and give the information you desire. 

‘The President’s message contained two recommendations. First, that the Com- 
mission should be given the power to fix the future rate for the transportation of 
persons and property, if the rate in force should be found to be unjust or unreason- 
able. Second, that the rate as fixed by the Commission should go into effect of its 
own force, subject to a review by the courts of the United States. It is obvious that 
neither Congress, nor any agency created by Congress, can withdraw from the 
courts the r^ht to condemn any rate fixed by the Commission upon the ground 


1 1 2 Z 


possible to expedite the bill by dropping his own measure, and pushing the 
Townsend-Esch measure, which achieved substantially the same result, he 
at once followed this course. We have all been after the same result; and I 
am very certain we will in the end achieve it, from the very fact that we are 
striving in the spirit that CoL Hepburn has shown in the affair; a spirit which 
is concerned with getting the substance and which is therefore entirely will- 
ing to make concessions on unimportant differences of detail, 


3469 • TO HENRY MARTIN DUFFIELD RooSevclt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 20, 1905 

My dear General Duffield: ^ I am very much obliged to you for the clipping 
of your letter to the Free Press. Do you know that some of the Senators 
actually contend that I had no business to send you and your colleagues down 
to Venezuela? In other words, they wish to reduce this Government to 
absolute impotency in dealing with foreign powers. 

With regard, Smcerely yours 


3470 • TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, February 20, 1905 

The Secretary of the Navy: Will you please give me the proposed armament 
for all of our battleships authorized during or since 1900? The results of the 
Japanese war make me feel more than ever that the 8-inch gun is the smallest 
which is of any real use against hostile battleships. I should like the name and 
probable date of completion of each of these battleships, together with its 
proposed armament. 

that it is confiscatory of the property of the railroads. You conferred frequently 
with the President and me about the draft of a bill which would put into effect the 
recommendations. The bill subsequently introduced by you was the result of those 
conferences and was in all substantial parts, except as herein stated, drawn in this 
Department, and was regarded by the President as carrying out the recommenda- 
tions of his message. The only material change was the substitution of 60 for 30 days. 

‘It was your view that, for the purpose of expediting the action of the courw, 
a special Court of Commerce should be created, and you desired that someone in 
this Department should draw a form of bill to create such a court and confer upon 
it such powers as it might need in the prformance of its duty. This was accord- 
ingly done in a separate bill which you incorporated in your bill. 

“At all times, I take pleasure in saying, you have eidiibited an earnest desire to 
deal with this important subject in a way which would conform with the letter and 
the spirit of the President’s recommendation. 

Wery truly yours” 

Roosevelt had appointed DufHeld, a Mchigaa Republican, an umpire on the 
German-Vene^uelan Arbitration Commission, 1903. 


1123 


3471 * TO RAFAEL REYES Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Washington, February 20, 1905 

Mr. President: I thank you for your confidential letter. Your quotation of 
me is substantially correct when you say that I addressed you as follows on 
the occasion of your visit to me as Colombia’s agent in the Panama matter: 

If you had been President of Colombia you would have saved Panama, be- 
cause you would have known how to safeguard its rights and the interests of all 
and would have avoided the revolution which caused its secession from Colombia. 
In that case my Government could have helped Colombia to be one of the richest 
and most prosperous countries of South America. 

Like you, I desire to draw a veil over the past, but my dear Mr. President, 
as you speak of your country as being deeply injured by my country do let 
me point out to you that in the words of my own quoted above I was en- 
deavoring to show why I thought you would have saved Colombia from the 
trouble that befell her had you been her President. This country, so far from 
wronging Colombia, made every possible effort to persuade Colombia to 
allow herself to be benefited. I cannot seem by remaining quiet to counte- 
nance for one moment the idea that this country did anything but show a 
spirit not merely of justice but of generosity in its dealings with Colombia. 
Had you been President, I firmly believe that this spirit would have been 
met with a like spirit from Colombia, and that therefore Colombia, by the 
mere fact of ratifying the treaty agreed upon with the United States, would 
have prevented the revolution in Panama, arid would have itself become rich 
and prosperous. 

You say you are lacking at present the means of arranging in a decorous 
manner the pending questions between Colombia, the United States and 
Panama, and you ask me to do justice and thereby help you. Of course if I 
can help you in any way I will; but, my dear Mr, President, I do not quite 
understand what it is expected we shall do. If the people of Panama desire 
to take a plebiscite as to whether or not they shall resume connections with 
Colombia, most emphatically I have no objections and vnll be delighted so 
to inform them; but I caimot press them unless they desire to do it. So about 
their assumption of a portion of Colombia’s debt. We have stated that in our 
judgment this should be done by Panama, and we were informed by their 
minister here, Mr. Bunau-Varilla, that they intended to do it; but we cannot 
force them to do it. 

As for the purchase of the islands which I understand Colombia would 
like to sell to us, our Navy Department does not deem it to our interest to 
procure them, and I am very much afraid that a treaty for their purchase 
would not be approved by the Senate of the United States. 

I have shown your letter to Mr. Hay. I wish I could write you in a 
manner that would be more agreeable. 

With profound respect, I am. Sincerely yours 


3472 • TO JAMES FORD RHODES 


Roosevelt Alss. 
Washington, February 20, 1905 

My dear Mr. Rhodes: I thank you for your letter and am very glad you like 
my speech.2 But, my dear sir, while I agree with you fully as to the folly of 
the Congressional scheme of reconstruction based on universal negro suf- 
frage, in writing about it I pray you not to forget that the initial folly lay 
with the southerners themselves. You say, quite properly, that you do not 
wonder that much bitterness still remains in the breasts of the southern 
people about the carpetbag negro regime. So it is not to be wondered at 
that in the late sixties much bitterness should have remained in the hearts 
of the northerners over the remembrance of the senseless folly and wicked- 
ness of the southerners in the early sixties. Those of us w’ho most heartily 
agree that it was the presence of the negro which made the problem, and 
that slavery was merely the worst possible method of solving it, must there- 
fore hold up to reprobation as guilty of doing one of the worn deeds w^hich 
history records, those men who tried to break up this Union because they 
were not allowed to bring slavery and the negro into new territory. Every 
step which followed, from freeing the slave to enfranchising him, w^as due 
only to the North being slowly and reluctantly forced to act by the South’s 
persistence in its folly and wickedness. 

I would not say these things in public because they tend, when coming 
from a man in public place, to embitter people. But you are writing what I 
hope will prove the great permanent history of the period, and it would be 
a misfortune for the country, and especially a misfortune for the South, if 
they were allowed to confuse right and wrong in perspective. 

My difficulties with the southern people have come not from the North 
but from the South. I have never done one thing that was- not for their inter- 
est. At present they are, as a whole, speaking well of me. When they will 
begin again to speak ill I do not know. In either case my duty is equally 
dear. Faithfully yours 

3473 ‘TO ORVILLE HITCHCOCK PLATT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, February 23, 1905 

My dear Senator Platt: I have directed Secretary Hay, in accordance with 
the Joint Resolution passed by Congress, and approved by the President on 
April 8, 1904, and in accordance with the request of Senator Dillingham, 
Nelson, Burnham and Foraker in the letter of February 18, 1905, to endeavor 
to procure an amendment of Artide 2 of the Award of the Berii^ Sea Tri- 
bunal so as to change the dose time established for seal killing, making it 
read “from the loth of July to the 30th of September” instead of “from the 
ist of May to the 3 ist of July.” 

‘ Roosevelt^s lincoln Day sgeech. 


1125 



In view of the recent action by the Senate on the motion of the Foreign 
Relations Committee in amending the general arbitration treaties so as to 
strike out the word “agreement” and substitute the word “treaty,” and in 
view of the claim at that time put forth that the Executive had no power to 
enter into any such agreement without the consent of the Senate — that is, 
without making it a treaty — I wish, for your information, to put the follow- 
ing facts before you: 

In tihe first place, as you know, the text of the general arbitration treaties 
had been submitted to each member of the Fore^ Relations Committee 
before being submitted to the various foreign powers; and the treaties as 
actually negotiated with these foreign powers followed without deviation 
the text thus submitted in advance to the various members of the Foreign 
Relations Committee. With the exception of Senator Morgan, no member 
of the Foreign Relations Committee took exception to the form or matter 
of the proposed treaties, and all who expressed any opinion explicitly ap- 
proved; but when the treaties were laid before the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee, they amended them so as to, in my opinion, make them rather worse 
than valueless; and one of the reasons — indeed, I think the main reason — 
alleged was that the Senate could not delegate any portion of the treaty- 
making power, and that the word “agreement” used in the general arbitra- 
tion treaties, itself simply meant treaty. 

In this joint resolution, a copy of which I enclose, you will see that in 
April, 1904, the Senate and House requested the President to negotiate and 
conclude negotiations with the Government of Great Britain for a review 
and revision of tihe rules and regulations governing the taking of fur seals, 
to determine what revision and regulation should be made to abate the killing 
of nursing mother seals on the high seas, so as to preserve the fur seal indus- 
try; and tihat die President was requested to negotiate and conclude negotia- 
tions with Russia, Japan, and other maritime nations to secure “dieir adher- 
ence to and a common agreement wth the terms of any satisfactory revision 
of the rules and regulations * * * which may be agreed upon by the Gov- 
ernments of Great Britain and the United States.” 

In die letter of the four Senators, of February 18, 1905, tihey ask an 
amendment to Article 2 of the Award of the Bering Sea Tribunal, static^ 
that Article 9 of the award gives the Secretary of State the warrant to ask 
for the requested revision of the regulation in question. 

. I enclose you not only a copy of the resolution but a copy of the letter 
and memorandum of the Senators. I have directed, as above stated. Secretary 
Hay to act on the request of die Senators and try to secure the agreements 
of the governments in question. I feel, however, in view of my past experi- 
ence, that I should like to have you cognizant of all die facts, for I want 
someone to know tihat in tihis instance I am acting on the request of four 
Senators who have made a special study of the subject, and under the au- 

1126 


thority of a joint resolution which distinctly asks the President to negotiate 
and conclude the proposed change of rules.^ Sincerely yours 

3474 • TO SETH LOW Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, February 24, 1905 

My dear Seth: Will you send this letter to Speaker Mills^ for his confidential 
information? I am sorry to say that Mr. Heney is convinced that the Marshal® 
has been interfering, or endeavoring to interfere, with the course of justice, 
and he feels that if he is left in he can, by the exercise of his powers in con- 
nection with the choice of jurors, thwart the efforts to obtain justice. The 
situation in Oregon® is such as to justify measures that under no ordinary 

^The Bering Sea controversy between the United States and Great Britain over 
protection of seal herds had arisen during Cleveland’s second administration. Con- 
gress, at that time, had passed laws regulating seal killing on the American-owned 
Pribilof Islands, Canadian sealers, on the other hand, hunted without limitation in 
the open sea around these island. To protect the rapidly diminishing herds, the 
United States had asserted that the Bering Sea ^vas a part or its territorial \\'aters. An 
international tribtmal, in 1893, rejected the American claim. The tribunal award, 
however, restricted sealing to certain months and prohibited it within a sixty-mile 
zone around the Pribilof Islands. Violations of the tribunal’s decision continually 
occurred, and the destruction of seals increased. Great Britain consistently refused 
American proposals to revise the regulations. Hay’s attempts for successful negotia- 
tions in 1905 also failed. For a discussion of the Bering Sea controversy, see Dennett, 
Hay, pp. 184-186; Roosevelt, State Papers, Nat. Ed, XV, 398-401. 

^ William Ellison Mills, Gloversville, N. Y., manufacturer; New York State Republi- 
can assemblyman, 1905-1907, 

® Charles J. Reed, United States marshal at Portland, Oregon, originally from New 
York. Reed was cleared of all charges and remained in office. 

®By February 1905, the prosecution of land fraud cases in Oregon had assumed the 
startling proportions of the post-office investigations of 1903-1904. The defendants 
had used the Forest Lieu Land Act of 1897 as their instrument of fraud. This act 
provided that owners of land included widiin a forest reserve could select in place 
of this land an equal area outside the reserve. The defrauders had purchased worth- 
less land in the reserves, and then transferred these holdings back to the govern- 
ment. In lieu thereof they received valuable timber land outside the reserves which 
they resold at exorbitant prices. 

Government suspicion was aroused during a routine trip of Colonel A. R. 
Greene, special inspector of the Interior Department, in the fall of 1903. Francis 
Joseph Heney, who had successful^ prosecuted shnilar cases in California, was 
appointed assistant district attorney for Oregon to investigate the land entries. The 
testimony of local citizens and the brilliant investigation conducted by Heney and 
William J. Bums carried the scandal throughout the country. Heney secured indict- 
ments of over one hundred people, including District Attorney John H. Hall of 
Oregon, Congressmen Binger Hermann and J, N. Williamson, and W, H, Davis, 
mayor of Albany. The trials reached a sensational climax with the indictment of 
Senator John H. Mitchell in December 1904. Mitchell was charged with receiving 
money in 1902 in return for conspiring with Hermann, then commissioner of the 
land office, to expedite illegal patents. On January 17, 1905, the seventy-year-old 
senator made an impassioned denial of these charges before the Senate, bringing 
ringing applause from the floor and the galleries. However, later confessions of 
Judge A&ert Tanner, Mitchell’s law partner, confirmed Heney’s accusations. 


HZ7 


conditions could be taken. I had to remove the District Attorney for cause 
not given, and on its face it seemed an injustice; but he has since been in- 
dicted. I do not think that the Marshal has acted in any way as badly, but 
if those responsible for the prosecution insist that they cannot go on with 
the Marshal in power, it will be difficult for me to refuse to remove him. 
I am sorry to be obliged to write you like this. Sincerely yoms 


3475 • TO JOHN coiT SPOONER Roosevelt Alss. 

Personal Washington, February 24, 1905 

Dear Seitator Spooner: The enclosed explains itself.^ I would not write you 
about the matter did I not understand from remarks you have made that you 
favored the treaty. If this is so, will it not be possible to have the treaty re- 
ported out from committee as soon as possible? I take it for granted that it 
cannot be ratified during this last week of the session, but at least it can be 
reported out, and we would know whether or not there was a chance to get 
it ratified at all, and the Santo Domingan Government would be stren^- 
ened. Sincerely yours 


3476 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss* 

Personal Washington, February 27, 1905 

Dear John: This letter^ may amuse you. Uncle Edward evidently has his eye 
on Nephew William, and sings a variant on the old song that ‘‘Codlin is our 
friend and not Short”! Always yours 

Mitchell, whose life had been one of tremendous popular appeal enlivened by 
bigamy, overindulgence in political patronage, and continuous editorial opposition, 
was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in July 1905, He died, however, of a 
dental operation, while his case was pending appeal. The cases against Hermann and 
Williamson were dismissed in 1910 and 1913. Heney later became Progressive party 
candidate for the Senate in 1914 and Democratic candidate for Governor of Cali- 
fornia in 1918. 

An amusing and detailed account of the land fraud cases can be found in 
S. A. D. IPuter and Horace Stevens, The Looters of the Fublic Domain (Portland, 
Oregon, 1908). See also John Ise, The United States Forest Policy (New Haven, 
1920), pp. 185-190. 

^ Roosevelt enclosed the following cable of February 24 from T. C. Dawson, United 
States minister to Santo Domingo, to Hay: “Conspiracy to assassinate Dominican 
president; five arrested and some escaped. The situation being more strained on 
account of delay and uncertainty ratification protocol now before the senate.” — 
Spooner Mss. 

* King Edward had written Roosevelt “contrasting the fickle nature of Germany's 
friendship with the constancy of England.” 

1128 



3477 * TO CECIL ARTHXjR SPRING RICE Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, February 27, 1905 

Dear Cecil: I do not think your informant could have known what he was 
talking about. At the time of the sortie from Port Arthur the Russian fleet 
was on the whole a little inferior to the Japanese, but in number of battleships 
surpassed it by one. I have heard it alleged that the panic in the Russian 
squadron was due to the fact that the Cesarevitch was crippled in her steering 
gear, but in reality I do not think that this had anything to do with it. Very 
possibly the death of the Admiral, who was on the Cesareintch^ did cast the 
rest of the Russian fleet into confusion. But to say that the Japanese were 
being beaten at the time when this happened is absurd. The total loss in the 
Japanese fleet that day was about 150 men killed and woimded, or about a 
dozen per ship; and not one of the vessels was hurt enough to require its 
taking refuge in a port. Under these circumstances, while it may or may not 
be true that the Russians were doing as well as the Japanese until they be- 
came panic-struck at the death of their Admiral, it is manifestly absurd to 
suppose that the Japanese were being beaten. From their standpoint, the fight 
had hardly begun. It is true, however, that the fight was conducted at very 
long range, this I believe being due to the fact that the Japanese, having so 
few big armored ships, have been most reluctant to jeopardize them. It is 
also true that our naval people are not very much impressed with the Japa- 
nese gunnery, as shown on tiie day in question — notably, the comparatively 
slight damage done the Askold when she was not far off; and they do not 
understand why the Cesarevitch was not pressed. But they think that 
throughout the war the Russians at sea have not only shot badly, but, unlike 
the Russians on land, have shown rather poor fighting edge. At present 
Rojestvensky may have a fleet materially somewhat superior to the Japanese, 
but it is lying for months in tropical waters and the bottoms of the ships 
must be fouling badly. If it moves into Japanese waters it wdll have no good 
base, while the Japanese ships will be at home with excellent bases, all of 
them repaired, and with the morale of their officers and crews at the h%hest 
point. 

Give my warm regards to Airs. Spring Rice, and say the next time you 
come over we shall expect her to be with you. I need hardly tell you how 
much I enjoyed your visit from every standpoint. I am having ny own 
troubles here, and there are several eminent statesmen at the other end of 
Pennsylvania Avenue whom I wmuld gladly Imd to the Russian Govern- 
ment, if they cared to expend them as bodyguards for grand dukes whenever 
there was a likelihood of dynamite bombs being exploded! Ever yours 


1129 



347^ ■ ™ ALICE STERNE GITTERMAN RoOSCVelt AisS. 

Washington, March i, 1905 

Aly dear Mrs. Gittenmn: ^ You say in your letter, “It needs but an additional 
word from you to ensure” the passage of the three bills desired, and you add 
that you now turn hopefully to me as the ultimate factor in their passage. 
You then make an argument to me why I should pass the bills, and say that 
you abide with patriotic confidence my decision. Now, my dear Mrs, Gitter- 
man, I wonder if you have any idea how much patience it requires not to 
answer impatiently such a letter as yours. I have done my best for the three 
bills. I called specific attention to the matters in my message. I am not the 
legislative body. I am the executive; and if you will read the papers you will 
see that Congress is very jealous of anything like a usurpation of authority 
^ on my part, I simply have not the slightest power to accomplish the end you 
desire; and so far from its being true that a word from me would bring the 
required result, I have spoken this word repeatedly and it has brought no 
result as regards these bills, and there is absolutely nothing I can do.^ 

Let me repeat; all that I can possibly do has been done, and of this you 
must surely be aware. The President can recommend the passage of legisla- 
tion and set forth the need of it, just as I have done in this case. If the people 
at large, and therefore their representatives in Congress, take an interest in 
the subject and back up the President the laws wiU pass. If they do not take 
the interest in the subject, there is nothing he can do that wiU secure their 
passage. I very earnestly wish that the philanthropic people who take, as 
they ought to take, a disinterested concern in matters of genuine public im- 
portance such as these three bills, would learn to appreciate the limitations 
on the President’s power and the line dividing what he can do from what he 
cannot. It would help them to attain their ends. Sincerely yours 


3479 * TO JACOB HAROLD GALLINGER RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, March 2, 1905 

My dear Senator Qallinger: I have sent the letter and memorandum of Pro- 
fessor Fletcher to Secretary Taft. I think that the statements are probably 
exaggerated, but there is undoubtedly too much foundation for them. The 
remedy is to pass the Panama Commission bill practically as it came from 
the House; but I understand that Senator Gorman will not let the Senate do 

‘Alice Sterne (Mrs. John Milton) Gitterman, ethnologist and humanitarian re- 
former, active proponent of public libraries and public education in New York 
City and Washington, D. C., at this time president of the Public Education Aissocia- 
tion of Washington. 

®In spite of Roosevelt’s requests and local appeals for compulsory public educa- 
tion, the establishment of a juvenile court, and the regulation of employment agencies 
in the District of Columbia, the three measures discussed in this letter, the Fifty- 
eighth Congress failed to act. All three, however, were passed by the next Ck)ngress. 


1130 



this. If the House biU, in substantially its present form, is not passed, there 
will continue to be cause for just complaint at Panama. I shall change one or 
two commissioners; but the fault is radical, for as long as we have a law 
requiring me to have a commission of seven, and limiting me as to the com- 
position of that commission, it is absolutely impossible that the best work 
should be done, and it will often prove impossible that even good work shall 
be done. Sincerely yours 


3480 • TO JOHN HAY Hay Afsj.® 

Washington, March 3, 1905 

Dear Johji, Surely no other President, on the eve of his inaugturation, has 
ever received such a gift from such a friend. I am wearing the ring now; I 
shall think of it and you as I take the oath tomorrow.^ 

I wonder if you have any idea what your strength and wisdom and 
sympathy, what the guidance you have given me and the mere de%ht in 
your companionship, have meant to me in these three and a half years? 

With love and gratitude, Ever yours 


3481 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 3, 1905 

Dear Speck: I am greatly interested in that speech before the budget com- 
mission of the Reichstag by Admiral von Tirpitz, Of course he is absolutely 
right in saying that the Japanese war has shown that the battleships are the 
determining factors in sea contests. I am interested that he should have rein- 
forced his position by the various quotations from me. I wish it were possible 
to make Senator Hale learn his speech by heart! It might do him good. Ever 
yours 


3482 • TO ROBERT BARNWELL ROOSEVELT RoOSeVelt MsS, 

• Washington, March 6 , 1905 

Dear Uncle Rob: It was peculiarly pleasant having you here. How I wish 
Father could have lived to see it too! You stood to me for him and for ail 
that generation, and so you may imagine how proud I was to have you here. 
Ever yours 

‘ “The hair in this ring," Hay had written Roosevelt on March 3, “is from the head 
of Abraham Lincoln. Dr. Taft cut it off the n%ht of the assassination, and I got it 
from his son— a brief pe<%ree. 

“Please wear it to-morrow; yon are one of the men who most thorooghly under- 
stand and appreciate Lincoln. ..." 


I13I 



3483 • TO GEORGE OTTO TREVELYAN ROOSevelt AISS. 

Personal Washington, March 9, 1905 

My dear Sir George: I liked your son’s book much.^ I am not well read in 
the period; but it gave me a much clearer idea of the times, a much more vivid 
picture of them, than I ever before had had. Moreover, in addition to being 
instructive it had the great merit of being interesting! Having begun the 
book I read it in all my spare hours until I had finished it. 

Well, I have just been inaugurated and have begun my second term. Of 
course I greatly enjoyed inauguration day, and indeed I have thoroughly 
enjoyed being President. But I believe I can also say that I am thoroughly 
alive to the tremendous responsibilities of my position. Life is a long cam- 
paign where every victory merely leaves the ground free for another battle, 
and sooner or later defeat comes to every man, unless death forestalls it. But 
the final defeat does not and should not cancel the triumphs, if the latter 
have been substantial and for a cause worth championing. 

It has been peculiarly pleasant to me to find that my supporters are to be 
found in the overwhelming majority among those whom Abraham Lincoln 
called the plain people. As I suppose you know, Lincoln is my hero, tie was 
a man of the people who always felt with and for the people, but who had 
not die slightest touch of the demagogue in him. It is probably difficult for 
his countrymen to get him exactly in the right perspective as compared with 
the great men of other lands. But to me he does seem to be one of tiie great 
figures, who will loom ever larger as the centuries go by. His unfaltering 
resolution, his quiet, unyielding courage, his infinite patience and gentleness, 
and the heights of disinterestedness which he attained whenever the crisis 
called for putting aside self, together with his farsighted, hardheaded com- 
mon sense, point him out as just the kind of chief who can do most good in 
a democratic republic like ours. 

Having such an admiration for the great railsplitter, it has been a matter 
of keen pride to me that I have appealed peculiarly to the very men to whom 
he most appealed and who gave him their heartiest support, I am a college- 
bred man, belonging to a well-to-do family so that, as I was more than con- 
tented to live simply, and was fortunate enough to marry a wife with the 
same tastes, I have not had to make my own livelihood; though I have always 
had to add to my private income by work of some kind. But the farmers, 
lumbermen, mechanics, ranchmen, miners, of the North, East and West, 
have felt that I was just as much in sympathy with them, just as devoted to 
their interests, and as proud of them and as representative of them, as if I 
had sprung from among their own ranks; and I certainly feel that I do 
understand them and believe in them and feel for them and try to represent 
them just as much as if I had from earliest childhood made each day’s toil 
pay for tiiat day’s existence or achievement. How long this feeling toward 

^G. M. Tievdytm, England m the Age of Wy cliff e. 


me will last I cannot say. It was overwhelming at the time of the election last 
November, and I judge by the extraordinar)’’ turnout for the inauguration it 
is overwhelming now. Inasmuch as the crest of the wave is invariably suc- 
ceeded by the hollow, this means that there will be a reaction. But mean- 
while I shall have accomplished something worth accomplishing, I hope. 

I wish you could have been here on inauguration day, for I should t hin k 
that the ceremonies, if such they can be called, would have interested you. 
I send you herewith a copy of my inaugural speech. The Secretary of State, 
John Hay, was Lincoln’s private secretary, and the night before the inaugu- 
ration he gave me a ring containing some of Lincoln’s hair, cut from his head 
just after he was assassinated nearly forty years ago; and I wore the ring 
when I took my oath of office next day. I had thirty members of my old 
regiment as my special guard of honor, riding to and from the Capitol. And 
in the parade itself, besides the regular army and navy and the national guard, 
there was every variety of civic organization, inclu^g a delegation of coal 
miners with a banner recalling tiiat I had settled the anthracite coal strike; 
Porto Ricans and Philippine Scouts; old-style Indians, in their war paint and 
with horses painted green and blue and red and yellow, with their war bon- 
nets of eagles’ feathers and their spears and tomahawks, followed by the new 
Indians, the students of Hampton and Carlisle; sixty or seventy cowboys; 
farmers clubs; mechanics clubs — everybody and everything. Many of my 
old friends with whom I had lived on the ranches and worked in the round- 
ups in the early days came on to see me inaugmrated. 

There, I am half ashamed of having written you about such purely per- 
sonal matters. 

Our internal problems are of course much more important than our rela- 
tions with foreign powers. Somehow or other we shall have to work out 
methods of controlling the big corporations without paral37zing the energies 
of the business community and of preventing any tyranny on the part of 
the labor unions while cordially assisting in every proper effort made by the 
wageworkers to better themselves by combinations. In all these matters I 
have to do the best I can with the Congress. I have just as much difficulty in 
preventing the demagogues from going too far as in making those who are 
directly or indirectly responsive to Wall Street go far enough. In foreign 
affairs I have considerable difficulty in getting the Senate to work genuinely 
for peace, and also in making it understand, and indeed in making our people 
understand, that we cannot perpetually assert the Monroe Doctrine on behalf 
of all American republics, bad and good, without ourselves accepting some 
responsibility in connection therewith. Of course in the Senate I have to 
deal with frank enemies like Gorman, and in addition with the entire tribe of 
fat-witted people, headed by a voluble, pinheaded creature named Bacon 
from Geotyia, a . horrid instance of the mischief that can be done by a man 
of vety slender capacity, if only he possesses great loquacity, effrontery, and 
an entire indifference to the national welfare. However, though there is 


1133 


much that is worrying and exasperating and though there are many checks 
and though we never get more than a third to a half of what really ought to 
be gotten, yet on the whole there is progress. This country is, I think, learn- 
ing to take its position more seriously. I am very proud of what we did with 
Cuba. I hope that ultimately it will be possible to do much the same kind of 
thing with the Philippines, though as yet the Philippines have not begun to 
make enough progress to enable me, even to myself, to formulate this hope 
with distinctness. As far as I can see this country is on good terms with other 
countries, and I believe it wishes to act fairly and justly, and yet to keep a 
sufficient armament to make it evident that the attitude proceeds not from 
fear, but from the genuine desire to do justice. 

Just at present it looks as if Kuropatkin’s army was in desperate straits. 
Six weeks ago I privately and unofficially advised the Russian Government, 
and afterwards repeated the advice indirectly through the French Govern- 
ment, to make peace, telling them that of course if they were sure their fleet 
could now beat the Japanese, and if they were sure they could put and keep 
doo,ooo men in Manchuria, I had nothing to say; but that in my own belief 
the measure of their mistaken judgment for the last year would be the meas- 
ure of their mistaken judgment for die next if they continued the war, and 
that they could not count upon as favorable terms of peace as the Japanese 
were still willing to oflrer if they refused to come to terms until the Japanese 
armies were north of Harbin. But the Russian Government has shown a 
fairly Chinese temper for the last year or two. Their conduct in Manchuria 
was such as wholly to alienate American sympathy, and to make it evident 
that they intended to organize China as a step toward the domination of the 
rest of the world. The Japanese have treated us well. What they will do 
hereafter, when intoxicated by their victory over Russia, is another question 
which only die future can decide. Meanwhile, when I realize most keenly 
the difficulties inherent under a free representative government in dealing 
with foreign questions, it is rather a comfort to feel that Russia, where free- 
dom has been completely sacrificed, where the darkest and most reactionary 
tyranny reigns, has as yet been unable to do well in the exercise of those 
functions, proficiency in which could alone justify in any degree the tyr- 
anny. Both from the diplomatic and military standpoints Russia has during 
the last year or two done as badly as any republic could possibly do; and 
much worse than either of our governments has ever yet done. 

The English-speaking peoples have a wholly different set of evil tend- 
encies to combat. I believe that we shall work through our troubles and 
ultimately come well out of them; but there are plenty of anxious times 
ahead, and tiiere are many serious evils to face. In England, in the United 
States, in Canada, in Australia, and in the English parts of South Africa 
there is more and more a tendency for the men who speak *English to gather 
into the cities and towns, so that these grow at the expense of the country 
fplfc.. INpw jn the past the man on the farm has always proved to bp the mw 


who, in the last analysis, did best service in governing himself in times of 
peace, and also in fighting in times of war. The city-bred folk, and especially 
where the cities are of enormous size, have not yet shown that they can ade- 
quately fill the place left vacant by the dwindling of the country population. 
Moreover, the diminishing birth rate among our people is an ugly thing. In 
New England, for instance, the old native stock is not quite holding its o\to. 
Here the results are not visible owing to the great immigration, but in Aus- 
tralia the effect is alarming, for the population is increasing slowly and more- 
over at a constantly diminishing rate, in spite of the fact that the great island 
continent is very sparsely populated, and in spite of the two or three very 
large cities. 

However, I suppose that almost always and in almost every country there 
has been cause for anxiety. The most marvelous growth in population and 
material prosperity, and, I believe, in the average of human happiness, that 
the world has ever seen in any race, has taken place among the English- 
speaking peoples since the time when Goldsmith gave poetic expression to 
the general feeling of gloom which prevailed among educated men at what 
they were pleased to consider the morbid growth of the cities and the deca- 
dence of the men in England. Much good has gone hand in hand with the 
evil of the tremendous industrial development of the day. I do not think 
the average American multimillionaire a very high type, and I do not much 
admire him. But in his place he is well enough; and I am inclined to think 
that on the whole our people are, spiritually as w'ell as materially, on the 
average better and not w'orse off than they were a hundred years ago. 

How I wish I could take advantage of your delightful invitation and visit 
you! But there is no such luck for me at present. 

With warm regards. Sincerely yovrs 


3484 • TO EDWARD vn Royal Archives, Windsor Castle*^ 

Washington, March 9, 1905 

My dear King Edward, On the eve of the inauguration Sir Mortimer handed 
me Your Majesty’s very kind letter, and the miniature of Hampden, than 
which I could have appreciated nothing more. White, w'ho wdll hand you 
this, has repeated to me your conversation with him. Through him I have 
ventured to send you some studies of mine in our western history. 

I absolutely agree with you as to the importance, not merely to ourselves 
but to all the free peoples of the civilized world, of a constantly growing 
friendship and understanding between the english-speaking peoples. One 
of the gratifying things in what has occurred during the last decade has been 
the growth in this feeHng of good will. All I can do to foster it will be done. 
I need hardly add that, in order to foster it, we need judgement and modera- 




tion no less than the good will itself. The larger interests of the two nations 
are the same; and the fundamental, underlying traits of their characters are 
also the same. Over here, our gravest problems are those affecting us within. 
In matters outside our own borders, we are chiefly concerned, first with 
what goes on south of us, second with affairs in the orient; and in both cases 
our interests are identical vdth yours. 

It seems to me that if Russia had been wise she would have made peace 
before the Japanese took Moukden. If she waits until they are north of 
Harbin the terms will certainly be worse for her. I had this view unofficially 
conveyed to the Russian Government some weeks ago; and I think it would 
have been to their interest if they had then acted upon it. 

With hearty thanks for your cordial courtesy, 

believe me, very sincerely yours^ 


3485 • TO LEONARD WOOD Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March 9, 1905 

Dear Leonard: Well, the inauguration went off splendidly and I am getting 
along with no more than the usual and normal amount of worry which every 
President must have. Congress does from a third to a half of what I think is 
the minimum that it ought to do, and I am profoundly grateful that I get as 
much. Next year I believe we shall get improved tariff arrangements for the 
Philippines. Thank Heaven, we can now make a start in the railroad matters! 
But of course, it is one long fight and worry. However, I am not complain- 
ing. Take it on the whole I have gotten an astonishing proportion of what I 
set out to get. When I became President three years ago I made up my mind 
that I should try for a fleet with a minimum strength of forty armor-dads ; 
and though the difficulty of getting what I wished has increased from year 
to year I have now reached my mark and we have built or provided for 
twenty-eight battleships and twelve armored cruisers. This navy puts us a 
good second to France and about on a par with Germany; and ahead of any 
other power in point of materiel, except, of course, England. For some years 
now we can afford to rest and merely replace the ships that are worn out or 
become obsolete, while we bring up the personnel. 

As regards the Philippines, I suppose that at present there is nothing to 
do but to show patience and back up you meh who are out there, I am happy 
to say that Taft will visit you this summer. You have been awfully good to 
Teddy and Helen and I am very much obliged. Give my love to Mrs. Wood. 
Alvcays yours 

^ We have to acknowledge His Majest/s gracious permission to publish letters pre- 
served in the Royal ArcWes, Windsor cSsde. 

1136 



3 48 <5 • TO wn-LiAM howarb taft 


Roosevelt Alss. 
Washington, March lo, 1905 

My dear Taft: I enclose you a report of Lindon W. Bates on the project of 
the Panama canal, together with an abstract of the report made by Walter 
Wellman. I am very deeply impressed by this report. It seems to me to be of 
such consequence that I should like to have a committee or board of the 
best engineers to be found in the country appointed specially to consider it. 
Of course, I should also like Parsons and Wallace to report on it. Probably 
it would be best to have their tv'o reports considered by the board of engi- 
neers, together with the Lindon W. Bates report. I believe we could get the 
biggest and best ei^ineers that there are to consent to serve ad hoc; that is, 
to go over this report and then go to Panama and survey the ground, having 
this report in view. If the project is acted upon, so Mr. Wellman tells me. 
Bates will expect what the board of engineers may deem reasonable com- 
pensation for his professional services in submitting the report. If it is not 
acted upon, of course there will be no claim; and in any event the amount 
paid will be left to the judgment of the board of engineers.^ 

Let me reiterate that this report impresses me very much, and I do not 
think that we can afford to treat it in other than a serious manner. I should 
like to talk about it with you at your early convenience. Sincerely yours 


3487 • TO WILLIAM HOWABO TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, March 13, 1905 

The Secretary of War: I return the letter of Wallace and the memorandum 
of Parsons. If I understand Wallace’s letter he will hardly be content with 
an active commission of three. Seemingly he wants control by himself. More- 
over, it seems to me that we ought to have an immediate consideration of the 
Bates canal project. I do not suppose it will make any difference in the work 
for the next few months, but after that time it might. How would it do to 
have Parsons and Wallace give their views on this project, and then get a 
special commission of the very best engineers obtainable to report thereon? 

* Lindon Wallace Bates, a civil engineer who specialized in canal and harbor projects, 
had submitted three plans for lock-ype cuiah in Panama. These plans, based on 
what Bates called his “three lake” sj^em,. provided for somniit levels of ay, 6a, and 
97 feet. Hie plans were among many for lock-t3^e or sea-level canals under consid- 
eration at this time. In June Roosevdt appointed a board of American and European 
engineers, with General Davis as chairman, to decide on die type of canal to be 
buSt. A majority of the board recommended a sea-level canal, but the minority 
report, favoring a canal of three sets of locks reaching a summit level of 85 feet, 
was accepted by the Isthmian Commission, die President, Taft, and ultimatdy, in 
June 1906, by Congress. For a more dotted account of the various canal plans 
proposed, see Mat^ Land Divided, pp. 495-498. 

”37 


34^*8 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 


Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, March 13, 1905 

To the Secretary of War: The proper organization and training of the artil- 
lery arm are so important to secure our national defense that I desire the 
Chief of Artillery may submit to the General Staff on or before June 30th 
next recommendations on the following subjects: 

1. The separation of the coast and field artillery; and if recommended 
the best way of accomplishing it. 

2. The increase, if any, necessary in the personnel of the coast artillery, 
the organization it should have, and the inducements that should be given to 
retain the technically skilled enlisted men in the artOlery service. 

3. The organization the field artillery should have to prepare it for war 
and the increase, if any, that should be made in its personnel. 

4. In what tactical units should field artillery be assembled for station in 
order to better train it in time of peace for war? 

5. At which military reservations in our country can field artillery best 
have practice under conditions akin to those of active service and which of 
these are recommended as stations for field artillery? 

6. Should examination for promotion of officers in the artillery include 
all grades? 

7. What examination should be given to candidates for appointment as 
second lieutenants of artillery in order to assure their qualifications for that 
branch of the service? 

8. What is the cost of completing the entire torpedo defense of the 
United States including the accessories of such defense and what personnel 
does it require to man it? 

9. Is the present appropriation for target practice sufficient to qualify 
skilled gunners in both branches of the artillery corps? 

I wish, if possible, the report of the General Staff, including a draft for 
the legislation recommended, to be in the hands of the Secretary of War for 
his consideration by September i, 1905. 

If the policy recommended for artillery garrisons requires an increase of 
shelter the Quartermaster General should include the necessary estimates for 
the coming year so that supplementary estimates may be avoided.^ 

^Recotnmmdations of the Chief of Artillery, endorsed by the Chief of Staff, called 
for separation of the coast and field artillery, increases in the size of both, and sub- 
stantially all the other suggestions implicit in this letter. (See Armual Reports of the 
War Department, 1905, 1, 371-373.) Several bills designed to accomplish these ends,, 
introduced at the first session of die Fifty-ninth Congress, failed to pass. 


3489 • TO WILLIAM GEORGE TIFFANY RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, March 14, 1905 

My dear Mr. Tijfany:^ I thank you for your letter enclosing the letter of 
Senator W. A. Qark. Of course Senator Clark knows perfectly well that 
there was no attempt on the part of the Executive Department to take mat- 
ters into its own hands, and I do not quite know why it seemed to him worth 
while to make such a statement in a private letter. He also knows perfectly 
well that there is no intention of setting up what he calls a collection agency 
for creditors. Under the proposed protocol we could collect debts only in 
the sense that Collector Stranahan in New York collects defats for creditors 
of the United States. All that would be done would be to put men that were 
honest and capable within their spheres into the Santo Domingan ports, hon- 
estly to collect the custom dues in accordance w’ith the request of Santo 
Domingo; and then, again in accordance with the request of Santo Domingo, 
to turn over half to help run the government and to turn over the other half 
to a commission of high-minded men who would examine into the claims of 
the various creditors and apportion them on their merits. It will indeed be an 
infamy if a minority of the Senate, from purely partisan reasons, refuses to 
do its clear duly and grant the relief to Santo Domingo which Santo Domingo 
needs. Every man who votes against this treaty by his vote invites foreign 
nations to violate the Monroe Doctrine, and refuses relief and protection to 
a struggling American republic which has appealed to us for aid. Sincerely 
yours 


3490 • TO ROBERT GRANT RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, March 14, 1905 

Dear Bob: I have your letter of die 13 th, enclosing your article from Public 
Opinion. I send you a copy of my speech of last night^ In the divorce matter, 
as you know, I come nearer to your position than I do to that of Mrs. Roose- 
velt; but I do unqualifiedly condemn easy divorce. I know that the efifect on 
“the Four Hundred” of easy divorce has been very bad. It has been shocking 
to me to hear young girls about to get married calmly speculating on about 
how long it will be before they get divorces. It is mere foolishness for the 
woman l^e “Constance,” who has been deeply wronged, to refuse to get a 

’ Wflliam George Tiffany, Harvard 1866, private secretary to John Hay, 1869. After 
elaborate jonmeys tfarongh Europe had exhausted his funds, he went to Nevada as 
a miner and, later, a railroad superintendent; 

'Roosevelt spoke brfore the National Congress of Mothers deploring the falling 
birth rate in tiie nation and endorsing uniform divorce laws. The Washington Star 
on Mardi 15 expressed the ojnnion of other newspapers that “it is a cuiions idea 
the President has that quantity makes merit.” 

”39 


divorce and marry again. It is another thing to do as “the Four Hundred” 
does and show an atavistic return to the system of promiscuity. 

By George, one would have to be a Washington or a Lincoln to feel that 
one’s task was greater and better worth doing, and had been better done, than 
Marshal Oyama’s! Most certainly the Japs are a wonderful people. I feel 
rather bitterly when I compare what they have done with the howling and 
whooping and yelling of our own people against even a moderate increase of 
the navy, with their absolute refusal to give us efficiency even in a very small 
army, and with their entire ignorance of how to combine generosity and 
firmness in our foreign policy, so that they will reject a treaty like that we 
have made with Santo Domingo and yet yell in favor of bluster in foreign 
affairs. Always yours 

3491 • TO CECIL ANDREW LYON Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, March i6, 1905 

Dear Colonel:^ I have your letter of the 13th instant. I am delighted with 
the good news about the wolves, but please do not have any taken alive and 
turned out. I would not care to hunt any that were loosed for that purpose. 
It would not do, on more accounts than one. If we can put them up and kill 
genuine live wolves and have a genuine hunt, I shall be very glad; but I shall 
ask you not while I am along on the hunt to have any turned loose before 
the dogs. Even though I did not myself take part in such a hunt, yet if it 
took place while I was on the trip there would be just the same talk and 
laughter about it that there was over that Mississippi bear himt when the 
bear was tied up. Of course I declined to have anything to do with the bear 
that was tied up, but this did not prevent the papers’ making fun of the mat- 
ter. It would not do to have any wolf taken alive and turned out before the 
hounds while I was along, even though I took no part in the chase. If we are 
able by legitimate hunting to get after some big wolves, I shall be glad. If not 
we shall take jack rabbits or coyotes; but nothiii^ must be turned loose after 
having been captured. Faithfully yours 

3492 • TO JOHN ALBERT TIFFIN HULL RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, March 16, 1905 

My dear Mr. Hull: I have been a good deal disturbed by the alleged inter- 
view^ with you about Japan and the Philippines. I am sure that you have 
been misrepresented, and I wish you would contradict the interview. Your 

^ Cecil Andrew Lyon, a hunting and a political companion of Roosevelt; chairman 
of the Texas Republican State Executive Committee, 1900-1912; Texas Republican 
national committeeman, 1904-1912; Texas state chairman and national committee- 
man of the Progressive party, 1912-1916. 

‘The “alleged interview” had never been ^ven. 


1140 


prominence personally, and the fact that you are the Chairman of the Military 
Affairs Committee of the House, of course tend to make outsiders attribute a 
semiofficial importance to the inter\dew. The Japanese \rill of course see the 
interview, and not unnaturally will think that it implies hostility on our part 
toward them. I know that you agree with me that the proper way for us to 
behave as regards foreign affairs is to scrupulously pay proper courtesy to all 
foreign nations, and neither to wrong them nor talk about them in ways 
which will make them think we are hostile or intend to wrong them, and yet 
to keep steadily prepared to hold our own. iVIany of our own people grow 
suspicious of the Japanese because an occasional Japanese official is reported 
to use language such as this which you (I am sure falsely) are reported as 
using. 

With great regard, Sincerely yours 

[Handwritteii] It may be that the Japanese have designs on the Philip- 
pines. I hope not; I am inclined to believe not; for I like the Japanese, and 
wish them well, as they have much in their character to admire. But I be- 
lieve we should put our naval and militarj^^ preparations in such shape that 
we can hold the PhiKppines against my foe. If we do this, and act justly 
towards and speak courteously of, our foreign neighbors, we shall have taken 
the only effective steps to make our position good. 


3493 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, March 20, 1905 

The Secretary of War: I have received your report of March 17th, together 
with the report of Dr. Reed and the answer thereto made by the Commis- 
sion. It appears from this that Dr. Reed’s report (which of course should 
under no circumstances have been given to the public until you chose so to 
give it, and imtil the answer thereto had been made by the Commission) was, 
without your knowledge, printed in the Medical Journals.^ 

^ Taft had sent to Panama Dr, Charles Alfred Lee Reed of Cincinnati, a past presi- 
dent of the American Association of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, at this time 
chairman of the legislative committee of the American Medical Association. Reed’s 
official xmssion was to assess land, but incidentally he was to employ his professional 
powers more appropriately in an investigation or medical conditions on the Isthmus. 
Dr. Gorgas had been complaining that the subordinate status of his sanitary service 
w’as impeding his work. Appalled by the inefficiency of Gorgas’ superiors, Reed 
quickly decided that Gorg^’ complaints were Justified. In a long article in the 
American Medical Association Journal of March ir, Reed attacked the Isthmian 
Commission, writing with particular vehemence of Commissioner Gronsky, Gorgas’ 
immediate superior, 

Taft, who had desired Reed’s report to remain confidential, wrote Roosevelt 
on March 17 that the article was unauthorized and biased, Taft’s letter and this 
reply of Roosevelt were released to the press on March 21 to buttress the reputa- 
tion of the Administration. The President, however, recognized the truths in Reed’s 
article. Grunsky was not reappointed, and after the reorganization of the Commis- 
sion on April I, Gorgas’ position was gradually strengthened (see No. 3504), For 

H41 


It further appears that the statements which he thus published were in 
many instances unwarranted by the facts; and his accusations in many in- 
stances unsupported by proof. 

Dr. Reed has not displayed in this report the qualities of temperament or 
the power of accurate judicial observation needed to make a report valuable 
to the Government. It is true that he was not charged with the duty of mak- 
ing such a report and that he was appointed to be a commissioner to assess 
value of real estate. Nevertheless when he assumed to make a report on sani- 
tary conditions at your request as Secretary of War, he was under obligation 
to speak with care and justice on so important a subject and to observe the 
proprieties as to its publication. 

Judging from your report it appears that the chief difficulties that have 
arisen have come from the inherent faultiness of the law under which the 
Commission w^as appointed. It further appears, however, that in view of our 
experience with the workings of the Commission, a rearrangement of duties, 
and a change of personnel in view of this rearrangement, should be made. 
I am glad that you are shortly to submit to me a plan with these objects in 
view. 


3494 ‘ TO ROBERT BRIDGES Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March zi, 1905 


My dear Bridges: You have probably noticed in the papers during the last 
few days some comment about an alleged plot in reference to Santo Domingo 
which Senator Morgan put out in the Senate. In brief, the statement was that 
a Mr. and Mrs. Reeder had obtained concessions from the Santo Domingan 
Government, or were about to obtain what they call a treaty with the Santo 
Domingan Government, when the treaty was anticipated by the protocol 
signed on behalf of the United States Government with the Santo Domingan 
Government. Apparently the Reeders had told Senator Morgan, or had 
claimed, that their treaty would have been recognized or adopted by Santo 
Domingo if it had not been for the negotiation of the protocol by the United 
States Government; and Mrs. Reeder further stated that she had consulted 
Mr. William Nelson Cromwell about her negotiations, and that in her belief 
William Nelson Cromwell was responsible for the United States negotiating 
the protocol, which closed the negotiations about the so-called Reeder 


a good account of medical administration on the Isthmus, see Mack, Larid Dhided^ 
ch. xliii. Also valuable, but occasionally inaccurate, is Goj^as and Hendrick, Gorgas, 
chs, V, vi. 

In executive session on March 16, Morgan brought Athole B. and Eleanor Rawls 
Reader’s accusations against Cromwell before the Senate, The alleged Reader treaty 
with Santo Domingo provided for an international commission of six to collect debts. 
By its terms Mrs. Reader would have received large railroad franchises in return for 


1 142 


As far as it concerned the action of the United States Government, the 
whole statement was a tissue of lies so ridiculous that it is a marvel that any 
man of moderate intelligence should have for one second paid heed to it 
The whole Santo Domingan policy was carried on under direct supervision 
of John Hay, acting under my direction. Not a mot'ement was taken save 
on our initiative. Cromwell never spoke to either of us, either directly or in- 
directly, about the treaty or about Santo Domingo. As for the Reeders (or 
Readers), I had never, so far as I knew', heard of them, still less been in direct 
or indirect communication with them, until I saw' their names printed in the 
papers at the time Senator Morgan made his speech; but it appears from a 
statement in this morning’s paper that Airs. Reader, w'hen she w'as Aliss Ella 
Raw’ls, was, or asserts herself to have been, the stenographer to whom I dic- 
tated The Rough Riders, and to whom I afterward gave a letter of com- 
mendation similar to several letters I have given to stenographers who have 
done good and faithful w'ork for me. The Rough Riders I wrote for Scrib- 
ner’s, and I think that most of the arrangements were carried on with you 
personally. If my memory is correct, you agreed to and did furnish me a 
stenographer, whom you paid and to whom I dictated the successive chapters 
of the book. This stenographer w'as a w'oman. I do not remember her name, 
but I remember that she did her W’ork excellently; and while I am not certain, 
my impression is that I gave her a letter of recommendation or commenda- 
tion, w'hether a general letter or a letter to some specific person, I cannot say. 
So far as I know I have never seen her or heard of or from her since the time 
she was thus employed, six or seven years ago. Can you give me any informa- 
tion about her, and about the circumstances of her employment? Sincerely 
yours 


3495 • TO JOSEPH B0CKLIN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, March 33, 1905 

Dear Bishop: That is an extraordinary statement in Hearst’s paper. You know 
Uncle Rob, and therefore know without my telling you that fond though I 
am of the old gentleman, his and my views of politics rarely coincide; though 
I thoroughly appreciate his support of me last year - 1 did not make my an- 
nouncement that I would not accept another term, without thinking it care- 
fully over and coming to a definite and final conclusion. If you will recall the 
words I used you ■will remember that I not merely stated that I would not be 

her services as a &cal i^ent. The Washington Post carried an nnanthorized report 
of Morgan’s speech, charging the senator 'wMi rising the Readers’ statements as a 
partrnn attempt to defeat the Santo Domjpgo protocoL Moi^n, on the 17th, neither 
refuted nor upheld the veracity of the weged plot- He did, however, accuse the 
Post of breahmg Senate rules in reporting the disaisaons of an executive session. 
The Dominican charge d'affaires, on Maxim 21, oSSdally stated that the Readers had 
never presented their treaty to his government. 

”43 


a candidate; I added that I would not under any circumstances accept the 
nomination. And I would not. 

Unquestionably this announcement caused me a little trouble in the Sen- 
ate, the men coming to the conclusion that I need not be regarded as a factor 
hereafter. But I think the trouble between me and the Senate has been rather 
exaggerated, and I have endeavored to minimize, not emphasize, it. I do not 
much admire the Senate, because it is such a helpless body when efficient 
work for good is to be done. Two or three determined Senators seem able 
to hold up legislation, or at least good legislation, in an astonishing way; but 
the worst thing the Senate did this year — the failure to confirm the Santo 
Domingan treaty — was due to the fact that the Democratic party as such 
went solidly against us, and this, coupled with the absence of certain Repub- 
lican Senators, rendered us helpless to put through the treaty. The result has 
been that I am in a very awkv’^ard and unpleasant situation in endeavoring to 
keep foreign powers off Santo Domingo and also in trying to settle Venezuelan 
affairs. There is of course additional friction for which the Republican mem- 
bers cannot be held guiltless. Their attitude on the arbitration treaties repre- 
sented the overwhelming feeling of the Senate, a feeling which is unjustifi- 
able, but which is encouraged by men like Wayne MacVeagh and others and 
not rebuked with any emphasis by the outside public. This feeling is in effect 
that the Senate should exercise the chief part in dealing with foreign affairs. 
Now, as a matter of fact the Senate is wffiolly incompetent to take such part. 
Creatures like Bacon, Morgan, et cetera, backed by the average yahoo among 
the Democratic Senators, are wholly indifferent to national honor or national 
welfare. They are primarily concerned in getting a little cheap reputation 
among ignorant people, and in addition it is but fair to say that they are 
perhaps themselves too ignorant and too silly to realize the damage they are 
doing. Unfortunately, they often receive aid and comfort from men like 
Spooner and Hale — one of whom invariably uses his ingenious mind to put 
in meticulous and usually slightly improper amendments to every treaty, and 
the other is very apt to criticize all the important steps of the administration. 
Both ultimately support the administration, but meanwhile they stir up op- 
position to it and give to Bacon, Carmack and their kind, arguments which 
they are too witless to develop for themselves. The result is what we see in 
the Santo Domingan matter. After infinite thought and worry and labor with 
Root, Taft and Hay as my chief advisers, I negotiated a treaty wffiich would 
secure a really satisfactory settlement from every standpoint of the Santo 
Domingan matter. Hale sneers at it in a speech. Spooner, with the aid of 
Foraker, puts in amendments which seem to justify the Democratic criticisms 
and which make it look as if they were adopting an apologetic attitude on 
the part of the administration. Mischievous monkeys like Wayne MacVeagh 
go about wagging their heads and furnishing arguments to the dull, silly, pro- 
fessional Democratic journals like the New York World and most of the 
southern papers. The result is that by a narrow margin we find ourselves 


I Tzl/L 


without the necessary two-third vote in the Senate for confirming the trea- 
ties. The Senate adjourns. I am then left to shoulder aU the responsibility due 
to their failure. Bacon, Morgan, Carmack and company go off, hoping that 
disaster will come to the country because the Republican administration will 
thereby be discredited. Spooner and Foraker go away entirely self-satisfied, 
not feeling any sense of responsibility, and indeed not thinking about the 
matter at all; although they have been yelling that the Senate is part of the 
treaty-making power. Meanwhile I have to take all the steps and have to 
spend an industrious summer engaged in the pleasant task of making diplo- 
matic bricks without straw. The Senate ought to feel that its action on the 
treaty-making power should be much like that of the President’s veto over 
legislation. In other words, it should be rarely used, and the presumption 
should always be against every amendment. A man of Spooner’s mind or of 
Hale’s mind is a curse from the standpoint of getting things accomplished in 
matters affecting foreign affairs; but at the same time we must not forget 
that the Bacon, Morgan, Carmack type is a thousandfold worse. 

That we shall have a muss on the interstate commerce business next year 
I have no doubt; but I feel that we can get the issue so clearly drawn that the 
Senate will have to give in. On that issue I shall have a number of my o'VMI 
party against me. My chief fear is lest the big financiers, who, outside of their 
own narrowly limited profession, are as foolish as they are selfish, will force 
the moderates to join with the radicals in radical action, under penalty of not 
obtaining any at all. I much prefer moderate action; but the ultraconservatives 
may make it necessary to accept what is radical. Faithfully yours 


3496 • TO EDWIN ARLINGTON ROBINSON RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Washington, March 27, 1905 

Dear Mr. Robiusoii: I have enjoyed your poems especially “The Children of 
the Night” so much that I must WTite to tell you so. Will you permit me to 
ask w'hat you are doing and ho%v you are getting along? I wish I could see 
you.^ Sincerely yours 

^ Kermit had introduced Roosevelt to the poetry of E. A. Robinson, then an author 
without money or an audience. The President, moved by the poetry, offered the 
poet a position in the immigration service, which Robinson declined, and then a 
post as special agent in the Treasury in New York. Robinson accepted this job 
which payed $2000 and offered him the time for bis literary W'ork. For an interest- 
ing explanation of Roosevelt’s purpose in offering Robinson a position, see Numbers 
3501 and 3627. 

Besides finding a position for Robinson, Roosevelt also directed public attention 
to Robinson’s poems m a review of ‘The Children of the Night” for the Outlook, 
$0:915-914 (August 12, 1905). In his article the President ar^ed that 
of the poets’ has been especially grey in America” except lor ^e poems of a few 
individuals such as Robinson. In describing “a nebulous quality” in his poems, Roose- 
velt declared that ”to a man with the poetic temperament it is inevitable that life 
should often appear clothed with a certain sad mysticism,” 

1145 


3497 * ™ WILLIAM ELEROY CURTIS Roosevclt Mss, 

Personal Washington, March 28, 1905 

My dear Mr, Curtis: ^ I have your letter of the 27th instant. Instead of resort- 
ing to assertion and reassertion as to the accuracy of your letter, I shall ask 
you to come down to facts. 

The question is not as to whether conditions in Alabama as regards ap- 
pointments are satisfactory. I know they are not. I have been for some time 
endeavoring to improve them, and an investigation is now being carried on 
into them with a view to my action on my return. In Mississippi and Louisi- 
ana I have felt very well satisfied with the character of the men I have ap- 
pointed. In Alabama I have not felt nearly as well satisfied, and at times I 
have felt very much dissatisfied. But this is not the question. Your statement, 
and the statement of Mr. Falkner^ to which you gave currency, was that my 
appointees were of a lower grade than the previous appointees, and this 
statement is entirely untrue. Mr. Falkner stated that though I had appointed 
fewer negroes, they were of worse character. This matter is simple. Please 
name the negro in Alabama who is my new appointee there, and the old one, 
and then ask anyone to compare them. Then take all my new negro ap- 
pointees and compare them with the old officeholding negroes whom I dis- 
placed. In Alabama you can write to Booker Washington or to Judge Jones. 
When we come to white men, my two conspicuous appointees in Alabama 
were Judge Jones and Judge Roulhac, I shall be obliged to you if you will 
point out any of the previous appointees who represent as high a grade. 

As for the referees, I am now having Thompson’s case looked up. Judge 
Jones has reported to me that he is a good man, but that Scott is not a good 
man. From other sources I have had the direct reverse told me. I have been 
assured that Aldrich was better than both of them, and that he was worse 
than both of them. I have been unable to find any difference between the 
men recommended by the three of them when they acted together and the 
men now recommended by Messrs. Thompson and Scott,® 

^William Eleroy CurtK, journalist, author, first director of the Bureau of American 
Republics, 1890-1 893 j at this time Washington correspondent of the Chicago Record- 
Herald, 

* Jefferson Manly Falkner, Confederate veteran, Montgomery, Alabama, railroad 
lavyer, had told Curtis that Booker T. Washington was the naive tool of Alabama 
patronage referee J. O. Thompson. Their recommendations, Falkner maintained, 
had caused Roosevelt to make appointments in Alabama inferior to those of 
McKinley. 

* Roosevelt's patronage referees in Alabama were engaged in a factional fight of 
their own. J. O. Thompson and S. S. Scott, on the one hand, and Truman Hemin- 
way Aldrich, a former Republican congressman and a vice-president of the Ten- 
nessee Coal, Iron, and Railroad Company, on the other, were apparently more 
concerned with their personal political strength than with party harmony or govern- 
mental efficiency. Aldrich, endeavoring to recapture the State Committee from 
Thompson, enjoyed the infiuential assistance of his brother, William Farrington 
Aldridh, also a loimer Republican congressman and editor and publisher of the 
Birnainjlh^ Times, 


1 14.6 



You say I have issued an order forbidding officeholders taking an active 
part in politics. You have not taken the trouble to find out anything about 
the order before you wrote about it. I have issued no such order. I have been 
very careful to issue no order which I could not enforce. I have never said 
ffiat officeholders should not be on State and National Committees; that they 
should not go as delegates, and so forth and so forth. AH I have ever said was 
that I should not permit any officeholder to neglect his duties, or to use his 
position as an officeholder to coerce others, and that I did not wish to see 
officeholders predofmnate on committees. In every State there are a number 
of officeholders who are taking an active part in politics. Yerkes, the Com- 
missioner of Internal Revenue, is thus taking a part in Kentucky politics; Taft 
is just going out to preside at the Ohio convention; Marshal Johnson in 
Georgia, is the man who has chiefly advised me about the matters in Georgia; 
and so forth, and so forth. Where my own nomination was concerned, at 
the last national convention, I stated that it was my preference that office- 
holders should not go to the convention; but even here I did not make it a 
general rule, and certain officeholders went. 

In view of the above I am spared the necessity of commenting upon dther 
the taste, the temper or the accuracy of your remarks when you say that I 
“would vindicate my sincerity and honesty” if I would call for Mr. Thomp- 
son’s resignation, and ask why I “did not enforce the order strictly.” I would 
recommend that hereafter you know what any given order is before you 
talk of sincerity and honesty in enforcing it. As for Mr. Thompson’s staying 
on the committee or not, that will be decided after I get my report from the 
investigation now being made into Alabama affairs. 

In your concluding paragraph you say, “Have you removed these im- 
proper people? Have you removed the postmaster at Dothan? Have you 
removed the postmaster at Marion? Have you removed the postmaster at 
Andalusia? You know that they are bad men and should not have been ap- 
pointed.” Here again it would have been well for you to find out something 
about the facts. Under date of March i, 1905, the Postmaster General re- 
ported to me that an inspector had investigated the post office at Dothan and 
reported that “the appointment of Byron Trammell has in no way reflected 
upon the Administration, nor has it tended to retard the efficiency of the 
service at Dothan. Trammell is respected by his acquaintances and stands 
well in the community he serves, where he is looked upon as a high-class 
man.” The Inspector recommended that he be kept. Of course under these 
circumstances Trammell was not removed. 

At Andalusia the same post-office inspector reported that Barnes had given 
excellent satisfaction as postmaster, but that in view of his past record his 
appointment was ill-advised; that he was not looked upon as a clean man; 
and thereupon Barnes was removed. 

As for the postmaster at Marion, so far as I know the c^ has never been 
called to my attention. I have communicated with the Post-Office Depart- 


”47 


ment and find nothing on file there in the way of charges which the Post- 
Office Department considered even worthy of investigation. About ninety 
per cent of the patrons of the office asked for the appointment of Dennis, 
and he was also recommended by Mr. Aldrich, while it does not appear that 
he ever was a deputy in the internal revenue service in Alabama. So far as I 
know there is not the slightest foundation for the accusations that you make. 
But I have directed that they be investigated by our agent when he goes to 
Alabama. 

It thus appears that as regards these three postmasters where you state 
that I “know the incumbents to be bad men” and ask why I “have not re- 
moved them,” one of them I have removed; that as to another there has been 
an investigation resulting in the incumbent’s favor; while as to the other 
there is not so much as a scintilla of proof of the charges you advance, Sin^ 
cerely yours 


3498 • TO ALVEY AUGUSTUS ADEE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, March 28, 1905 

To the Acting Secretary of State: I have carefully considered the following 
cablegram from Minister Dawson: 

Secretary of State, 

Washmgton, 

Under pressure foreign creditors and domestic peril, Dominican Government 
offers nominate a citizen of the United States receiver southern ports pending 
ratification protocol; four northern ports to be administered under the award. 
Forty-five per cent total shall go Dominican Government, fifty-five to be depos- 
ited New York for distribution after ratification. Creditors to agree take no further 
steps in the meantime and receiver to have full authority to suspend importers 
preferential contracts. Italian, Spanish-German, and American creditors except the 
Improvement, accept unconditionally, Belgian-French representatives will recom- 
mend acceptance. Some modus vivendi absolutely necessary. I am ready, if de- 
sired, start Washington, D.C., twenty-eighth to explain details and modifications to 
plan obtainable; whole matter can be held open during my absence.^ 

Dawson. 

^The arrival of an Italian cruiser on March 14 to press the Dommican Republic 
for payment of debts precipitated this request for a modus vivendi pending Senate 
ratification of the second Dominican protocol of February 15. After comerences 
with various senators, Roosevelt accepted this arrangement (see No. 3499), which 
continued until 1907 when the Senate finally ratified the treaty. The President then 
appointed Colonel. George R. Colton as general receiver and collector of customs. 
He also appointed Jacob H. Hollander, a Johns Hopkins University professor, as 
a special commissioner to Santo Domingo. Hollander had previously been Treasurer 
of Poito Rico, 1900, and special agent on taxation in Indian Territory, 1904. He 
remained a financial adviser in Santo Domingo until 1910. 

There was considerable question as to the validity of the claims which Hol- 
lander was to investigate, especially those of the American (or Santo Domingo) Im- 
provement Company. The claims of this company were finally scaled down 10 
per cent. See Jessup, Roat^ I, 543-551. 


I direct that the Minister express acquiescence in the proposal of the Gov- 
ernment of Santo Domingo for the collection and conservation of its reve- 
nues, pending the action of the United States Senate upon the treaty, to the 
end that in the meantime no change shall take place in the situation which 
would render useless its consummation or bring complications into its en- 
forcement. The Secretary of War of the United States will present for nomi- 
nation by the President of the Dominican Republic men to act in the 
positions referred to, in both the northern and southern ports. The utmost 
care will of course be taken to choose men of capacity and absolute integrity, 
who, if possible, shall have some knowledge of Spanish. All the moneys col- 
lected from both the northern and southern ports, not turned over to the 
Dominican Government, will be deposited in some New York bank to be 
designated by the Secretary of War and will there be kept until the Senate 
has acted. If the action is adverse the money will then be turned over to the 
Dominican Government. If it is favorable it will be distributed among the 
creditors in proportion to their just claims under the treaty. Meanwhile Mr. 
Hollander will thoroughly investigate these claims, including the claim of 
the American Improvement Company, and will report in detail all the in- 
formation he is able to gather as to the amount actually received by Santo 
Domingo, the amount of indebtedness nominally incurred, the circumstances 
so far as they are known imder which the various debts were incurred, and 
so forth. 

This action is rendered necessary by the peculiar circumstances of the 
case. The treaty now before the Senate was concluded with Santo Domingo 
at Santo Domii^o’s earnest request repeatedly pressed upon us and was sub- 
mitted to the Senate because in my judgment it was our duty to our less 
fortunate neighbor to respond to her call for aid, inasmuch as we were the 
only power who could give this aid, and inasmuch as her need for it was very 
great. The treaty is now before the Senate and has been favorably reported 
by the Committee on Foreign Relations. It is pending, and final action will 
undoubtedly be taken when Congress convenes next fall. Meanwhile Santo 
Domingo has requested that the action above outlined be taken; that is, she 
desires in this way to maintain the statw quo, so that if the treaty is ratified 
it can be executed 

With this purpose in view I direct that the proposed arrangement be ap- 
proved. It will terminate as soon as the Senate has acted one way or the other. 

For discosdons of the modus vhendi in Santo Domingo, see Hill, Roosevelt and 
the Caribbean, pp. i<5o-i69 and Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 430-435. There is a lengthy 
account of the activities of the American Improvement Ck)inpany, from an ^a- 
imperiaHst point of view, in Melvin M. Knight, The Americans in Santo Dondngo 
(New York, 1948), chs. iii, iv. 


1149 


3499 ‘ TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Alss. 

Private Washington, March 30, 1905 

Dear John: Naturally I am delighted at the netra of your steady improve- 
ment, although it is only what I had anticipated. I look forward to nearly 
four years of work toge±er with you, my dear fellow. 

There has been rather a comic development in the Santo Domingo case. 
Morales^ asked us to take over the custom houses pending action by the 
Senate. I decided to do so, but first of all consulted Spooner, Foralter, Lodge 
and Knox. All heartily agreed that it was necessary for me to take this action. 
Rather to my horror Taft genially chaffed them about going back on their 
principles as to the “usurpation of the executive.” But they evidently took 
the view that it was not a time to be overparticular about trifles. I also con- 
sulted Gorman, who told me that he had taken it for granted that I would 
have to take some such action as that proposed, and believed it necessary. I 
understand, however, tiiat this was merely his unofficial opinion, and that 
officially he is going to condemn our action as realizing his worst forebodings. 

Cassini and Takahira have been to see me about peace negotiations, but 
we do not make much progress as yet because neither side is willing to make 
the first advances. The Japanese say, quite rightly, that they will refuse to 
deal unless on the word of the Czar, because it is evident that no one minister 
has power to bind the government. Cassini announces to me that officially the 
government is bent upon war, but that privately he would welcome peace. 
The Kaiser has had another fit and is now convinced diat France is trying to 
engineer a congress of the nations, in which Germany will be left out. What 
a jumping creature he is, anyhow! Besides sending to me he is evidently en- 
gaged in sending to all kinds of other people. I am against having a Congress 
to setde the peace terms. 

Tlie enclosed letter from Spring Rice was given me by Adee, who said 
it was evidentiy intended for me to read. With some misgivings I did so. I 
think you will find it interestii^. I was amused at the part in which he speaks 
of the Kaiser having now openly come out as friendly to the Americans and 
the Japanese. 

The Chinese obviously desire the war to go on in the hope that borii com- 
batants will ultimately become completely exhausted. The European powers 
want peace. I have an idea that the English would be by no means overjoyed 
if the Japs took Vladivostok. It looks as if the foreign powers did not want 
me to act as peacemaker. I certainly do not want to myself. I wish the Japs 
and Russians could setde it between themselves, and I should be delighted to 
have anyone except myself give them a jog to setde it. If France will do it, it 
will serve the purpose just as well. 

Eveiything else is getting along quiedy. I hope to leave the burdens of 
state on Taft’s broad shoulders and start west next Monday. Of course there 

* Genescal Qirios F. Morales, at diis time President of Santo Domingo. 



may be a blownip in Santo Domingo, or some complication in the Far East, 
which may bring me back* 

Give my love to Mrs. Hay. I earnestly hope that you are having a good 
time as well as getting better. Ever yours 


ii^i 




A Square Deal for Asia and Europe 

March 1905— August 1905 




3500 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSCVelt AISS. 

Personal Washington, March 31, 1905 

Aly dear Mr. Ambassador: I am happy to be able to tell you in response to 
your last note that I entirely agree with the Emperor that it is unwise for the 
peace negotiations, when the time comes to carry them on, to be considered 
in a congress of the nations. The Japanese Minister has informed me that 
Japan takes this view also. I informed the British Ambassador that this w’as 
my view, and he told me that he had no doubt that the British Government 
would also take it. 

I saw the Russian Ambassador, and for your private information will say 
that I told him that in my judgment it was eminently to Russia’s interest to 
make peace, and that I thought, as regards the terms offered by the Japanese, 
it would be a case of the sibylline books; that each delay, if the delay meant 
another Japanese victory, would mean an increase in the oncrousness of the 
terms. Sincerely yours 

3501 • TO RICHARD WATSON GILDER RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Washii^on, March 31, 1905 

My dear Gilder: I thank you for your letter and am particularly interested 
about Robinson. Curiously enough I had just written him, but evidently had 
the wrong address. Now I should like to help him, but it seems to me that it 
is inadvisable for him to go to England. You know I believe that our literary 
men are always hurt by going abroad. If Bret Harte had stayed in the West, 
if he had not even come East, he might have gone on doing productive work. 
To go to England was the worst thing possible for him. In the same w'ay, I 
think Joel Chandler Harris has continued to do good work because he has 
remamed in Atlanta instead of going to New York. I wish you could find out 
for me how Robinson is getting along. Perhaps I could give him some posi- 
tion in the Government service, just as Walt Whitman and John Burroughs 
were given Government positions. It seems to me inadvisable to send him 
abroad. Fdthfully yoters 

3502 • TO ANDREW JACKSON MONTAGXJE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, April i, 1905 

My dear Governor: I have your letter of the 30th ultimo. When I chose my 
first Panama Commission I tried to pay heed to geographical considerations, 
and though I did my best to get the best men subject to these considerations 
and to those unfortunately imposed in the law itself, the result was not al- 
together fortunate. In choosii^ the commission I have just designated I told 
Secretary Taft to try to pick out amply the men who in his judgment were 

'Andrew Jackson Monts^e, Gold Democrat, Governor of Virgi^ 1902-1906; 
later congressman, 1913-19375 president of the American Peace Society, 1920-1924. 

“55 



best for the places, giving the preference to the Louisiana and California 
members now on the commission, if possible. After doing this and putting on 
the army and navy men, there remained the three working members of the 
commission (the executive committee) and only these.^ For these three men 
it was necessary to appoint people w^hom we knew thoroughly, one of them 
being the present Chief Engineer. Under these circumstances I was simply 
unable to consider a number of names presented to me by friends of mine 
throughout the Union, although I am certain that the majority of these are 
excellent and doubtless well-qualified men. 

With regret, Sincerely yours 


3503 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss, 

Private Washington, April 2, 1905 

Dear John: Tomorrow I leave for a week’s horrid anguish in touring through 
Kentucky, Indian Territory and Texas; and then I hope for five weeks’ genu- 
ine pleasure in Oklahoma and Colorado on a hunt; to be followed in its turn 
by three or four cindery, sweaty and drearily vociferous days on the way 
home. 

As regards internal affairs there is no reason why I should not be gone 
for the six weeks. There are no labor troubles and no financial difficulties 
impending at the moment. I am not entirely satisfied with the foreign situ- 
ation, but there isn’t anything of sufficient importance to warrant my staying. 
I have reorganized the Canal Commission in what I believe is effective form; 
this matter I regarded as of great importance to get into trim before I left. 
In the Venezuela matter there is nothing to do but keep our temper. Castro 
is an unspeakably villainous little monkey, and on ethical grounds, as well as 
to give exercise to the United States Army, I should like to send an expedi- 
tion against him; but this at present would be inadvisable in such a mundane 
world as ours, alike from the standpoint of internal and of international poli- 
tics. In Santo Domingo we have taken the necessary step; but it was one of 
those cases where trouble was sure to come, whether from action or from 

® Roosevelt on April i reorganized the Isthmian Canal Commission. Acting within 
the letter, although probably not the meaning, of the Spooner Act, which Congress 
had extended, he provided that the work of the commission was to be done by an 
executive committee of Theodore Perry Shonts, chairman of the commission; 
Charles E. Magoon, Governor of the Canal Zone; and John F. Wallace, chief engi- 
neer, The other four members, reduced to advisory status, were to meet four times 
a year. 

Within the executive committee Shonts had decisive powers, A veteran railroad 
manager, he was appointed on the recommendation of Paul Morton. Before assum- 
ing his job, he secured Roosevelt’s promise that he would have full authority subject 
only to the President’s approval. Shonts’ energetic ability, the inclusion of the chief 
engineer, and the reconstruction of die committee permitted the beginning of fruit- 
ful work in the Isthmus. For a full account of the organization of the second 
Isthmian Commission and for a discussion of the qualifications of its members, see 
Mack, Land Divided^ pp, 491-493 and Appendix I, Vol. VI, this work. 

1156 


inaction. I felt that much less trouble would come from action; but beyond 
a doubt we shall have flurries in connection with revolutionary uprisings and 
filibustering enterprises, as we assume the protection of the custom houses. I 
do not think that Santo Domingo itself will give us much trouble; but the 
fool vote and the timid vote will both be gready alarmed at home, and divers 
knaves will play skillfully on this alarm from time to time. 

I have seen Cassini twice, Takahira, Durand and Jusserand each once, 
and Speck three or four times during the past week. The Kaiser has become 
a monomaniac about getting into communication with me every time he 
drinks three pen’orth of conspiracy against his life and power; but as has 
been so often the case for the last year, he at the moment is playing our game 
— or, as I should more politely put it, his interests and ours, together wdth 
those of humanity in general, are identical. He does not wish a congress of 
the powers to settle the Japanese-Russian business. As things are at present I 
cordially agree with him, and I find that the British and Japanese govern- 
ments take the same view. The Kaiser is relieved and surprised to find that 
this is true of the English government. He sincerely believes that the English 
are planning to attack him and smash his fleet, and perhaps join with France 
in a war to the death against him. As a matter of fact the English harbor no 
such intentions, but are themselves in a condition of panic terror lest the 
Kaiser secretly intend to form an alliance against them w’hh France or Russia, 
or both, to destroy their fleet and blot out the British Empire from the map! 
It is as funny a case as I have ever seen of mutual distrust and fear bringing 
two peoples to the verge of war. 

Officially the Russian government announces that it wishes to go on with 
the war. Cassini tells me, doubtless under instructions, that he believes they 
would like peace if they can have it on honorable terms; but that they cannot 
for a moment consider the question of an indemnity. I told him that to my 
mind the point was whether they would be willing to consider the question 
of indemnity now, before the Japanese had obtained any Russian territory, 
or would wait until the Japanese had Harbin and Vladivostok, and that it 
was for them to ponder whether or not, under such circumstances, the Japa- 
nese would make the terms more or less onerous. I told Cassini that I was 
speaking sincerely in the interest of Russia, not in the interest of Japan; for I 
believed that Japan, after the stunning overtihrow of the Russian Army at 
Mukden, felt that danger was past and preferred to go on with the war unless 
all her terras were complied with. 

There has been a very perceptible alteration in tire temper of the Japanese 
government and people, not unnaturally. They now feel that victory is theirs 
and that they are safe from outside interference, and they take a distinctly 
higher tone. Takahira told me that the Japanese government, in addition to 
the points for which they had made war, would insist upon an indemnity. 1 
told him that I was in hearty accord with them as to the points on which 
fhf'v had said they felt they must insist prior to the battle of Mukden, but I 


11^7 


would reserve judgment as to what I would say about the indemnity. It may 
be that they ought to have it and must have it, but I did not feel called upon 
to express an opinion about the matter at this time. 

Did you ever know anything more pitiable than the condition of the Rus- 
sian despotism in this year of grace? The Czar is a preposterous little creature 
as the absolute autocrat of 150,000,000 people. He has been unable to make 
war, and he is now unable to make peace. Jusserand was much impressed fay 
the way events have justified the forecast and the advice I had given Russia 
two months ago through him and through Cassini. At that time Japan would 
have been contented with Korea, Port Arthur, Dalny, the control of the 
Harbin-Port Arthur Railway, and the return of Manchuria to China; and it 
would have been enormously to Russia’s advantage if she had promptly ac- 
cepted these terms, as I advised. 

Mrs. Roosevelt has taken all the children except Quentin for a week’s trip 
to Florida. I do not ask after your health because, from what I see in the 
papers, it is improving as I was sure it would. At the same time I should be 
very glad to hear from you and know just how you feel. On my trip I shall 
hardly have a chance to write to you at any length, so this will be the last 
real letter you will receive from me until you arrive home. 

Give my love to Mrs. Hay, and tell Henry Adams that Sturgis Bigelow 
has been spending a few days with us. Ever yours 

3504 • TO THEODORE PERRY SHONTS RoOSevelt MsS. 

En Route, April 3, 1905 

My dear Mr. Shonts: I enclose you a memorandum by Dr, Gorgas which 
seems to me in substance sound. I have struck out, as you will notice, one 
reference to an appeal to the Secretary of War which might have been neces- 
sary with a commission constituted on the old lines, but which is of course 
inadvisable when we practically have a single head as the commissioner. I 
wish you would look at this carefully, for I need not impress upon you the 
vital need of taking every hygienic precaution on the Isthmus. 

It was a great pleasure to meet you. Sincerely yours 

[Handwritten] After you have been to the Isthmus, I want to have a good 
talk with you. 

3505 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal En Route, April 8, 1905 

Dear Will: You are handling everything just right. As for the Japanese de- 
mands, I have been expecting that they would be materially increased after 
the smashing overthrow of Kuropatkin at Mukden. My own view is that the 
Russians would do well to close with them even now; but the Czar know^s 
neither how to make war nor to make peace. If he had had an ounce of sense 

1158 



he would have acted upon my suggestion last Januar}»^ and have made peace 
then. There is nothing for us to do now but to sit still and wait events. 

As for Santo Domingo, of course you are right. American citizens in the 
custom houses are there to stay until we oiirselves take them out, and no 
revolutionists will be permitted to interfere with them. 

You are acting exactly right about Morocco.^ I wish to Heaven our excel- 
lent friend, the Kaiser, was not so jumpy and did not have so many pipe 
dreams. Tell Speck I have read his letter with the greatest attention; that 
there is at present nothing for us to do in Morocco; that I shall wait until I 
get home before trjdng to discuss it with him.- 

I have had a great reception in Texas, these mercurial people having gone 
to lengths of wild enthusiasm in the revulsion of finding out that I really have 
no dark and sinister designs against their liberties and general welfare. The 
reception probably means nothing at all, but it may possibly mean a little 
better general feeling and a little more likelihood of an occasional Texas vote 
for some measure of interest to the general w’elfare of the nation, such as 
Santo Domingo, or Panama, or the Philippines. At any rate it is a good thing 
that I came. I really like the Texans. There is much to admire in them, and 
it was a very genuine pleasure to return to San Antonio and meet the men of 
my old regiment. 

As for the hunt that begins shortly, I am rather skeptical about having 
good sport, but I shall have the outing at any rate. Always yotirs 


3506 • TO ANNA ROOSEVELT COtVLES CowleS Aiss.° 

Camp in Oklahoma, April 9, 1905 

Darling Bye, I have thought of you and darling, patient, brave little Sheffield 
all the time. It weigs upon me to think that I am off on a holiday trip while 
you are in such dreadful troubles, and my blessed little Sheffield in such pain.* 
It seems heartless to tell you about ray trip; I have had a rousing reception 
in Texas; and today we openned our hunt successfully, killing two coyotes as 
the result of several headlong gallops. 

I wish I could do something for you. Your loving brother 

3507 • TO JAMES RUDOLPH GARFIELD RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Colorado Springs, April 14, 1905 

Dear Jim: The enclosed I send you simply because it is the kind of article 
which even a reputable paper of the somewhat nonsentimental type prints 

^See Taft to Roosevelt, April j, 1905, Pringle, Tt^t, I, 277. 

•See Sternberg to Roosevdt, April 5, 1905, Dennis, Adventures m American Diplo- 
macy, pp. 514^.516; Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 468-^16^. 

• ShefSeld, for a long rime, had been havii^ trouble with ears. 

**59 



about the Standard Oil business.^ As soon as I get home I shall have a long 
talk with you about the rest of the beef trust investigation and the Standard 
Oil investigation. 

Could not you get to investigate the beef matters men who have special 
knowledge? I found that all these men who were in the business here spoke 
with contempt of the subordinates who have been investigating, on the 
ground that they did not know enough to make their investigation of any 
value. I wish very much you would communicate with Sloan Simpson at 
Dallas, Texas. I think he could give you such a man. Cecil Lyon told me that 
in his little packing house he made about two dollars a head on the cattle, and 
he and the lawyer, Cowan, v'ere very positive from their confidential talks 
with the big packers that the latter really made about three dollars a head. 
They think that the summary of your report gave an incorrect impression 
of the report.^ Airways yoiirs 


3508 • TO KERMIT ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Colorado Springs, April 14, 1905 

Blessed Kernnt: I hope you had as successful a trip in Florida as I have had in 
Texas and Oklahoma. The first six days were of the usual Presidential tour 
type, but much more pleasant than ordinarily because I did not have to do 
quite as much speaking; and there was a certain irresponsibility about it all, 
due I suppose in part to the fact that I am no longer a candidate and am free 
from the everlasting suspicion and ill-natured judgment which being a candi- 
date entails. Moreover, both in Kentucky, and especially in Texas, I was re- 
ceived with a warmth and heartiness that surprised me; while the Rough 
Riders’ reunion at San Antonio was delightful in every way. 

Then came the five days’ wolf hunting in Oklahoma, and this was unal- 
loyed pleasure, except for my uneasiness about Auntie Bye and poor little 
ShefBeld. General Young, Dr. Lambert and Roly Fortescue were each in his 

^ The Bureau of Comorations had begun an investigation of the oil industry. Acting 
upon a congressional resolution, Garfield was at tms time in Topeka giving fecial 
attention to the relative price of crude and refined oil, freight charges on oil, and 
other related matters as they pertained to the Kansas oil fields. 

* The adjudication of Smft and Company v. U, S. had not terminated the govern- 
ment’s proceedings against the packers. The proceedings continued as the Bureau of 
Corporations investigated the industry and the Justice Department considered in- 
dictments against packing-house officials for violations of the Sherman and Interstate 
Gomomerce acts. In March the bureau had published a portion of its report. M- 
though the report explained that no information on combination in the packing 
industry was mcluded because the Justice Department was considering legal pro- 
ceedings, the bureau was criticized for this omission and for failing to report on 
discriminations effected by the use of private car lines. Adamant opponents of the 
beef trust, takhig exception to the figures in the report, also complamed because^ the 
bureau did not substantiate the familiaf charge that the packers made exorbitant 
profits. Anticipating a similar complaint in the oil inquiry, Garfield in April took 
pains to point out that any agreement among refiners or between refiners and 
shippers, regardless of the size of the resulting profit, violated the antitrust laws. 

1160 


own way just the nicest companions imaginable, and my Texas hosts w ere too 
kind and friendly and openhearted for anything. I want to have the whole 
partj" up at Washington next winter. The part)" got seventeen w^olves, three 
coons, and any number of rattlesnakes. I w'as in at the death of eleven w'olves. 
The other six w^olves w^ere killed by members of the party who were off with 
bunches of dogs in some place w’here I w-as not, I never took part in a row 
which ended in the death of a w^olf without getting through the run in time 
to see the death. It w^as tremendous galloping over cut banks, prairie dog 
towns, flats, creek bottoms, everything. One run w-as nine miles long and I 
w^as the only man in at the finish except the professional wolf hunter Aber- 
nathy, who is a really wonderful fellow, catching the wolves alive by thrust- 
ing his gloved hands dowm between their jaws so that they cannot bite. He 
caught one wolf alive, tied up this wolt and then held it on the saddle, fol- 
lowed his dogs in a seven-mile run, and helped kill another wolf. He has a 
pretty wife and five cunning children of whom he is very proud, and intro- 
duced them to me; and I liked him much. We w^ere in the saddle eight or nine 
hours every day and I am rather glad to have thirty-six hours rest on the cars 
before starting on my Colorado bear hunt. Your loving father 

3509 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt MsS. 

Confidential Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905 

Dear Will: I think you are keeping the lid on in great shape! Apparently the 
Santo Domingo pot is not bubbling much at present, but we have troubles 
enough elsewhere. 

The Kaiser’s pipe dream this week takes the form of Morocco.^ Speck 
has written me an urgent appeal to sound the British Government and find 
out whether they intend to back up France in gobbling Morocco. I have 

^The Moroccan crisis, precipitated by the Kaiser's address at Tangier in April 1905, 
absorbed the attention of European chancelleries from this time until the adjourn- 
ment of the Algeciras Conference in 1906. In the resolution of the crisis Roosevelt 
played a significant role which his letters for 1905 and igo6 clearly describe. The 
meaning of the episode for the balance of power in Europe and the Orient, its rela- 
tion to the Portsmouth Conference, and the role of the President have been much 
explored. In many of the excellent published studies of the affair are copies of the 
more important correspondence to which Roosevelt replied. Citations to these let- 
ters will be made in footnotes to the relevant Roosevelt letters, A bibliogriMshy of 
readily available works of use in connection with the Roosevelt letters on Morocco 
follows: Eugene N. Anderson, The First Moroccan Crisis^ (Chicago, 

1930); Bishop, Roosevelt, vol. I, chs. xxxvi, xxxvii; Dennett, Roosevelt and the 
Russo-Japanese War (Dennett treats the Aloroccan crisis in connection with Roose- 
velt’s Far Eastern policy); Dennis, Adventures in American Diplomacy, ch. xix; 
Sidney Bradshaw Fay, The Orig/nr of the World War (New York, 1928), 1 , 168- 
192; Foret^ Relations, 1905, and Foreign Relations, 1906; Griswold, Far Eastern 
Policy, ch. iii (on the relation of Roosevelt's Aloroccan policy to his Far Eastern 
policy); Gwynn, Spring Rice, vol. I, ch. xiii, voL II, ch. xiv; Nevins, Henry White, 
ch. xvi; Pringle, Taft, vol. I, ch. xvii; Pringle, Roosevelt, pp, 372-597; Alfred Vagts, 
Deutschland tend die VeremigJ:en Staaten (New York, 1935), vol. II, ch. xvii. See 
also Roosevelt to Reid, April z8, 1906, in vol, V, this work. 

X 161 



told him to see you and lay the matter definitely before you. There was one 
part of the Kaiser’s letter which he asked me to treat as strictly confidential, 
and I do not know whether Speck will tell you about it or not. In any event, 
my theory is that if Sir Mortimer, or O’Byrne, (or whatever the First Secre- 
tary’s name is),^ is in any rational mood and you think the nice but somewhat 
fat-witted British intellect will stand it, that you tell them just about w’hat I 
am going to write. I do not feel that as a Government we should interfere in 
the Morocco matter. We have other fish to fry and we have no real interest 
in Morocco. I do not care to take sides between France and Germany in the 
matter. At the same time if I can find out what Germany wants I shall be 
glad to oblige her if possible, and I am sincerely anxious to bring about a 
better state of feeling bemeen England and Germany. Each Nation is work- 
ing itself up to a condition of desperate hatred of each other from sheer fear 
of each other. The Kaiser is dead sure that England intends to attack him. 
The English Government and a large share of the English people are equally 
sure that Germany intends to attack England. Now, in my view this action 
of Germany in embroiling herself with France over Morocco is proof posi- 
tive that she has not the slightest intention of attacking England. I am very 
clear in my belief that England utterly overestimates as well as misestimates 
Germany’s singleness of purpose, by attributing to the German Foreign 
Office the kind of power and of aim which it had from ’64 to ’71 . 1 do not 
wish to suggest anything whatever as to England’s attitude in Morocco, but 
if w’e can find out that attitude with propriety and inform the Kaiser of it, 
I shall be glad to do so. But I have to leave a large discretion in your hands 
in this matter, for if we find that it will make the English suspicious — that 
is, w’ill make them think we are acting as decoy ducks for Germany — why 
we shall have to drop the business. Fortunately, you and I play the diplo- 
matic game exactly alike, and I should advise your being absolutely frank 
widi both Speck and the British people along the lines I have indicated, unless 
you have countersuggestions to make. Remember, however, that both parties 
are very suspicious. You remember the King’s message to me through Harry 
White and his earnest warning to me that I should remember that England 
was our real friend and that Germany was only a make-believe friend. In just 
the same way the Germans are always insisting that England is really on the 
point of entering into a general coalition which would practically be inimical 
to us— -.an act which apart from moral considerations I regard the British 
Government as altogether too flabby to venture upon. 

I have wired you about the Japanese Minister’s statement. I emphatically 
agree with the Japanese view that there should be direct negotiations on all 
terms of peace between Russia and Japan. I heartily agree with the Japanese 
terms of peace, in so far as they include Japan having (he control over Korea, 

‘Hugh O’Beime, first secretary and charg6 d’affaires at the British Embassy. A 

very capable member of the Bridsh diplmnatic corps, he perished with Kitchener 

when the Bampshke went down on the way to Russia in 1915. 

1162 



retaining possession of Port Arthur and Dalny, and operating the Harbin, 
Mukden, Port Arthur Railway, while restoring Manchuria to China with the 
guarantee of the open door* As to the proposed indemnity and the cession of 
Russian territory" I am not yet prepared to express myself definitely; and, 
indeed, do not as yet feel called upon to express myself definitely. Therefore, 
in approving Japan’s position as to direct negotiations \vith Russia on all 
points concerning the peace, I do not wish to commit myself one way or the 
other on the indemnity and cession of territory matters,^ 

In Venezuela I am tempted to wish that Castro would execute Bowen and 
thereby give us good reason for smashing Castro. This, however, is merely an 
iridescent dream, I guess your solution is the proper one. Send Barrett to 
Venezuela; then when I return I shall discuss with you the advisability of 
writing him pretty sharply that he has caused trouble in Panama, and this is 
his final trial to see how he will do. Send Bowen to Chile, telling him that 
we shall send him to Brazil in September; and when Spooner’s yells are 
audible from Wisconsin pacify him with the same information, telling him 
that there will be an opening for Hicks (if that is the name of the patriot) 
in the fall. 

Now, about the Panama legation. Lodge is most anxious that Peirce be 
given a mission.^ I think Peirce is a fat-headed Turveydrop, but he is a 
gentleman and an upright fellow, and about as unlikely to create trouble as 
any man I ever knew. If he cares to take Panama I believe you could offer 
it to him. Of course, do not do so if you think it inadvisable, but think the 
matter over. I believe it would be aU right, and I am very doubtful as to the 
wisdom of ever making the offices of Administrator and of Minister the same. 
Send Sands there as Secretary of Legation if we have not promised it to some- 
one else, which you wdll find out by the files of the Department. 

Now, about that Loomis matter; I do not believe the check business 
amounts to anything, because Andrews told me, as I informed you, that the 
check they paid to Loomis was simply for money which he had deposited 

*The negotiations leading directly to the Portsmouth Conference had begun. These 
negotiations and the developments at the conference, with which Roosevelt’s letters 
from April through August 1905 were continually concerned, have frequently been 
treated in detail. The analyses, listed below, of Roosevelt’s Far Eastern policy in 
this period contain many of the important communications on the Russo-Japanep 
peace to which the President replied. Other such communications are published in 
Foreign Affairs^ 1905. A partial bibliography on the Portsmouth Comerence fol- 
lows: Bishop, Roosevelt, voL I, chs. xxxi, xxxii; Dennett, Roosevelt and the Rttsso- 
Japanese War, esp. chs. viii, ix, x; Dennis, Adventures in American Diplomacy, ch. 
xiv; Griswold, Far Eastern FoUcy, ch. iii; Gwynn, Spring Rice, voL I, ch. xiii; M. A. 
DeWolfe Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer (New York, 1920), ch. iv; Pringle, 
Roosevelt, pp, 372-397; Roosevelt, Autobiography, Nat. Ed. XX, ch. xv.^ 

The telegram from Taft to which Roosevelt replied in this letter is in Dennett, 
pp. 176-177. For a resume by Roosevelt of his negotiations, see No. 35<^- The letters 
and dispatches quoted in full in this letter to Lodge have not been included else- 
where in tius volume. 

*Iii 1906 Peirce was appointed minister to Norway ♦ He remained Assistant Secretary 
of State until that time. 


1163 


with them in the shape of a draft, because they were doing a banking busi- 
ness both in New York and Caracas. But as to the other matters, I think that 
you should lay them before Loomis and get his written statement in re- 
sponse."* 

I am sorry to say that I agree with you about Bowen. I think him an 
honest man and a man of real force, but conceited, arrogant, and by no means 
too well bred. I agree with you entirely as things now stand there would be 
no warrant whatever for our doing as Bowen hopes and proceeding against 
Venezuela. Ultimately we may have to handle Venezuela as we have handled 
Santo Domingo; but not at present, — and perhaps never. 

I enclose you an interesting letter from John Elliott® about Porto Rican 
matters. Evidently we were right in promptly taking off Stewart’s head, but 
I have utterly forgotten what we did about appointing his successor.'^ Surely 
I made the appointment before I left, did I not? If I mistake not it was made 
upon your recommendation. If we have not, then I should by all means advise 
that wt appoint Judge Feuille, as Elliott recommends, for he is in a position 
to know and the appointment would seem to be an ideal one. You can see 
that Elliott is writing purely fi*om the standpoint of the good of the service. 
There! I guess I have unloaded all my difficulties upon you. I shall be 
back in four v^eeks to take them up myself, I wish I could conscientiously 
say that my health has demanded the expedition I am taking, but at any rate 
I am enjoying it to the full and I know it is doing me good. Alec Lambert and 

^ Herbert W. Bowen and Assistant Secretary of State Francis B. Loomis, a predeces- 
sor of Bowen at Caracas, were engaged in a personal controversy growing out of 
charges Bowen had first made against Loomis in 1904. On the basis of gossip, several 
misinterpreted dispatches, and a personal check which Loomis, while stationed in 
Venezuela, had cleared through the Bermudez Company, Bowen accused Loomis 
of ha\dng accepted a bribe from the Bermudez Company. Castro, Bowen contended, 
found the evidence for this bribe when he seized the company’s property. Using 
this evidence, Castro was allegedly blackmailing Loomis, who, according to Bowen, 
dared not permit the United States to initiate firm measures against Castro. Bowen 
also claimed that Loomis had used his position as minister to Venezuela for other 
personal profits. 

After Hay dismissed these charges, Bowen, his imagination doubtless overstimu- 
lated by the atmosphere of opSra bouffe that pervaded Caracas, repeated his accusa- 
tions to newspapermen who made them public. The New York Herald on April 
26 and .27, demanding an investigation, gave the gossip the dignity of a major diplo- 
matic episode. Loomis, denying Bowen’s charges, accused the minister of arranging 
for the Herald^s story. Taft, meanwhile, at Roosevelt’s direction had begun the 
investigation that discredited Bowen (see No. 3572). Taft concluded that Loomis 
had indeed been indiscreet, but guiltless. Bowen, he observed, by publicizing false 
charges, had injured American prestige and weakened American diplomacy in 
Venezuela, Bowen, recalled late in April, w’as discharged in June. Later in the year 
Roosevelt and Root, then Secretary of State, quietly replaced Loomis with Robert 
Bacon. The rancorous confusion of Bowen’s published recollection of the affair 
confirmed Taft’s conclusions (cf. Herbert W. Bowen, RecollecthnSi Diplomatic 
and Undiplomatic, New York, 1926, chs. xxvi-xxvHi, and Foreign Relations, 1905, 
pp. 919 ff.). 

“John S. Elliott, Commissioner of the Interior of Porto Rico. 

^ Frank Feuille succeeded A, G. Stewart as Attorney General of Porto Rico. 


Phil Stewart are both with me and send you their love. We have been having 
a royal good time. We got lots of coyotes in Oklahoma, and have bagged a 
bear and a bobcat so far in Colorado. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Taft, believe me, Ever yours 
P. S. If you decide it wise to see the British Ambassador at all, do be 
careful to explain to him that we are taking sides neither with France nor 
Germany, but that we would like to convey Germany’s request for informa- 
tion to England, and that we are acting in thus conveying it simply from a 
desire to make things as comfortable between England and Germany as 
possible. 

As regards Bowen and Barrett, you are on the ground; you see the needs 
of the situation, and I shall back up whatever you do. If Bowen acts ugly, 
then we will not give him Brazil. 

I WQS astonishingly well received in both Kentucky and Texas, and am 
glad I went, especially as under existing conditions they cannot think I was 
acting with any ulterior motive for my own benefit. 

P. S. No. 2 . 1 have seen a copy of Gorgas’ letter to you and I think it 
makes out a very strong case. It does seem to me that the independent action 
within certain prescribed limits for which he asks would be greatly to the 
advantage of everybody. Here again I must trust your judgment. If it agrees 
with mine I think you might weU suggest action along the lines indicated to 
Shonts. 

3510 • TO FRANCIS BUTLER LOOMIS RoOSeVelt MsS, 

Telegram Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905 

Referring to your cipher message of the seventeenth, tell our Minister to 
Morocco not to commit us in any way but to be friendly with both French 
and Germans. The American Government never interferes about loans it 
being our consistent policy to let American financiers decide such matters 
for themselves. 

Cannot anything be done about Gordon-Cumming as assistant to Fox? 
Am chagrined at the trouble which has occurred over his appointment.^ 

3511 * TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG Roosevelt Mss, 

Personal Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905 

Dear Speck: Your letteri containing the Emperor’s communication about 
Morocco, is the first thing that has made me wish I was not oS on a hunt, for 

Roosevelt and Hay had endorsed Gordon-Cumming for chief clerk of the Inter- 
national Bureau or American Republics, directed by the diplomatist, Williams 
Carlton Fox. Gordon-Cumming was turned down by the ministers of South and 
Central America, who gave the position to William C. Wells. 

^See Sternberg to Roosevelt, April 13, 1905, Dennis, Adventures m Ameriem, 
Diplomacy^ p. 516. 


I hardly know how to arrange out here what the Emperor requests. As I 
told you before, I dislike taking a position in any such matter like this unless 
I fully intend to back it up, and our interests in Morocco are not sufficiently 
great to make me feel justified in entangling our Government in the matter. 
You do not have to be told by me that I am already working in the most 
cordial agreement with the Emperor about China and the Japanese-Russian 
war, while I have matters of my own in Santo Domingo, Venezuela and 
Panama to which I must give attention and from which I do not feel it right 
to be diverted; but I have told Taft substantially what you have said in your 
letter excepting the portion about the communication from the Italian Gov- 
ernment which the Emperor requested me to treat as purely confidential. 
Will you take this letter at once to Secretary Taft, show it to him, and tell 
him exactly how far you want us to go in sounding the British Government. 
Meanwhile I shall write him, quoting the proposal of the Emperor as to our 
sounding the British Government and shall suggest his finding out from Sir 
Mortimer what the British Government’s views in the matter are. I do not 
think I should go any further than this at present. I am sorry I am not in 
Washington, for I should at once see the British Ambassador myself and let 
you know just how things stood. 

Thank Admiral von Tirpitz for the very interesting memorandum of the 
navy. 

We had a first-class wolf hunt which you would have enjoyed to the full. 
The nine-mile run was really great fun, and the professional wolf hunter 
performed some really extraordinary feats, jumping in on the wolves as soon 
as the dogs seized them, and thrusting his gloved hand into their mouths, and 
forcing the lower jaw back so that they could not bite. I saw him do this in 
the case when not a dog was on the wolf. 

I have just shot a good bear here. I wish you were along. Give my regards 
to the Baroness, and believe me, Sincerely yours 

3512 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 20, 1905 

Dear Cabot: First as to business. I shall take up the Newfoundland matter^ 
as soon as I return, but of course know absolutely nothing about it save what 
is contained in your letter. 

I am sorry for poor Peirce. I shall try to put him in some place, but I do 
not have to tell you how careful I have to be. It is not that I have any candi- 
date, but you know how some of your colleagues watch to see if I am giving 

^ In retaliation for the Senate amendments to the Hay-Bond Treaty, Newfoundland 
fishennen were refusing bait licenses to Americans. Later, in August, there were 
iatimations that Newfoundland would abrogate the Treaty of i8xS, giving America 
fishing rights in certain coastal areas. Lodge suggested that Roosevelt send a war- 
ship. The President refused on the ground that the fault lay in the offensive reci- 
procity treaty and the attitude of the Gloucester jSshermen. 

1166 


improper preference to Alassachusetts or New York. The only vacancy in 
South America is for a position to which I think Spooner has a claim. In 
\"enezuela I think I ought to put in Barrett, because I want to get him out of 
Panama, and yet I do not want to turn him out of the service; and Bowen, 
though a prize jack in many ways, ought not to be turned down at the insti- 
gation of Castro. I have wired Loomis about Gordon-Cumming, and am very 
much irritated and disturbed over the matter. 

I am greatly pleased to hear how well Constance is. Give her my love 
v'hen you write. 

Edith wrote me how she enjoyed the dinner with you and Nannie. 

I am particularly pleased that you liked my speech to the Texas Legisla- 
ture on the railroad matter. Exactly as I desired to lay emphasis on one side 
of the question to the financiers and railway magnates of Philadelphia in my 
speech last winter to the Union League Club, so I thought that the Texas 
Legislature was the place of all others to lay stress on the other side of the 
matter.^ I was received with wild enthusiasm in both Kentucky and Texas; 
this enthusiasm being of course perfectly safe to indulge in on their part, as 
it w’ould not be if I were a possibility as a candidate. 

Then w’-e had five days’ as good fun as I ever enjoyed coursing Avolves in 
Oklahoma. You would surely have enjoyed the rides at breakneck speed 
after the greyhounds. Some of the runs were less than a mile in length. One 
went up to nine miles. It was marvelous the w^ay the ponies went at foil speed 
through the prairie dog towns without getting their feet in the holes. 

Here my hunt has begun wxll, and I killed a big bear, making rather good 
shot at him. It is great sport and I am enjoying it to the full; although as 
invariably happens I get homesick and have to exert considerable pressure 
upon myself not to shorten up the hunt. 

Give my love to Nannie. I hope you will enjoy your European trip to 
the full. Ever yours 

3513 • TO WTLUAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Telegram Glenwood Springs, Colorado, April 27, 1905 

Am a good deal puzzled by your telegram^ and in view of it and the other 
information I receive I shall come in from my hunt and start home Monday, 
May eighth, instead of May fifteenth as I had intended. This will be put 
upon ground of general condition of public business at Washington, so as to 
avoid talk about the Russian-Japanese matter. Meanwhile ask Takahira 

*In his speech to the Texas Legislature on April 6, Roosevelt emphasized that he had 
no desire to interfere with the ^legitimate prosperity” of railroa^. This effort to 
suggest moderation to a traditionally antirailroad group balanced his earlier remarks 
to the Union League Oub warning conservatives that failure to regulate the roads 
might lead to radical measures. 

^See Taft to Roosevelt, April 25, 1905, Dennett, Exfosevelt and the Russo-Japanese 
War^ pp. 179-186. 


1167 


whether it would not be advisable for you to see Cassini from me and say 
that purely confidentially with no one else to know at all I have on my own 
motion directed you to go to him and see whether the two combatants can- 
not come together and negotiate direct. Say that in my judgment it is far 
better that there should be no reservations on either side; that I cannot help 
feeling that they can make an honorable peace and that it seems to me it 
would be better as a preliminary to have an absolutely frank talk between 
the representatives of the two powers without any intermediary at all. If 
Takahira approves of this act accordingly. If not wire me and at the same 
time tell the Japs that I shall take the matter up as soon as possible after I 
return to Washington. 


3514 • TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Glenwood Springs, Colorado, May 6, 1905 

Dem^ John: I was greatly pleased to receive your letter. I have been sure that 
you would return substantially well, but I want you to rest almost absolutely 
this summer so as to be ready for the inevitable worries next winter. Appar- 
ently everybody has acquiesced in what I have done in Santo Domingo, but 
of course there will be a storm over it when Congress meets. Meanwhile I 
am inclined to think that Bowen has behaved very badly about Loomis, and 
I believe Taft thinks so too. Taft, by the way, is doing excellently, as I 
knew he would, and is the greatest comfort to me. Cassini is now having a 
fit about Taft stopping at Japan on his way to the Philippines.^ I shall return 
to Washington next week and be able to take up the few loose strings which 
I shall find. Then I shall write you more at length. 

With, love to Mrs. Hay, Ever yours 


3515 • TO GEORGE KENNAN Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Glenwood Springs, Colorado, May 6, 1905 

My dear Kennan: The general idea conveyed by Barry of my conversation 
was correct, although of course certain sentences were not correct. Your 
letter interests me immensely.^ 

You cannot feel as badly as I do over such action as that by the idiots of 
the California Legislature. The California Legislature would have had an 
entire right to protest as emphatically as possible against the admission of 
Japanese laborers, for their very frugality, abstemiousness and clannishness 

^Taft planned to visit the Philippines in July with a party including a congressional 
delegation and Alice Roosevelt. 

‘ Kennan’s letter to Roosevelt of March 30, 1905, paraphrased a conversation Roose- 
velt had had with Richard Barry, ColUer*s correspondent for the Russo-Japanese 
See Dennett^ Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War^ pp. r6o-i^i,. 

?i(5§ 


make them formidable to our laboring class, and you may not know that 
they have begun to offer a serious problem in Hawaii — all the more serious 
because they keep an entirely distinct and alien mass. Moreover, I understand 
that the Japanese themselves do not permit any foreigners to own land in 
Japan, and where they draw one kind of a sharp line against us, they have no 
right whatever to object to our drawing another kind of a line against them. 
So as I say, I would not have objected at all to the California Legislature 
passing a resolution, courteous and proper in its terms, which would really 
have achieved the object they were after. But I do object to, and feel humili- 
ated by, the foolish offensiveness of the resolution they passed.^ 

I agree with all you say about the Japanese. I admire them and respect 
them. I regard them as a highly ciidlized people, and thier feats of heroism 
in the present war should be an example to us and to all other nations. I am 
keenly mortified that any Americans should insult such a people. I am power- 
less myself to do anything more than I have done; that is, in every possible 
way, personally and officially, to show the utmost courtesy and consideration 
to the Japanese, If the courts have decided that the Japanese cannot be natu- 
ralized, I am powerless. I shall take the matter up to find out exactly what 
the situation is. It is deeply exasperating to me to see so many of our country- 
men doing just exactly the reverse of what I have made the cardinal doctrine 
of my foreign policy. That is to say, they talk offensively of foreign powers 
and yet decline ever to make ready for war. I do not believe we shall ever 
have trouble with Japan; but my own theory is to keep our navy so strong 
and so efficient that we shall be able to handle Japan if ever the need arises, 
and at the same time to treat her with scrupulous courtesy and friendliness 
so that she shall have no excuse for bearing malice toward us. Too many of 
our people seem wholly unable to grasp, not merely the wisdom, but the 
common decency of such a policy. 

As to what you say about the alliance, the trouble is, my dear Mr. Ken- 
nan, that you are talking academically. Have you followed some of my 
experiences in endeavoring to get treaties through the Senate? I might just 
as well strive for the moon as for such a policy as you indicate. Mind you, I 
personally entirely agree with you. But if you have followed the difficulty 

*In 1905 racial antipathy, stirred by the yellow press and the agitadon of organized 
labor, flared into open opposition to Japanese immigration. De^ite the terms of the 
first Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1900, whereby Japan voluntarily limited emigration 
to the United States, the influx of laborers had greatly increased by 1905. Japanese 
victories during the war further augmented American fear of the ‘Tellow Peril.” 
On March 2, 1905, the California state legislature passed a resolution calling for 
federal restriction laws against the ‘’immoral, intemperate, quarrelsome men boimd 
to labor for a pittance ” Later, in May, the San Francisco Board of Education passed 
a resolution for the segregation of Chinese and Japanese school children. This was 
finally accomplished in Throughout 1905, as announced in his annual message 
of December 1904 and as seen in his correspondence, Roosevelt continually opposed 
any discriminatory legislation. For a background to American and Japanese immi- 
gration policies and for legislative measures taken, see Thomas A. Bdley, Theodore 
Roosevelt and. the Japanese'-Americtm Crises (Stanford University, (Mfornia, 1934). 

1169 


I have had even in getting such obvious things done as those connected with 
Panama and San^o Domingo, you would get some faint idea of the absolute 
impossibility of carrying out any such policy as that you indicate in your 
letter. 

I look forward to seeing you, Smcerely yours 


3516 * TO REDFIELD PROCTOR RooSBVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 13, 1905 

Dear Senator: I have your letter of the 6th instant. Sometimes I almost regret 
having used the expression “square deal” because every man against whom 
anything is decided insists that he has not had it. Now, in the Army, what I 
have tried to do in all matters of promotion is to take the word of the Secre- 
tary, first Root and then Taft, and to have them normally take the word of 
their immediate military advisers. You speak of your having had bad luck 
with suggestions of promotion for Vermont men in the Army. You have 
had extraordinary “luck” in promotions in the Navy by the standard you 
set. There are three Vermont admirals at present. Now, personally I do not 
care a rap for the fact that these three admirals happen to come from Ver- 
mont. They would have been promoted exactly as quickly if they had come 
from Texas or Oregon. I do not want anything done in the Army or Navy 
on the ground of State interest, or upon outside recommendations at all; and 
I am sure, my dear Senator, that you, with your experience as Secretary, 
agree with me in this. You want me — and from the standpoint of the interest 
of the Army you must w^ant me — to pay no heed whatever to where the 
man was bom or to who his backers are, but only to his past services and to 
the likelihood of his promotion being of benefit to the Army in the future. 
This is the policy that I am at least trying to carry out. 

Permit me to remind you, when you speak of “Vermont promotions,” 
that when I was Governor of the State of New York and was asked to rec- 
ommend three men from the State of New York for appointment in the 
Volunteer Army, I declined to do so, stating that I did not believe in drawing 
State or sectional lines in the army; and that I should recommend for ap- 
pointment to the positions in question three men of whose services I knew 
personally, one being from Texas, one from Kentucky, and the third (who 
was appointed to the least important position) a New Yorker. I do not con- 
sider that the fact of a man’s being from Vermont, New York, or anywhere 
else is for or against him, or anything that I can take into account at all.^ 
Sincerely yours 

*This was one of a series o£ letters from Roosevelt to Proctor in which the Prcsi- 
. dent patiently explained why he refused Proctor’s incessant requests for promotions 

of toiy officers from Vermont. 


1170 


3517 ■ RICHARD HARDING DAVTS 

Confidential 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, May 13, 1905 

My dear Davis: I was glad to see your article about Venezuela matters. There 
are some points in it about which I disagree, from my personal knowledge. 
For instance, Avery D. Andrews is as high-minded a man as I have ever met. 
He is General Schofield’s son-in-law. He was my colleague on the Board of 
Police Commissioners. He was Adjutant General of tiie National Guard 
when I was Governor of New York. That he has been misled is perfectly 
possible. That he has been guilty of conniving at any wrong I am sure is out 
of the question.^ 

The counts against Bowen are also far more serious than you set forth, 
and you are entirely in error when you say that Bowen made a good showing 
at The Hague and at Washington as the representative of Venezuela. His 
inordinate vanity, his bad manners, his insolence, and his absolute lack of tact 
and judgment embarrassed us greatly and hurt his own cause greatly. Because 
of his past services and my belief in his honesty and courage I passed this by; 
but I agree with Root that whether BoM'en’s story is true or not, the way he 
has conducted his campaign against Loomis is deeply discreditable. He would 
send innuendo after innuendo to Hay and myself, would fail to produce any 
proof of them, and yet would allow them to become public. 

This letter is coitfidential and for your owm. eye. Faithfully yours 
P. S. Understand me, I have not the slightest idea as yet whether Loomis 
is or is not guilty. My information is that the Ijooo-check story amounts to 
nothing. I do know that Bowen’s relations with our present French Ambas- 
sador and the then British Ambassador .... at the time of the Venezuela 
incident were such as to cause the greatest possible strain upon my memory 
of his past services and upon my friendship for his kinsfolk, which alone 
saved him from at least a severe rebuke. I now regret it was not administered. 

3518 ' TO ELiHU ROOT ^ Roosevclt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 13, 1905 

Dear Elihu: We had a really good hunt and I think you would have enjoyed 
it all. The ■wild gallops after the coyotes in Oklahoma were first-class fun, 
and in an entirely different way, so was the bear hunting in Colorado. Of 
the bear only four were good big ones, three of which I got, including a very 
large old male black bear. In addition we treed ax yearlings, and as it was 
impossible to take the dogs off the tree or get any further use out of them 

* Roosevelt “disagreed” with the major thesis of Daids’ “The Asphalt Scandal," pub- 
lished in Cornells, May 13, 1905. Subtided “How the Asphalt Trust is ttying to draw 
the United States into a war with Venezuela, to save its Lake of Pitch, and how 
those who touched it were defiled,” this article damned Andrews and the other 
directors of dse New York and Bermudez Company, took Case's view cm the 
seizure of the lake, and sponsored Bowen’s charges against Loomis. 

iiyr 


if we left the bear in the tree, Alec Lambert shot them with his revolver. 
Phil Stewart congratulated him upon having gotten six animals whose skins 
would make such excellent doilies. It was all horseback work, but on account 
of the deep snow and the length of time we had to be out each day there 
was a good deal of exercise in it. The final scramble to the bear would be 
on foot. 

Even aside from the hunt the trip was a great success. In Kentucky and 
Texas, no less than in Colorado, I was received with the utmost enthusiasm 
of a real pleasant «sort». Of course a good deal of it is due to the fact that 
as I am out of the race for next time it is perfectly safe for the Democrats- to 
dwell on my many excellencies. But there was a leaven of real good will in 
what they said. Of course wherever I go I meet an occasional fool who both 
embarrasses and exasperates me by publicly announcing that I have got to 
be nominated next time anyhow. If I keep silent I expose myself to the impu- 
tation of being an insincere trickster, yet I can’t spend my whole time reiter- 
ating my original statement. 

Perhaps the thing that pleased me most was in Chicago w^hen the labor 
men called upon me. A good many people had been anxious that I should 
dodge Chicago, which of course I w^ould not have been willing to do under 
any circumstances. As it turned out the labor people called on me them- 
selves and made a statement most foolish and offensive so that they justified 
me completely in saying good temperedly but with unmistakable emphasis 
just what my attitude w^as and would be in regard to mobs and disorder gen- 
erally. If you saw the statement I know you approved it.^ 

Taft sat on the lid in great shape while I was west. He has been a very real 
comfort and aid to me. Long may he stay here! I dislike thinking how I 
should feel with neither you nor him in my immediate official famfiy. Hay 
writes me rather gloomy letters about himself, but I think he is really better 
than he knows, and after the rest this summer will be able to take up the 
winter’s work all right. 

Of course as soon as I got back from my hunt in addition to the matters 
of real importance I have had horribly exasperating times over such matters 
as patronage fights between Foraker and Dick, a very ugly trouble between 
Loomis and Bowen, etc., etc. 

Give my love to Mrs. Root. I do wish you could get down here for a 
night there is so much I would like to talk over with you. Ever yours 

^ While Roosevelt was in Chicago, he conferred with a delegation of labor leaders 
representing the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, then engaged in a pro- 
longed and often violent strike. The delegates contended that employers, boasting 
that the United States Array would “shoot down him who dares openly to protest 
[our] actions,” had declined labor’s continual offers to arbitrate. Roosevelt, the 
committee hoped, would consider carefully the facts of the case before coraplyring 
with any request for federal troops. The President observed that no troops had 
been requested, rebuked the delegates for the “unfortunate phrasing” of their re- 
marks on the army, and announced that he supported the efforts of the mayor of 
Chicago to sujppress mob violence. 


3519 ■ TO GEORGE OTTO TRE^-ELYAN 

Personal 


Roosevelt Alss. 
Washington, May 13, 1905 

My dear Sir George: I prize Cavnipore} I have read it with real pleasure, and 
am ashamed of myself for not having read it before. I don’t like to tell you 
how much I think of it lest you might believe me exaggerating. But your son 
will surely understand my feelings at the chance of reading for the first time 
the account of a great historic tragedy written in his father’s prose. 

Now, as to a verj' small prejudice of mine. I would rather not be called 
Excellency, and this partly because the title does not belong to me and partly 
from vanity! The President of the United States ought to have no title; and 
if he did have a title it ought to be a bigger one. Whenever an important 
prince comes here he is apt to bring a shoal of “e.xcellencies” in his train. 
Just as I should object to having the simple dignity of the White House 
chained for such attractions as might lie in a second-rate palace, so I feel 
that the President of a great democratic republic should have no title but 
President. He could not have a title that would not be either too much or 
too little. Let him be called the President, and nothing more. 

I suppose each of us is inclined to envy the advantages of a system differ- 
ent from that under which he himself lives. I was much struck by your con- 
gratulations upon my being free from “the wearing, distracting, and some- 
times most ignoble details of parliamentary warfare.” They must be wearing 
and distracting, and often ignoble, but upon my word I can hardly believe 
they are worse than what comes to any American President in the matter of 
patronage. I have done all I could, and I think I may say more than any other 
President has ever done, in the direction of getting rid of the system of 
appointing and removing men for political considerations. But enough re- 
mains to cause me many hours of sordid and disagreeable work, which yet 
must be done under penalty of losing the good wdll of men with whom it 
is necessary that I should work. I can quite understand how Mr. Gladstone 
suffered at some great crisis like that with Russia, or in the Egyptian matter, 
or the Irish matter, when he was forced to submit to the insolence of men 
his inferiors in every respect; men not deserving, serious notice by him, who 
yet had the power to force him into controversy. But as I say each man 
knows where his own shoe pinches. I have had a most vivid realization of 
what it must have meant to Abraham Lincoln, in the midst of the heart- 
breaking anxieties of the civil war, to have to take up his time in trying to 
satisfy the candidates for postmaster at Chicago, or worse still in meeting the 
demands of the Germans or the Irish, or one section or another of Republi- 
cans or war Democrats, that such and such an officer should be given promo- 
tion or some special position. It is of course easy for the mugwump or goo- 
goo who has no knowledge whatever of public affmrs to say that Ae proper 
rfifng is to refuse to deal wiA such men or to pay any heed to such coimdera- 

* George Otto Trevelyan, Cavmpore (London, 18155). 

1173 


dons. But in practical life one has to work with the instruments at hand, and 
it is impossible wholly to disregard what have by long usage come to be 
established customs. Lincoln had to face the fact that great bodies of his 
supporters would have been wholly unable to understand him if he had 
refused to treat them with consideration when they wished to discuss such 
questions of patronage. You have your difficulties from men who are thrust 
into positions to which they are not entitled because of their social standing, 
or the social standing of those on whom they are dependent, or with whom 
they are connected. We have our difficulties with men of an entirely differ- 
ent class for whom the demands are made because of the political services 
which they have rendered. I suppose that those suffering from either system 
are tempted at times to think that they would prefer the other. But after all 
the great fact to remember is that really we are both living under free govern- 
ment, and while both of these governments, and the people behind the gov- 
ernments, differ somewhat from one another, they are closer kin than either 
is to any other folk. There are numerous and grave evils incident to free 
government, but after all is said and done I cannot imagine any real man 
being willing to live under any other system. 

There are many perplexing and worrying problems before me here, but 
I am thoroughly enjoying the work in spite of the strain. In foreign affairs 
I have not much to do at present. I am trying to make tropical American 
peoples understand that on the one hand they must behave themselves reason- 
ably well, and that on the other I have not the slightest intention of doing 
anything that is not for their own good. For the moment I have been unable 
to do anything in getting Russia and Japan together. I like the Russian people, 
but I abhor the Russian system of government, and I cannot trust the word 
of those at the head. The Japanese I am inclined to welcome as a valuable 
factor in the civilization of the future. But it is not to be expected that they 
should be free from prejudice against and distrust of the white race. Just at 
present they feel rather puffed up over their strength. Even if they are ulti- 
mately victorious I think it would have paid them better to have made peace 
after Mukden without extorting a money indemnity from the Russians, for 
• a few months war would eat up whatever they woffid get in the end by way 
of indemnity. I so advised them at the time. But they took a different view; 
and from the Russians it was impossible to get a straightforward answer at 
all, and so there is nothing to do but let them work out their own fates, 

I have recently been reading with much interest de La Gorce’s History 
of the Second Empire. I wonder if you will agree with me when I say that 
it seems to me that the England of Palmerston and Russell, like the United 
States of today, is too apt to indulge in representations on behalf of weak 
peoples which do them no good and irritate the strong and tyrannical peoples 
to whom the protest is made. It seems to me that the protest on behalf of the 
Poles to Russia in ’63, and the protest on behalf of the Danes to Germany 
about the same time, were harmful rather than beneficial. Out in the west we 


1174 


always used to consider it a cardinal crime to draw a revolver and brandish 
it about unless the man meant to shoot. And it is apt to turn out sheer cruelty 
to encourage men by words and then not back up the words by deeds. I am 
all the time being asked to say something on behalf of the Jews in Russia, 
of the Armenians in Turkey, of the people of the Congo Free State, etc., 
etc. It does not do always to refuse. England rendered a real and great sertdce 
to Italy by her sympathy and championship, for instance. But it certainly 
does harm to be always harping on the sjunpathy which finds expression only 
in words. I think that by speaking, though very gently and cautiously, for 
the Jews in Russia we were able to accomplish a little, a very little, toward 
temporarily ameliorating their conditions. As for the Armenians in Turkey, 
if I could get this people to back me I really think I should be tempted to 
go into a crusade against the Turk. But as this is of course a sheer impossi- 
bility I simply dare not give expression to my sympathy and indignation, lest 
harm and not good should result. 

Moreover, I have plenty of evils to fight here at home, e\nls connected 
with race prejudice, especially against the negro, evils connected with the 
tyranny of corporations and the t\"ranny of the labor unions. Corporations 
are indispensable and I believe in labor unions; but both are potent weapons 
for evil, when under the control of unscrupulous men. However, this letter 
has run to a dreadful length already; as you won’t come to tiiis side of the 
water, when I am through being President I shall have to come to your side 
of the water, and then there will be many things I shall wish to talk over 
with you and tell you about. 

Lady Trevelyan will be pleased to know that John Hay is better. He 
writes me rather gloomily but I have every confidence that I shall have him 
back in the State Department soon. I wish you knew' Taft, w'hom I have had 
acting as Secretary of State as well as Secretary of War in Hay’s absence. 
He was Governor General of the Philippines. He is the man throt^h whom 
I have been doing my work about the Panama canal. He has no more fear in 
dealing with the interests of great corporate w'ealth than he has in dealing 
with the leaders of the most powerful labor unions; and if either go wrong 
he has not the slightest hesitation in antagonizing them. To strength and 
courage, clear insight, and practical common sense, he adds a very noble and 
disinterested character. I know you would like him. He helps me in every 
W'ay more than I can say — and so did his predecessor, Elihu Root, whom 
perhaps you met while he was in England on the Alaskan Boundary matter. 
Just at present in addition to helping me in these larger affairs of state, he has 
stood by me like a trump in some horrid matters I have had to deal wdth, in 
which the question of the personal integrity of certain officials became in- 
volved. Of all the hideous tasks which I occasionally have to perform, the 
worst is that of dealii^ with corruption. Most of the men in the government 
service are honest and decent fellows, but now and then I come across cor- 
ruption of an entirely brutal type. The only thing to do is to cut it out, but 


1175 


the process is rarely pleasant. At the moment I have two United States Sena- 
tors under indictment. It is a painful and humiliating thing to see members 
of so great a legislative body guilty of this kind of criminal offense^ but the 
real service to the country consists, not in smothering up the misconduct, 
but in doing everything that can be done to bring the wrongdoers to justice. 

Of course there are always all kinds of worries that cannot be avoided 
under any system of government, and just as the man responsible for the 
government at the moment gets praise to which he is not entitled, so he has 
to accept blame for what is in no way his fault. At the moment, as is usually 
the case at the opening of an administration, I am having at least as much 
praise as is good for me. In a year the inevitable reaction will take place, and 
I fear there will be a certain basis for it in the condition of the revenues and 
expenses. We have a good accumulated surplus; but this year there is a slight 
deficit. If Congress persists in refusing to alter the revenue laws and yet in 
appropriating more money than is yielded by the Treasury receipts we shall 
have serious trouble. Yet I am very doubtful whether we can get Congress 
to realize this, and either cut down everything to the last limit, or provide 
additional revenues. There is no use of the veto on my part w^hich will meet 
the situation; and therefore a year or two hence we are liable to have to face 
either a deficit or the exceptionally difficult task of revising the tariff to 
procure an increase of revenue, with the certainty of causing bitter anger 
and resentment in the different sections of the country. 

With regards to all your family, believe me, Ever faithfully yoim 

3520 • TO CHARLES WILLIAM FULTON RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, May 13, 1905 

My dear Senator Fidton: All I can say is that Mr. Heney has uncovered such 
a dreadful state of affairs in Oregon that I would not be justified in refusing 
to back him in his efforts to bring the offenders to justice. My dear Senator, 
you must excuse my saying that you weaken yourself by what you say on 
behalf of District Attorney Hall. The showing against him was such that on 
that alone I felt that I must back up what Heney said about the Marshal. The 
question of the good taste of certain of A 4 r. Heney’s utterances is of infini- 
tesimal importance compared to the question of doing justice to members of 
a ring whose deeds have shocked the entire country. 

My dear Senator, you have written me very frankly. I shall copy your 
frankness in this closing paragraph. It has been most unfortunate that so 
many of the friends upon whose behalf you have been active should be 
among those whose guilt is clearest and deepest. I entirely appreciate loyalty 
to one’s friends, but loyalty to the cause of justice and honor stands above it. 
I think you are doing yourself an injury by permitting yourself to be made 
at least to seem to stand as the champion of the men who have been engaged 
in this widespread conspiracy to defraud the United States Government and 

1 176 


therefore the public of your own State. You speak of Heney’s desire to in- 
jure the Republican organization. You criticize ver}' captiously what has 
been done and said by all those whose efforts have resulted in the uncovering 
of this great wrong, and of the partial punishment of some of the wrong- 
doers. It is easy to ascribe such motives and to make such criticisms; but what 
is needed now is not the picking of holes in those who are engaged in a great 
work of righteousness, but the stufdy upholding of their hands just so long 
as they are doing this work. I am from my position the leader of the entire 
Republican party throughout the Union, in Oregon just as much as in New 
York; and in Oregon and New York alike I shall count it not an attack upon, 
but a service to, the Republican party if through my agents I can be instru- 
mental in punishing in the severest possible manner any private citizen, and 
especially any public servant, who u’hile claiming to be a member of that 
party has deeply wronged it by wronging the nation which the party was 
created to serve. When the party ceases to serve the nation it will lose its 
reason for existence; and most emphatically I shall never, under any pressure 
or for any reason whatever, permit any alleged considerations of partisan 
expediency to prevent my punishing any wrongdoer, whether he belongs to 
my part}' or to any other. Air. Heney cannot hurt the Republican party, and 
your wrath should be reserved not for him but for those Republicans who 
have betrayed the party by betraying the public service and the cause of 
decent government. It is they who have hurt the party if it is hurt at all; and 
the way to help a party is to show unflinching resolution in cutting out all 
corruption and in pum'shing all those guilty of it. Sincerely yours 

3521 • TO CECIL ARTHUR SPRIKG RICE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 13, 1905 

Dear Cecil: Of course in a way I suppose it is natural that my English friends 
generally, from the King down, should think I was under the influence of 
the Kaiser, but you ought to know better, old man. There is much that I 
admire about the Kaiser and there is more that I admire about the German 
people. But the German people are too completely under his rule for me to 
be able to disassociate them from him, and he himself is altogether too jumpy, 
too volatile in his policies, too lacking in the power of continuous and sus- 
tained thought and action for me to feel that he is in any way such a man 
as for instance Taft or Root. You might as well talk of my being under the 
influence of .... I very sincerely wish I could get England and Germany 
into friendly relations. While my business is to look primarily after the inter- 
ests of my own country, I feel that I help this country instead of hurting it 
when I try to benefit other countries. I do not intend for a moment to be 
improperly meek about it. I have steadfastly preached a big navy, and I have 
with equid steadfastness seen, that our navy is practiced until I have reason 
to, believe that ship for ship it is as efficient as any. I do not believe that as 


1177 


things are now in the world any nation can rely upon inoffensiveness for 
safety. Neither do I believe that it can rely upon alliance with any other 
nation for safety. My object is to keep America in trim so that fighting her 
shall be too expensive and dangerous a task to likely be undertaken by any- 
body; and I shall try at the same time to make her act in a spirit of justice 
and good will toward others, as will prevent anyone taking such a risk 
lightly, and will, if possible, help a little toward a general attitude of peace- 
fulness and righteousness in the world at large. I have tried to behave in this 
way toward England primarily, and also toward France and Germany and 
toward Japan. As for Russia, I like the Russian people and earnestly hope for 
their future welfare, but I agree with all you say as to the Russian system of 
government, I loathe it. 

Now in treating with the Kaiser I have simply applied in his special case 
my general rules. In one of your last letters you speak of the German army 
as being a bulwark for civilization against disorder in view of the breakup 
in Russian affairs. I doubt if I really have as strong a feeling for Germany 
as this that you thus by implication express. I wish her well. I wish the 
Kaiser well. I should never dream of counting on his friendship for this coun- 
try. He respects us because he thinks that for a sufiicient object and on our 
own terms we would fight, and that we have a pretty good navy with which 
to fight. I shall hope that on these terms I can keep the respect not merely of 
Berlin, but of St. Petersburg and Tokyo both. I know that except on these 
terms the respect of any one of the three cannot be kept. But by combining 
a real friendUncss of attitude with ability to hold our own in the event of 
trouble coming, I shall hope to keep on good terms with all, and to lend 
some assistance to Japan in the present war in wliich I think she is right. The 
Kaiser has so far acted with me in the far East. I do not for one moment 
believe that he has any long-settled and well-thought-out plans of attack 
upon England, such as Bismarck developed, first as regards Austria, and then 
as regards France. He is, and I think your people ought to be able to see it, 
altogether too jumpy and too erratic to think out and carry out any such 
policy. If England ever has trouble with Germany I think it will come from 
some um'easoning panic which will inspire each to attack the other for fear 
of being attacked itself. I get exasperated with the Kaiser because of his sud- 
den vagaries like this Morocco policy, or like his speech about the yellow 
peril the other day, a speech worthy of any fool congressman; and I cannot 
of course follow or take too seriously a man whose policy is one of such 
violent and often wholly irrational zigzags. But I don’t see why you should 
be afraid of him. You have told me that he would like to make a continental 
coalition against England. He may now and then have dreamed of such a 
coalition; and only last December your people were fully convinced he in- 
tended to make immediate war on them. But it is perfectly obvious that he 
had no such thought, or he would never have mortally insulted France by 
his attitude about Morocco. If the Kaiser ever causes trouble it will be from 


1178 


jumpiness and not because of long-thought-out and deliberate purpose. In 
other words he is much more apt to be exasperating and unpleasant than a 
dangerous neighbor. I have been reading de La Gorce’s Histoire du Second 
Empire, and I can imagine no greater contrast than that offered by Bis- 
marck’s policy from ’63 to ’7 1, with that of the Kaiser during the last eight 
years, the only ones in which I have watched him closely. 

To turn to matters of more immediate importance, I am of course watch- 
ing to see what the Russian and Japanese fleets will do in eastern waters. 
France has obligingly given the Russians a base, but she may have to take 
it away from them. The Russian fleet is materially somewhat stronger than 
the Japanese. My own belief is that the Japanese superioritt* in morale and 
training will more than offset this. But I am not sure, and I wish that peace 
would come. Personally I wish that Japan had made peace on the conditions 
she originally thought of after Mukden was fought; as I pointed out to her 
Government, a few months’ extra war w'ould eat up all the indemnity she 
could possibly expect Russia to pay. Just at the moment Russia is riding a 
high horse and will not talk peace. However, by the time you receive this 
letter all of what I have said may be an old story. I hope you like Meyer. 

Give my love to Mrs. Springy. Ever yours 


3522 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevelt MsS, 

Washington, May 15, 1905 

Dear Cabot: The trip was a success in every way. I killed three good, big 
bears; and in Oklahoma, saw the worry of eleven coyotes. I think you would 
have enjoyed the coyote hunting, for the breakneck gallops of from one to 
ten miles were great sport. The bear hunting you would have cared less for. 
I did good shooting, but there was not much credit in it, as all the shots were 
easy, except one. 

In Kentucky and Texas, as you know, I was received with wild enthusi- 
asm, and when I came out I had the same reception in Colorado and on the 
way home. When I came to Chicago I found a very ugly strike, on account 
of which some of my nervous friends wished me to try to avoid the city. Of 
course I hadn’t the shghtest intention of doing so. I get very much puzzled at 
times on questions of finance and the tariff, but when it comes to such a per- 
fectly simple matter as keeping order, then you strike my long suit. The 
strikers were foolish enoi^h to come to me on their own initiative and make 
me an address in which they quoted that fine flower of Massachusetts states- 
manship, the lamented Benjamin F. Butler, who had told rioters at one time, 
as it appeared, that they need have no fear of the United States army, as they 
had torches and arms. This gave me a good opening, and while perfectly 
polite, I used language so simple that they could not misunderstand it; and 
repeated the same with amplifications at the dinner that night. So if the riot- 


1179 


ing in Chicago gets be\^ond the control of the State and City, they now know 
well that the regulars will come. 

There were several ugly questions awaiting me here. The one which 
puzzled me most, that about Morton, I will tell you about in detail when we 
meet.^ The Loomis-Bowen incident, I am happy to say, bids fair to terminate 
in favor of Loomis, in which case I shall probably have to turn Bowen out of 
the service. 

In foreign affairs it is evident that Japan is now anxious to have me try 
to make peace. Just as Russia suffered from cockiness, and has good cause 
to rue her refusal to take my advice and make peace after Port Arthur fell, 
so Japan made an error in becoming overelated in turn after Mukden and 
then rejecting my advise to make peace. Takahira, and I think the Japanese 
Foreign Office, agreed with my position, but the wzr party, including the 
army and the navy, insisted upon an indemnity and cession of territory, and 
rather than accept such terms the Russians preferred to have another try 
with Rojestvensky’s fleet. I told the Japanese that if there was any reasonable 
doubt, even if not a very great doubt, as to the final result, it was in my 
judgment wise to build a bridge of gold for the beaten enemy. They then 
refused to accept my view. Now they have come around to it, being evi- 
dently much disturbed by the presence of Rojestvensky’s fleet, which in 
materiel is somewhat superior to theirs. For all their courage they are cau- 
tious, and I think they understand what I meant when I told them though I 
believed the chances at least two to one in their favor, yet that inasmuch as 
this meant that there was one chance in three or four that they would be 
beaten, and therefore crushed to earth, it would pay them to secure the fruits 
of victory without pressing their opponents to despair. 

Meanwhile, I am utterly disgusted at the manifestations which have begun 
to appear on the Pacific slope in favor of excluding the Japanese exactly as 
the Chinese are excluded. The California State Legislature and various other 
bodies have acted in the worst possible taste and in the most offensive manner 
to Japan. Yet the Senators and Congressmen from these very states were luke- 
warm about the navy last year. It gives me a feeling of contempt and disgust 

* While Morton was second vice-president of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe, 
the railroad’s traffic manager, nominally under his control, violated the law and 
defied a specific injunction by granting rebates to the Colorado Fuel and Iron Com- 
pany. These violations were publicly exposed in December 1904. In February 1905, 
the LC.C. asked the Attorney General to discover whether there was a basis for 
prosecution. Moody, with Roosevelt’s endorsement (see No. 3565), reported that 
Morton was not personally guilty. In the meantime, however, the public reaction to 
the disclosures convinced Morton that he should resign. Roosevelt repeatedly stated 
in his correspondence his conviction that Morton was innocent. He had long known 
the latter’s opinion, frequently stated publicly, that only legalized pooling would 
effectively prevent rebating. Morton had told Roosevelt before accepting office 
“that he, like every one else, had been guilty in the matter” (Roosevelt, Autobiog- 
raphy ^ Nat. Ed. jbe, 425). But in the Colorado Fuel case Morton had, in fact, 
explicitly directed his subordinate to abide by the Elkins Act, which he, with many 
rafiroad executives, had strongly favored. 

1180 


to see them challenge Japanese hostility and justify by their actions any " 
ing the Japanese might have against us, while at the same time refusing to ta e 
steps to defend themselves against the formidable foe whom they are ready 
with such careless insolence to antagonize. How people can act in this way 
with the Russo-Japanese war going on before their eyes I cannot understan . 

I do all I can to counteract the effects, but I cannot accomplish everything. 

Gussie comes down this week with a delegation of Gloucester men to go 
over what the Newfoundlanders are doing. I shall have Moody present. It was 
a mighty unfortunate thing that we ever undertook to negotiate those treaties 
at all, and we are all of us to be blamed for having gone into the matter, for as 
it has turned out, there was not the slightest chance of making any treaty 
which Newfoundland would be willing ev'en to consider; and inasmuch ^ 
our fisherfolk conduct their fisheries under circumstances which give t e 
Newfoundlanders and Canadians a chance to harass them, it was obvious y 
unwise to undertake a negotiation w’hich our owm people would insist upon 
having carried on in a way that inevitably inflamed and exasperated the other 

However, W'hen I read such a speech as the last utterance of the Kaiser, 
in which he contrived in the same sentence deeply to w’ound Russia and to 
awaken in Japan the liveliest suspicion and hostility, I feel that democratic 
republics are not the only states guilty of shortcomings. Upon my word, 1 
don’t know a Congressman who could be guilty of quite such folly. It always 
amuses me to find that the English think that I am under the influence of tte 
Kaiser. The heavy-witted creatures do not understand that nothing woifld 
persuade me to follow the lead of or enter into close alliance with a man who 
is so jumpy, so little capable of continuity of action, and therefore, so httie 
capable of being loyal to his friends or steadfastly hostile to an enemy. 
Undoubtedly with Russia weakened Germany feels it can be faurly insolent 
within the borders of Europe. I intend to do my best to keep on good terms 
wdth Germany, as with all other nations, and so far as I can to keep them on 
good terms with one another; and I shall be friendly to the Kaiser as am 
friendly to everyone. But as for his having any special influence with me, the 

thought is absurd, . 

We shall have a deficit. We have sufficient accumulated surplus to stand 
a couple of years more deficit. But we cannot in my judgment make a material 
cut in expenditures, and if our income does not increase of its own accord we 
shall have to either take up the tariff or impose one or two taxes, such as that 

on bank checks, and especially that on beer. 

Our Santo Domingo solution has worked so well that the public is now 
paying no heed to the matter whatever. I have eveiy reason to beheve we 
have got a good working system in Panama. We shall have ttouble over ffie 
intersmte commerce or rate bill, but I think we shall pass it. Taft has been the 

^""^Sve m^w'iS We to Nannie. I am thoroughly enjoying the beautiM 

iiSi 


spring weather. Edith and I had a long ride today. Tomorrow I play tennis 
with Ted and a couple of his friends. The countr)’’ is at its best and the 
weather lovely, though a little hot. Ever yours 


3523 ' TO FRANCIS GREENWOOD PEABODY RoOSevelt MsS, 

Washington, Aday 15, 1905 

Aly dear Mr. Peabody:^ I am greatly interested in the academic interchange 
which has been arranged between my own university of Harvard and the 
University of Berlin. The enterprise seems to me of importance, alike from 
the history of collegiate development and from the standpoint of furthering 
good relations between the two countries. I take a very keen personal interest 
in the undertaking and deeply appreciate the generosity and sympathy with 
W'hich the German Government has entered into the plan. I not only hope but 
believe that the interchange will be fruitful and continuous and both of direct 
and indirect advantage to the peoples of the two countries.^ Sincerely yours 


3524 • TO KOGORO TAKAHIRA RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 17, 1905 

jVIy dear Mr. Takahira: Last night the German Ambassador showed me a 
telegram from the Emperor branding as false and infamous the report that 
he had made a speech in which he referred to Japan as “the yellow peril,” and 
so forth. I told the Ambassador that I should at once inform you. 

I also told the Ambassador that I was gravely concerned at the news which 
had reached me through our own consul and through the Japanese Legation 
of a seeming seizure of new Chinese territory by the marines from a German 
w^arship. He assured me that such action was impossible, and that the Ger- 
man Government intended to adhere rigidly to its engagement not to take any 
new Chinese territory. Sincerely yours 


3525 • TO ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Washington, May 17, 1905 

The Secretary of the Interior. In view of the need for the fullest co-operation 
between the Departments of the Interior and of Agriculture in their respec- 
tive powers and duties over forest reserves and forest reserve lands, I have 
just written to the Secretary of Agriculture as follows: 

^ Francis Greenwood Peabody, theologian and author, dean of the Harvard Divinity 
School, 1901-1905; Plummer Professor of Qiristian Morals, 1886-1913, 

* In 1905 Harvard and the University of Berlin j&rst interchanged professors for half 
of the academic year. Professor Francis Peabody was chosen from Harvard; Dr. 
Wilhelm Ostwald from Berlin. 


1182 


I would like to have you return findings of fact in all cases referred to you by 
the Secretary of the Interior and take prompt action in all cases of claims or con- 
tests with regard to land within forest reserves. Please do not fail to report to the 
Secretary of the Interior evert" action taken in your Department which affects 
him in the administration of the public lands. The situation calls for the fullest 
co-operation between your Departments in your respective powers and duties over 
forest reser\"es and forest reserve lands. 

In deciding any question relating to rights of way or other similar matters 
within forest reserves, I shall be glad if you will refer to the Secretary of 
Agriculture all questions of fact, and accept his findings with regard to such 
facts. The Secretary of Agriculture has special facilities for getting at the real 
situation on the ground as to settlement, etc., in the forest reserves. Therefore 
I wish you would also have the local land officers refer all claims, applications 
for mineral entry, and final proofs for land within forest reserves to you be- 
fore taking any action which could give the applicant disposable title to the 
land, in order that you may give the Secretary of Agriculture the opportunity 
of presenting to you any facts or arguments bearing upon them. All valid 
claims affecting forest reserve land must of course be allowed when properly 
proven, but full force should be given to the testimony and arguments of the 
Secretary of Agriculture, who, as the direct administrative officer of the 
reserves, will be seriously affected by your decision. 

I am asking the Secretary of Agriculture to use special care to report to 
you any action taken in his Department affecting you in the adminfetration of 
the public lands, and I need not ask you to follow the same course in what- 
ever relates to forest reserves.^ 

^In February 1905, the administration of the forest reserves, except for surveying 
and patenting of lands, was consolidated in the Department of Agriculture under 
Gifford Pinchot. Before 1905 authority over the reserves had been divided between 
the Interior and Agriculture departments. Pinchot, with Hitchcock’s support, be^n 
in 1901 to fight for reorganization of the forestry sen^ice, and Roosevelt, agreeing 
with Pinchot, repeatedly asked Congress in his annual messages to consider the 
matter. The President had explained to Pinchot, however, that he would not attempt 
to force the plan until he could depend on western support (Roosevelt to Pinchot, 
September ii, 1903, Roosevelt Mss.), In 1902 this support was clearly lacking when 
a bill introduced by Representative Lacey and authorizing the consolidation was 
defeated by a western bloc w’ho wanted “no buffalo pastures and hunting preserv’es 
for rich Easterners.” 

Failing to gain direct Congressional action, Pinchot next tried to awaken public 
interest in his forestry program through other channels. As a member of the Com- 
nuttee on the Organization of Government Scientific Work and the Public Lands 
Commission, appointed by Roosevelt in 1903, Pinchot stressed the inability of the 
General Land Office to control forest reserve administration* He was aided by the 
simultaneous prosecution of land-fraud cases in Oregon, incriminating many land 
offce off dais. 

As a final effort to gain public and congressional support for consolidation of 
the service, Pinchot organized a meeting of the American Forest Congress in Wash- 
ington in January 190^. At that meeting representatives of Western lumber, rail- 
road, and livestock interests, as well as spokesmen for the small cattleman or farmer, 
agreed that Pinchot’s “practical forestry” was to their benefit, and Congress subse- 
quently enacted tlte consolidation. 



3526 • TO WILLIAM WOOD'VTLLE KOCKHILL RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 18, 1905 

My dear Mr. Rockhill: I think I have found out the origin of the belief in part 
at least that you were not friendly to the missionaries. It is said that at the time 
of the trouble in China you appointed a day for the claimants to call upon you 
and made it Sunday. This of course barred out all the Protestant missionaries, 
and in their eyes it seemed as if the day were appointed for the special object 
of barring them out; or at least the appointing of such a day showed a lack 
of sympathy with or comprehension of their attitude. Of course in any 
ojKcial business do not have it take place on Sunday unless it is an absolute 
necessity. 

I have told the representatives of the missionaries here that they could 
count upon your absolute friendliness and kindliness of attitude toward them. 
Of course it is unnecessary for me to say that I am more than anxious that the 
missionaries should feel that in you they have a constant and considerate 
friend and that you will keep as closely in touch with them as possible. 

Now, for another matter. I have been interested to learn from various 
sources, including the Chinese Minister here, that China is not anxious to see 
the Japanese win an overwhelming victory because China is rather afraid of 
the Japanese. I have been told that just as the Japanese who study civil and 
military affairs abroad come home bent upon using that knowledge in the 
interests of Japan as against any foreign nation, so the Chinese students who 
study military affairs under Japanese instructors have no intention whatever 
of becoming mere followers of Japan, but intend to use the knowledge they 
gain from the Japanese for the interest of China as against Japan or any other 
power. Do let me know about all this. I am trying in every way to make 
things easy for the Chinese here. Chinese laborers must be kept out of this 
country, but I want to secure the best possible treatment for Chinese business- 
men, students and travelers.^ 

With regards to Mrs. Rockhill, and best wishes, believe me, Sincerely 
yours 

For discussions of the consolidation of the forest service, see Gifford Pinchot, 
Breaking Nenv Ground (New York, 1947), pp. X92-203, 235-250, 254-262; Ise, Forest 
FoUcy^ pp. 155-158. 

^Roosevelt was panicukriy concerned with the treatment of Chinese merchants 
and students by American immigration officials because of the growing Chinese 
resentment against American practices. This resentment had provoked anti-American 
riots, a boycott on American goods, and the Chinese decision to cancel the Hankow- 
Canton Raikoad concession. 


3527 * TO NO SHIRT 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, May 18, 1905 

My Friend: I received from the hands of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
the book that was sent to me through you, showing photographic scenes in 
the country inhabited by the Umatilla tribe. The Commissioner also delivered 
to me your letter, in which you tell me of some of the things that are trou- 
bling you. 

It is true, as you say, that the earth is occupied by the white people and 
the red people; that, if the red people would prosper, they must follow the 
mode of life which has made the white people so strong; and that it is only 
right that the white people should show the red people what to do and how 
to live right. It is for that reason, because I wish to be as much a father to the 
red people as to the white, that I have placed in charge of the Indian Office 
a Commissioner in whom I have confidence, knowing him to be a strong 
friend of the red people and anxious to help them in every way. 

But I am sorry to learn that when you sent the Commissioner word that 
you wished to come to Washington and he sent you a message not to come 
then but to send your complaints in writing, you followed your own will, 
like a headstrong child, instead of doing what the Commissioner advised. 
That is not the way to get along nicely in your new mode of life, and is not 
a good example to set to your people. You see, also, what the result was: you 
traveled three thousand miles across the country, at considerable expense, to 
see me, and then had to go back without seeing me. If you had done what the 
Commissioner wished you to, you would have avoided all this. I hope that 
you and your people will lay tWs lesson to heart for the future. 

Now, as to the things which are troubling you: I think a good many of 
these are due more to misunderstanding than to anything eke. When a part 
of your reservation was ceded by you to the Government, this land was 
offered for sale to white settlers, and the Government was to take out of the 
money received for the lands enough to repay itself for the cost of lajdng out 
the plans and conducting the sales. It rakes time to sell land, and the law al- 
lows the settlers a good while to complete their purchases; but there is a fair 
balance now accumulated in the Treasury to the credit of your people, and 
I will talk with my advisers and see whether it will not be well to give you 
another per capita payment pretty soon. But I think you are mistaken al^ut 
any promise to you of $25 every year to every Indian. Nobody would have 
had a right to promise you this. What the Government people probably told 
you was that they would try to fix it that way; but of course no one could 
foresee how fast the lands were going to sell, or how much money was com- 
ing in for them, or when. 

You must have misunderstood, also, what the Government told you when 
you were at Washington a few years ago. No one could have told you that 
you wdre “to live your way for about 25 years,” and that “after that 25 years 

1185 


is up we will make a new treaty.” I dare say that what you have in your 
mind was some statement about your patents. When you took your Allot- 
ments, the patents issued for them were trust patents, the trust continuing for 
25 years. That is, the Government keeps its hand on your land for 25 years 
and does not let anyone tax it or lay any judgment upon it, and at the same 
time does not let you sell it or mortgage it. This is done, as you know, for 
your protection, and in order to give you 25 years in which to prepare your- 
selves for the day w’hen the Government will lift its hand off your land and 
let you do with it what you please, just as the white man does with his land. 
In some cases, possibly, the Government may think it best to continue keep- 
ing its hand on the Indians’ land for a while longer; but it does not wish to 
do this generally, because if they are always treated like children the Indians 
will never learn to take care of themselves; and it is my hope that the Uma- 
tillas will try to learn wise ways of living, so that, when the 25 years of their 
trust patents expire, they will be able to stand on their feet and support them- 
selves without looking to the Government for everything. 

This brings me to another point in your letter, where you give your rea- 
son for wishing your leases to be so arranged that you will have two payments 
every year instead of one. You say: “I have to have money to make my living 
. . . and of course I w’ant my money whenever I need it.” I suppose you real- 
ize that you will get only the same amount of money, whether you get it in 
one payment or in two. In other words, if a white lessee is going to give you 
$ioo a year for the use of a piece of land, he will either give you the whole 
$100 in one payment or only $50 if he malces two payments. Now, if your 
lessee pays you | too all at one time, it is not necessary that you should spend 
it all at one time; you can just as well spend $50 of it and keep the other $50 
for six months, if that is what you wish to do. If he pays you only $50 at one 
time, the other I50 remains in his pocket till the next payment: surely, it 
ought to be just as safe in your pocket as in his. Besides, the lesson in saving 
would be of great value to you. No matter how much the Government or 
the white people do for the Indian, he will always remain poor if he foolishly 
spends his money just as fast as he gets it. The white man grows rich by 
learning to spend only part of his money and lay the other part aside till it is 
absolutely necessary to use it. Then he finds that he can be just as happy and 
do without a great many things which formerly he supposed he absolutely 
must have. 

I am very sorry that the leasing arrangements generally seem so tmsatis- 
factory to you, but you must remember that the Indians, rather than the 
Government, are to blame for that. The chief reason why the arrangements 
are so confused now is that the Indians went ahead for a time and made in- 
formal contracts without the Government’s approval, and got their affairs 
into a very bad tangle. It will take some time to straighten this out, and mean- 
while you will have to be patient. But, when everything is set right, there are 
certain things the Government intends to do. For one thing, it does not wish 


T rfi/t 



any Indian to lease his whole allotment if he is strong and able to work, un- 
less he is engaged in some occupation by which he is earning a living for 
himself and his family; but he must reserve at least 40 acres for his own use 
and cultivation. Children, women and old men, who cannot take care of any 
of their own land, will be allowed to lease. Indians, however, who wish to 
lease their lands only for the purpose of shirking work, will not be permitted 
to do so. I wish you to tell this to your people very plainly, and say to them 
that the President intends to support the Commissioner in every way in in- 
sisting that able-bodied Indians shall earn their own Ii%'ii^, just as able-bodied 
white men do. 

You quote the Superintendent as saying, in regard to the lands of dead 
Indians: 

“I will lease out them land to some white mens myself, and I will do with 
that money just what I feel like.” 

The Superintendent is not authorized to lease the lands of deceased Indi- 
ans; such lands can be leased only by the heirs of the deceased allottees. I can 
hardly believe, therefore, that the Superintendent made such a statement, 
knowing that he would not be allowed to carry it out. I should prefer to be- 
lieve that you misunderstood him; but the Commissioner will have that mat- 
ter inquired into. The land of any Indian who dies passes to his heirs, and 
may be leased only by them, or for them if they are incapable of doing busi- 
ness for themselves. The difSeulty always is, to know who the heirs are. Here 
is where the courts come in. When an Indian takes an allotment he becomes a 
citizen, and then he passes under the laws of the State of Oregon in all th&e 
matters of inheritance. As far as possible, it is my desire that the Superin- 
tendent shall find out, and report to the Indian Office, who the heirs are; but 
sometimes this cannot be done, and usually because of the mixed up marriage 
relations which the Indians themselves voluntarily continue. Under the Ore- 
gon law, for instance, a man may have only one wife at a time, and she 
must be married to him for life or until legally divorced. If a husband and 
wife live thus decently together and have children, it is perfectly ea^ to 
know' who are their heirs; but if they separate and go off and find other mates, 
and live with them without marriage, and have children by them, this con- 
fuses the whole matter so that it is often impossible to say who will inherit 
under the law. Whenever, for this cause or any other there is doubt about 
an heirship, it is necessary to carry the matter into court and have it decided 
as white people do in such cases. This is tedious and expensive, and should be 
avoided whenever it can be without diminishing the protection to liie Indians’ 
property; but die whole object of court proceedings is to have disputes so 
settled that they cannot be tom open again by anybody. 

Finally, I note that you say that certain Indians fenced 400 or 500 acres 
of land each for pastures, and then rented the land to white cattlemen, and 
that some white men went to work and made a big pasture, 500 acres or more, 
and paid much money to the Indians. 


Under the Act providing for allotments to the Umatilla Indians and the 
reduction of their reservation, a suflScient quantity of land was set aside for 
the use of the Indians in common as grazing lands. The Indian Office has held 
that no Indians on the reservation had the right to fence the unallotted land 
for grazing purposes, thereby taking in the available springs and water suit- 
able for the stock. In October, 1904, the special Indian Agent who was then 
in charge of the Umatilla Agency was instructed to call the attention of of- 
fenders to this provision of the Umatilla Act, and to point out to them that 
they were doing the other Indians of the reservation an injustice, in addition 
to violating the law. It was suggested that he call them together in council 
and request them to remove the fences complained of, and that, if tiiey failed 
or refused to remove the fences, he should remove them from the springs and 
elsewhere on the unallotted lands so as to give the use of the same in common 
to all the Indians. The Indian Office has no knowledge that any of these lands, 
or other lands held in common by the Indians, have been leased to white men 
for pasturage, or that white men have cattle upon the reservation. 

Now, my friend, I hope that you will lay what I have said to heart. Try 
to set your people a good example of upright and industrious life, patience 
under difficulties, and respect for the authority of the officers I have ap- 
pointed to care for your affairs. If you try as hard to help them as you do to 
find something in their conduct to censure, you will be surprised to discover 
how much real satisfaction life holds in store for you. 

Wishing you and your people every good gift, and with a desire to give 
you all the aid I can to become worthy citizens of the United States, I am, 
Your friend 

3528 • TO CHARLES HENRY BRENT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 19, 1905 

My dear Bishop Brent: Secretary Taft has sent me your admirable article^ in 
answer to Foreman® and Ireland. I am as pleased as I can be with it. Foreman 
is an infernal liar. You have dealt wilii him as he deserves, aU the more effec- 
tively because you have shown such good temper. Ireland is a good fellow 
who thinks that he knows it all, and accepts the English attitude as offering 
the standard by which everything must be tried. He was here at lunch and 
is evidently simply unable to understand that intelligent men can earnestly 
hope, as I hope, that we may so educate the Filipino that he can stand alone 

’Charles H. Brent, “Religicms Conditions in the Philippine Islands,” Missionary 
Review of the World, 28:49-56 (January 1905). In tins article Bishop Brent ex- 
pressed a S3nnpathetic attitude toward the Aglipay movement. 

’John Foreman, author of The FHlippme Islands (London, 1890), and “The Ameri-, 
cans in the Philippines,” Contemporary Review, 86:392^4 (September 1904). Fore- 
man in this article diared the view of many Catholic priests in the Philippines that 
Americans there, in their professional and personal dealings, were corrupting the 
Filipinos. These “sweeping statements .... about the worthlessness of Americans” 
Brent had vigorous^ denied. 


1188 


as Cuba does. I cannot express this hope too vividly in public, as it would be 
sure to be held to apply to the present decade, whereas it may not apply for 
a century to come. 

It is unnecessarj- to say that instead of objecting to I welcome criticism 
such as yours, which is directed to doing good, not merely to cause unpleas- 
ant feelings. 

With all good wishes, believe me, Sincerely yours 


3529 ' TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, May 22, 1905 

Dear George: Both of your letters were very interesting.^ It is perfectly hope- 
less to try to bring about a better understanding between England and Ger- 
many. I attempted it in vain. 

As for peace, I also consider that out of the question for the time being. 
The parties are very far apart both in their estimates of the chances of war 
and as to what should be done at the end of the war. Sincerely yowrs 

3530 • TO THOMAS MAC DONALD PATTERSON RoOSeVClt MsS, 

Personal Washington, May 24, 1905 

My dear Senator: Those are most interesting letters; but I cannot help feel- 
ing, in spite of the apparent progress made by the railroads in the fight against 
governmental regulation of the rate-making pow’er, that we shall win out all 
right.^ Did you see how straight ex-Senator Cockrell stood in his statement 
before the Senate Committee? ^ He is a trump! Sincerely yowrs 

^ See Meyer to Roosevelt, April 13, 1905, Pringle, Roosevelt j p. 381; Meyer to Roose- 
velt, May 5, 1905, Howe, Meyer, pp. 149-151, 

*The railroad campaign against Roosevelt’s rate plan had intensified during the 
hearings of the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce which had closed on 
May 23. Encouraged by Chairman Elkins and other sympathetic senators, railroad 
executives, with few exceptions, used the hearings as a sounding board for opposi- 
tion. Outside of the Senate committee room the railroads undervTote an expensive 
publicity campaign in which various business organizations, including the National 
Association of Manufacturers, had come to their aid. 

Yet Roosevelt had reason for his measured optimism. Perhaps he suspected that 
the railroads would, as they did, overreach themselves. Surely he had confidence 
that his continual speeches and those of Taft and his other advisers would counteract 
the railroad propaganda. To a larger degree than his corregaondence suggests, he 
was giving the rate problem his attention, not only on the platform but also in his 
careml political negotiation. One example of this negotiation will suffice. Earlier in 
May the President had endorsed an order of the Isthmian Canal Commission provid- 
ing for the purchase of supplies and equipment in the cheapest market. Standpatters 
on the tariff, particularly Gannon, Gros\"enor, and Dakell, mteipreted this action as 
preliminary to an attempt at tariff revision. A modification or the order relieved 
their fears, but not before Roosevelt had effectively reminded them of the working 
agreement of the previous winter on the tariff and railroad rates; see Appendix L 
•Cockrell on May 22 had stated the opinion which Roosevelt and Taft, in their 
speeches in 1905, also expressed on rate regulation; *1 would delegate to the Com- 

1189 



353 ^ ‘TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Washington, May 24, 1905 

Bemr John: I hated to have you send the cable, but there was no alternative. 
The Kaiser had made the personal request that he should see you. I told 
Speck that you were seeing no one, were not to see anyone, and that I did 
not thinlc you could see the Kaiser; but I received another request, the Kaiser 
being insistent and saying how important it was for him to see you. I made 
up my mind that if you did not see him, and saw Delcasse^ and Lansdowne, 
nothing would ever get his wretched feeUngs straight. 

Bowen is more kinds of a bumptious ass than any man who has recently 
come within the sphere of my acquaintance. He is in addition a thoroughly 
disloyal and treacherous ass — quite as treacherous as Wayne MacVeagh, for 
instance, who has just been trying to interfere by the most offensive notes 
and suggestions to Taft, Bowen wrote a letter to Taft which was in effect 
an impeachment of your and my willingness to investigate Loomis, and a re- 
quest that Taft to save his own reputation should do what we had neglected 
to have done. He charges Loomis with all kinds of iniquities, including a tele- 
gram signed by Loomis but prepared by you and Penfield last winter in 
reference to the asphalt business, including also the appointment of Buchanan 
to Panama — which for some reason he claims is discreditable and due to 
intrigue by Loomis. He admits that he gave the newspapers information on 
the subject. So far all his charges have broken down, but he has made a de- 
mand to have Russell examined. Now we shall have to wait until Russell gets 
to the United States. I hope to finish up the business before you get home; 
and even if you get home first I think I shall keep the matter in my own 
hands, and without consulting you put it through. It looks as if Bowen would 
have to be dismissed anyhow. Loomis will, I think, be cleared; but of course 
the infamy of such a course as Bowen has taken is that it will leave many 
people with doubts in their minds about Loomis. Always yours 

3532 • TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 24, 1905 

My dear Qeorge: I hope you had good luck in your cock-of-the-woods 
shooting. I had a most interestmg experience both in wolf hunting and in 

mission the power to regulate the rates fixed and declared by the railroad com- 
panies under the provisions of the existing law and to decide whether the rates 
prescribed by the railroads were reasonable and just or unreasonable and unjust, 
and to decide after complaint and investigation what was a reasonable and just rate 
in that case.” Cockrell argued that the commission’s rulings should take effect im- 
mediately and remain in effect while subject to court review. In cases where the 
court overruled the LC.C., the commission, Cockrell held, should have the authority 
to re-examine the issue and readjust the rate. 

^Th^ophile Delcasse, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1898-1905. 

1 190 


bear hunting. The greyhounds got twelve of the former, and I shot three of 
the latter. There was, however, no prowess whatever needed on my part. The 
whole work was done by the hounds in each case, except that at one bear I 
made a pretty good shot just at the right time. 

I can hardly imagine the Russians being able to make headway this sum- 
mer against the Japanese on land in Manchuria, and if the Japs get the rail- 
road, and especially if they take Harbin, I suppose they will invest Vladi- 
vostok. At sea the Russians are certainly now superior materially to die 
Japanese, and though I think the personnel of the Japs better yet at sea they 
have not made anything like as good a showing as they have on land. I think 
the chances favor them, but I think there is also a chance — perhaps one in 
three — that they will meet with disaster. They are, however, perfectly confi- 
dent. They were at first I think a good deal upset by Rojestvensky’s appear- 
ance and regretted that they had not made peace after Mukden; but they have 
now recovered their tone and give no hint that they would abate their terms 
of peace, which terras, including as they do an indemnity and cession of terri- 
tory, I would not if I were a Russian accept. The Russians on the other hand 
are very much elated and will advance nothing in the way of terms which 
the Japanese would even consider. So I guess that there is nothing to do but 
to watch them fight it out. I have no idea whether Togo intends to force a 
fight or to avoid action, trusting that a favorable opportunity for an attack 
on Rojestvensky’s ships may occur later, and that meanwhile the Japanese 
army may make progress. Faithfully yoms 

3533 - TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, May 24, 1905 

Dear Cabot: I have just received your second letter, in which Edith and I 
were of course equdly interested. George Meyer is doing excellently and 
giving me just the information I want. I can hardly believe that McCormick 
is under illusions as to his probable stay, for I wrote him that I expected to 
change him in a year or two. My belief is that Moody would like to stay in 
until July i, 1906, upon which date I would make the change. 

Things on the whole are going on smoothly here, but I encounter serious 
difficulties. The Loomis-Bowen affair is most irritating. From all that appears, 
Loomis was entirely straight but he was certainly indiscreet and did things 
which enabled Bowen and the others to make an attack upon him. It is an- 
other case of disregardiig Socrates’ maxim as to the difference between a 
private man, who only has to do what is right, and a public man, who ought 
to so conduct himself that no one can have an excuse for saying that he has 
not done what is right. At the same time, unless something is shown against 
Loomis I cannot possibly get rid of him, and Bowen wifi have to be turned 
out whether Loomis is innocent or not; for it appears clearly that having 
forwarded the charges to the Department and the Department not having 


1191 



acted upon them, he then procured their publication in the press and is re- 
sponsible for the entire scandal. Many of his accusations are too preposterous 
for belief. They in effect include the statement that Loomis has conducted 
the affairs of the State Department in reference to Venezuela by himself, in 
defiance of the wishes of John Hay and myself. I really think the man is a 
little hipped. 

I have of course been greatly worried about Morton. He is as straight as 
a string, but the Santa Fe management acted badly in a rebate case while he 
was vice-president of the road and nominally directed the department which 
covered the action in question. I am convinced that he knew nothing of it, 
and therefore will not allow him to be prosecuted in accordance with the 
general demand. Moody has stood by me like a trump. Morton is an awfully 
good fellow' and the whole attack upon him is in reality due to his having 
yielded to my wishes and come into the Cabinet; and in such circumstances 
nothing would persuade me to throw him to the wolves. He leaves the Cabi- 
net in a couple of months. I shall put Charles J. Bonaparte in to succeed him, 
expecting that Bonaparte will ultimately step into Moody’s shoes. Nicholas 
Murray Butler, by the way, suggested Meyer to me as a first-class Secretary 
of tlie Treasury the other day. I think w'e have ugly times ahead in meetii^ 
the deficit. Shaw has many good points and great ability in some ways, but I 
do not think he is happy in the expressions he uses about the tariff. Down at 
bottom he wmuld rather issue bonds than face a revision of the tariff; and of 
course the proposition to issue bonds for die ordinary running expenses of 
the Government in time of peace is not a proposition I could entertain for a 
moment. If we have a deficit again next year we shall have to provide more 
revenue either through a revision of the tariff or by internal taxation. I am 
exceedingly sorry that I yielded three years ago to Hanna, Aldrich and Com- 
pany and took off all the war taxes. If we had kept the bank-check tax and 
cut the beer tax in half, we would have been all right. 

In the Newfoundland matter everything now seems to have quieted 
down. Gussie has told me he would let me know if he has to come on. Do 
you think we could get the people to back us in buying Greenland as well 
as the Danish Islands? My impression is that we ought to leave it alone until 
the Santo Domingo business is settled anyhow.^ 

When you see King Edward, explain my very real pleasure that we are 
able to work togedier in the Far East. Also say that I appreciate thoroughly 

' Amencan negotiations for the purchase of the Danish West Indies had failed in 
1901 when the Danish parliament refused to ratify the treaty. Lodge, Henry White, 
and others attributed this failure to German innuence on Denmark. In a letter of 
May 12, 190;, Lodge urged Roosevelt to renew efforts to purchase these islands and 
ako Greenland. Later, on June 10, Lodge informed the President of the German 
intent to establish a coaling station at St. Thomas. However, he agreed with Roose- 
velt to let the matter stand until after settlement of affairs in Santo Domingo. See 
Lodge, n, 119-120, 135-136. For United States negotiations to purchase the Hands, 
fioaUy accomplished in 1917, see Dennis, Adventures m Ammcm Biplomacy, pp. 

27r-a74. 


1192 


that in the long run the English people are more apt to be friendly to us than 
any other. As for Durand, unless we could have Spring)- 1 think he had bet- 
ter stay in Washington. I like him and get on with him. 

The railroads have been making a most active campaign against my rate- 
making proposition. They think they have it beaten. Personally I do not be- 
lieve they have, and I think they are very shortsighted not to understand that 
to beat it means to increase the danger of the movement for the Government 
ownership of railroads. 

In Chicago the labor situation is bad. I think I told you that the strikers 
came to me, and that both to them and afterwards in a pubEc speech I used 
the plainest possible language about disorder, and about the Federal Govern- 
ment acting whenever the necessity arose. Of course I earnestly hope I shall 
not be obliged to send in troops, but I shall do it at once if the need arises. 
The unions in Chicago have behaved so badly in the past that now the em- 
ployers refuse to make any terms with them, and I think have gone too far. 
The result is a very ugly situation. I hope the city and State authorities can 
meet it without my help, but of course of this I cannot be sure. 

Give my love to Nannie, Ever yours 

3534 • TO KERMiT ROOSEVELT RooseveJt Mss. 

Washington, May 25, 1905 

Dear Kerrmt: Before I received your letter Mother and I had been talking 
over whether you would care to join me and come home with me or not. 
The trouble is that I am a day late for you. I spend the 27th in Harvard, and 
take the Sylph from Bridgeport at 7:30 the morning of the 29th. Now, 
would you like to go straight home on the 27 th, or wait over in Boston <that 
day) on this «trip», go to the theater in Boston with Mr. Loeb while I am 
dining with some college friends, take the night train with me, and early the 
next morning cross the sound in the Sylph? Of course I should love to have 
you adopt tWs last plan, but I do not like to ttrge it for on the 27th I shall be 
out at Harvard and unable to see you except for a short time. Mr. Loeb says 
he will enjoy going to the theater with you and we wiU get some of the aunts 
to get tickets beforehand. 

You will be pleased to know that Robinson, your poet, has been appointed 
and is at work in New York, 

I am very apt to play tennis with Ted and some of Ted’s friends in ihe 
afternoon. Archie and Quentin, unless Archie has a number of his friends, are 
apt to desert the sand box and come up on the side lines to talk and play with 
anyone who is awaiting his turn fox a set. They are usually barelegged and 
barefooted, and their faces and clothes showing the efEects of having played 
the hose in the sand box, but they are very cunning. Archie simply worships 
Skip, who is developing into a real little boy’s dog and accepts witih «itire 
philosophy being carried around by Archie in any position. He has won the 

1193 



hearts of all the family except Mother, who I think resents his presence a 
little as a slight upon Jack. Yesterday she praised him — you know the kind 
of praise I mean — “Yes, he is a cunning little fellow and friendly, of course. 
In fact, he is friendly with everyone. Personally I never cared for a cur; but 
then it is a mere matter of taste.” Yowr loving father 

3535 * TO CECii. ARTHUR SPRING RICE Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Washington, May 26, 1905 

Dear Cecil: The other day Speck called upon me and said that they had 
learned from Japan that the Japanese quoted you as authority for the state- 
ment that there was a Russian-German alliance against Japan and against 
England; that the German Emperor had really put Russia up to the war 
against Japan and was hostile to both England and Japan.^ I told him that I 
thought it was all nonsense, but evidently the Kaiser or some high official is 
concerned about it, and Speck has now written me to ask if I would find 
out from you from whom you got your information; I told him I doubted 
if you. ... In his letter to me he states that there is no kind of warrant for 
the report, and that Germany is not and never has been in such an alliance 
with Russia, and that the German Government believes that Russia is cir- 
culating this report in both Japan and the United States so as to cause a 
hostile feeling to Germany. As I think I have told you, the Kaiser, both 
through personal dispatches, through communications from the Foreign Of- 
fice and the communications of his Ambassador, in repeating these state- 
ments has shown an astonishing willingness to put down in black and white 
what his feelings are. Evidently he regarded me as a gentleman and feels 
confident that the letters would never be published against him — a con- 
fidence which is entirely justifiable. In these letters he speaks with the utmost 
freedom .... of the possible designs of France and Russia against Germany, 
and as usual dwells on his desire to be friendly with England. As you know, 
I cannot believe that the Kaiser has any deep-laid plot against England. That 
he may have dreamed at times of some such movement, is possible. His actions 
and words in reference to Russia and France during the last few months are 
in my judgment incompatible with any serious purpose on his part to get 
these two countries actively or passively to support him in the war with 
England. His attempt to thwart France in Morocco, for instance, is proof 
that he did not meditate keeping France friendly and possibly an ally in the 
event that he went to war with England. I don’t believe he has the Bismarck- 
ian condnuity of policy and resolution of purpose. 

From over here it would look as if the Russian internal situatioh had 
temporarily quieted down. The Russians still feel fairly confident that Rojest- 
vensky’s fleet is so superior to Togo’s in mat6riel that they shall win; and 
the Japanese have certainly not done as well on sea as on land. Nevertheless 

‘See Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War, pp. 186-187. 

1194 


I think that Togo’s fleet will possess a superiority in personnel which will 
offset their disadvantage in physical strength. Undoubtedly, however, there 
is reason for great uncertainty on both sides as to the outcome of the conflict. 
On the loth of August last, while the Japs did not do very well and undoubt- 
edly suffered almost as much as the Russians until the last stage of the con- 
flict, the fact remains that they did win, even though they did not press their 
victory home. The same thing is true of the squadron fight, in which the 
Japanese having superior forces sunk one of the big armored cruisers of the 
Russians and drove the others off of the seas. I should think each party ought 
to be willing for peace, but as yet each has taken too high a tone to make it 
good for any outsider to try to meddle. 

Mrs. Roosevelt has been very well. We have ridden a great deal, and take 
the keenest delight in the White House grounds and walk about them every 
morning after breakfast, and if the evenings are hot sit out by the fountain. 
The foliage is wonderfully beautiful this year. 

With love to Mrs. Springy, Always yours 


3536 • TO THOMAS COLLIER PLATT RoOSCVelt MsS . 

Washington, May 27, 1905 

Aiy dear Senator Platt; This will be presented to you by Congressman Lori- 
mer, of Chicago, who as you know is one of the leaders of the Republican 
party in that city; but he wishes to speak to you on a matter of more than 
party importance.^ The Mayor of Chicago has just wired him that in his 
belief the strike would come to an end if the express companies would simply 
state that in employing new men they would not discriminate against the 
strikers. Now you doubtless saw reports of the interview I had with the 
strikers and of my speech at Chicago, and you will remember how unequivo- 
cal was the position I took as to law and order and as to sustaining the Mayor 
and putting down violence, and as to the Nation interfering in case it became 
necessary. But I need hardly say to you that if without going to extremes the 
strike can be brought to an end, it is a thousand times better than bringing it 
to an end as an incident to the employment of the regular army to suppress 
mob violence. It is better from every standpoint, but it is better especially 
from the standpoint of the employers themselves, if the alternative is a feeling 
that the strike is continued owing to any unreasonable attitude on their part. 
In all the earlier stages of the fight, from the information I can gather, the 
strikers were in the wrong. Now it will be very unfortunate if the employers 
take so extreme a position as to put themselves in the wrong. As I understand 
it from Mr. Lorimer, the request is not that the express companies shall ^ee 

' Since 1880 Platt had been president of the United States Express Company, one of 

the dozen large firms involved in the Chicago teamsters' strike. 

1195 



to employ the strikers, but that they shall state that they will not discriminate 
against the strikers and shall judge each man on his merits as they would with 
any outsiders. This certainly seems to me to be reasonable. In any event, will 
you not go over the situation carefully with Congressman Lorimer, and if 
you can, try to help him in bringing to a peaceful solution the difficulty 
which otherwise may have very lamentable effects? ® 

I know you will understand that I shall not hesitate one moment in doing 
my duty, however painful, if the need should arise; but if we can secure such 
wise action as will prevent the need for armed interference, it will be better 
from every standpoint. Sincerely yoms 


3537 • TO JOSEPH GURNEY CANNON Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 29, 1905 

My dear Mr. Speaker: Will you let me say a word about the constitution of 
the Immigration Committee of the House? I have nothing to say for or 
against any man, but it seems to me there has been a tendency to treat that 
conunittee as of small importance. Very serious questions may come before 
it next winter, and I most earnestly hope you will think over its composition 
well when you come to make the appointments. Sincerely yours 


3538 • TO JOHN BURROUGHS Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, May 29, 1905 

Dectr Oom John: I have read your Atlantic Monthly article with much inter- 
est.i I have nothing to suggest except a slight toning-down of your statement 
as to the effect from the protective standpoint of the mother bird’s indistinct 
coloration. It is, as you point out, well-nigh impossible to say with our 
present knowledge exactly what effects such things have on the life of the 
species; yet I am strongly inclined to believe that the coloration of the mother 
in the case of certain ground-breeding birds, where this coloration blends 
with the dead leaves and soil, is of benefit. In some species the cock bird takes 
part in incubating. I wonder whether this is the case as often in cases where 
the bird is brightly colored as where he is dull colored? 

Long, under the name of “Peter Rabbit,” makes an attack upon you in 
Harpefs Monthly. I am utterly at a loss to imderstand how reputable publica- 

* Management did not yield. Gradually the striking locals accepted defeat, the last 
of them retumir^ to work late in July. 

^John Burroughs, “Gay Plumes and Dull,” AtUmdc Monthly, ^yrp-t-ryj (June 
1905). 

1196 


tions can encourage such a man. I do not think he is worth while your men- 
tioning by name in your forthcoming volume. But do let me, at the risk of 
seeming offensive, repeat what I have once before written you about care in 
taking certain . . . positions «in» matters that are at least open to argument 
Long and his crew have been only too glad to divert attention from the issue, 
which was their untruthfulness in reporting what they purported to have 
seen, to the issue of how much intelligence animak display — as to whether 
they teach their yoimg, and so forth. Some of the closest observers I know — 
men like Hart Merriam, for instance — feel that animals do teach their young 
in certain cases and among the higher forms; and feel very strongly that the 
higher mammals, such as dogs, monkeys, wolves, foxes, and so forth, have 
mental faculties which are really far more akin to those of man than they are 
to the very rudimentary faculties out of which they were developed in the 
lower forms of life. I am inclined to sympathize with both of these views 
myself. I think there has been preposterous exaggeration among those who 
speak of the conscious teaching by animals of their young; but I feel that the 
balance of proof certainly is in favor of this being at least occasionally true. I 
believe it would be very valuable if we could get observations to show its 
frequency, and the kind of animals in which it occurs. So it is with mental 
processes. Man, and the higher anthropoid apes, for instance, have developed 
from ancestors which in the immemorial past possessed only such mental 
attributes as a mollusk or crustacean of today «possess.» For reasoiB which we 
may never know, man, perhaps sometime in the Quaternary period — or 
sometime before — began to advance in extraordinary fashion. Yet wide and 
deep though the gulf is between even the lowest man and an anthropoid ape 
or some carnivore as intelligent as a dog, there are in both the latter animals 
and in a good many other higher animals intellectual traits and (if I may use 
the word loosely) moral traits, which represent embryonic or rudimentary 
forms of such intellectual and moral traits of our own, and perhaps prefigure 
them, just as the little skin-covered bony knobs or knoblike epidermal growths 
on the heads of the animals which, ages ^o, were the ancestors of the deer, 
the antelope, the rhinoceros of today, prefigured the extraordinary horn and 
antler growth of the existing forms. Of course my comparison is not meant to 
be accurate. The distance traveled in our case has been immeasurably greater, 
and the make-believe out-of-door observers who read human emotions and 
thoughts into all kinds of birds and mammals deserve the most severe chas- 
tisement, and I feel that you rendered a really great service by what you did 
in reference to them; but all I mean is that I would be careful not to state my 
position in such extreme form as to let them shift the issue to one in which 
they will have very excellent observers on their side. 

I am amused at your falling foul of Hudson, that Englishman who writes 
of South America. I happened to study what he said of the cougar, and be- 
came convinced that now and then his romances were as wild as those of 
Long himself. Always yours 


1197 



3539 ’ ™ kentaro kaneko Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, May 31, 1905 

My dear Baron Kaneko: No wonder you are happy! Neither Trafalgar nor 
the defeat of the Spanish Armada was as complete — as overwhelming.^ If 
you are coming to Washington in the next three weeks, pray let me see you. 
As Commander Takeshita left my office this morning, the Secretary of the 
Navy, looking after him, said, “Well, there goes a happy man. Every Japa- 
nese, but perhaps above all every Japanese naval man, must feel as if he was 
treading on air today.” Sincerely yours 


3540 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 31, 1905 

My dear Mr. Secretary: I earnestly hope that while in the Philippines you will 
direct the attention of the Senators and Representatives with you to the need 
of fortifying Subig Bay. It seems to me this country must decide definitely 
whether it does or does not intend to hold its possessions in the Orient — to 
keep the Philippines and Hawaii. If we are not prepared to build and main- 
tain a good-sized navy, each unit of which shall be at the highest point of 
efficiency, and if we are not prepared to establish a strong and suitable base 
for our navy in the Philippines, then we had far better give up the Philippine 
Islands entirely. I earnestly hope that you will bring this matter to the special 
attention of the Members of Congress. Sincerely yours 


3541 • TO CHARLES WILLUM FREDERICK DICK ROOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, May 31, 1905 

My dear Senator Dick: I have your letter of the 27th. I think there was some 
mistake in connection with your conversation with Secretary Loeb, who 
states to me that he did not say anything which he had any idea could be 
understood as a statement that action would not be taken before opportunity 
was afforded for a hearing on your return to Washington. On the contrary, 
the reason I made such repeated and vain efforts to get you to call upon me 
was because I believed that, as events have shown, it was desirable to close 
the matter at once. Mr. Dover informed me, from Governor Herrick, that it 
was alleged that the grand jury would indict Moore.^ I therefore held the 
case until the grand jury closed its sittings. The prosecuting attorney has sent 
the following telegram to Senator Foraker, who forwarded it to me: 

‘As the batde of the Japan Sea on May 27. 

‘E. F. Moore, Foraker Republican, in 1905 appointed postmaster at Columbiana, 

Qhio. 



Athens, Ohio, May, 29, 1905. 


Hon. J. B. Foraker, 

Washington, D.C. 

The Athens Count}' grand jury has completed its investigations. At no time 
thereof has any juror nor myself had the slightest suggestion of connecting Senator 
Moore with the Treasui}' matter or anything else. Any report to the contrary is 
absolutely false and groundless. Never heard of such report. 

J. M. Foster, 

Prosecuting Attorney. 

In view of the charges against Moore and their complete breakdown no 
other course than his appointment was possible. Mr. Alderman’s appointment 
I could not consider for reasons which I am sujje you understand. 

Now as to what you say in the concluding part of your letter. I do not 
believe you realize how much you have embarrassed me by not calling upon 
me personally to express your desires, and in again and again failing to come 
and see me when I wrote and telephoned you asking you to do so. I have re- 
peatedly held up appointments for weeks where Senator Foraker was request- 
ing me to make them, in the effort to get into communication with you. I 
hear indirectly, through Mr. Cortelyou or Mr. Dover, from you or from 
Governor Herrick, but you do not come to me directly. Senator Foraker’s 
assertion is that I have failed to recognize him as he believes I ought to, and 
that the bulk of the officeholders represent that wing of the party with which 
you are, and he is not, identified. I have refused to turn out anyone, but on 
the fate of things, unless evidence to the contrar}’- is shown me — and hitherto 
there has been no effort made to make such showing — it would seem that 
when a vacancy like this occurs by death or resignation it affords the very op- 
portunity for evening up matters. 

Personally I think that both sides in Ohio altogether overestimate the 
effect of these appointments. In most cases I cannot know the character of the 
people chosen for local offices and must rely upon the Senators to recom- 
mend to me honest and competent men. When they make these recommenda- 
tions I frequently make independent investigations of my own, but merely 
as to the competency and character of the men. As to their politics I try my 
best in a situation like that in Ohio to get the two Senators to come to some 
understanding betw'een themselves. The men whom I appoint from or in 
Ohio on my own initiative, like Secretary Taft, Judge Day, Judge Richards, 
Ambassador Storer and Mr. Loomis whom I ha%’'e chosen because of my per- 
sonal knowledge, have been chosen by me merely because I thought them the 
very best men whom I could get for the positions they now fill, and so far I 
have had no ground to alter my belief. Unreasoning opponents of Senator 
Foraker have asserted that I am improperly favoring him as against the or- 
ganization. Unreasoning friends of Senator Foraker have asserted that I am 
building up Taft at his expense by the use of patronage. Each assertion in my 
opinion is utter nonsense. 

Now for the future, I shall ask you t» let me know just how you feel when 


1199 


a vacancy occurs, and especially to come and see me about such matters when 
I write or telephone you to do so. There is no other way in which I can, as 
required by the constitution, so well advise and consult with you. In the Post- 
Office Department Mr. Cortelyou will talce up all the matters and I shall fol- 
low his advice. In the other internal appointments in Ohio I may have to 
consider matters more or less myself. I shall ask you and Senator Foraker, as 
you do not seem able to get together, each to lay before me his own plan so 
that I may decide. I will add that I shall count it very much to the credit of 
whichever one first makes a fair and resolute effort to get the other to come 
to an agreement. It is a bad thing both from the standpoint of the interest of 
the Republican party in Ohio, and from the standpoint of a President who 
has serious policies to consider and whose time ought not to be taken up with 
factional fights over offices, to have the Senators from a great State unable to 
agree as to the proper people to appoint in that State in the few offices which 
from time to time become vacant. Sincerely yours 


3542 • TO ANDREW DICKSON WHITE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, June i, 1905 

My dear Mr. White: I do not want to do anything futile. I shall see whether 
or not anything can be accomplished by such an offer of mediation. For four 
months I have quietly endeavored, and the French Government has quietly 
endeavored, to obtain peace; but we have been unable to accomplish any- 
thing, chiefly because of the folly of the Russians, who refused to face facts 
and insisted, first that the Japs would never take Mukden, and then that 
Rojestvensky could beat Togo. Now Russia has notihing to offer and no 
threat to make. Japan will expect Russia to pay a heavy price for peace, and 
it may be that Russia will be unable to bring herself to pay such a price and 
will prefer to continue the war, although she is, humanly speaking, certain to 
go on from disaster to disaster. I thank you for having written. Sincerely 
yours 


3543 • TO NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 2, 1905 

Decer Murray: The enclosed letter explains itself. I have had a very satisfac- 
tory talk widi DoUiver. I am sure he will fight hard on the rate question. 
Between ourselves he will have to, for Iowa will demand it. The pressure 
from Nebraska on Millard ^ will be very strong too, but Mfllard is not in the 

‘Joseph Hopkins Millard, president of the Omaha National Bank, 1867-1919, gov- 
ernment director of the Union Pacific Railroad, Republican senator from Nebraska, 
1901-1907. 


1200 


least a genuine representative of the public as Dolliver is. Dolliver is a good 
fellow. 

That letter of Reynolds was very interesting. Faithfully yours 


3 544 • TO CHARLES HALLAM KEEP RoOSevelt MSS. 

Washington, June 3, 1905 

My dear Sir: ^ You are hereby designated as Chairman of a Committee, to 
consist in addition to yourself of the following four gentlemen: 

Hon. Frank H. Hitchcock,- First Assistant Postmaster General, 

Hon. Lawrence O. Murray, Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Labor, 
Hon. James R. Garfield, Commissioner of Corporations, and 
Mr. Gifford Pinchot, Forester, Department of Agriculture, 
who are to investigate and find out what changes are needed to place the con- 
duct of the executive busmess of the Government in all its branches on the 
most economical and effective basis in the light of the best modem business 
practice. In making this investigation I would like you to have in view secur- 
ing an improvement in business methods, particularly amor^ the following: 

1. In the preparation of decisions for ministerial approval, expert knowl- 
edge of actual conditions affecting or affected by such decisions should 
govern, as distinguished from a knowledge of the record alone. 

2. Salaries should be commensurate with the character and market value 
of the service performed, and uniform for similar service in all departments. 

3. Government supplies, except such as axe required to meet emergen- 
cies or for immediate use in the field, should be standardized, and purcteed 
through a central purchasing office, 

4. It is the duty of the accounting and auditing officers to facilitate ex- 
ecutive work. Fiscal restrictions or regulations should not interfere with 
executive discretion, should be uniform, and should be as few and simple as 
is consistent with accuracy and safety. Systems of bookkeeping and account- 
ing should conform to the most approved modem business methods. 

5. The existence of any method, standard, custom or practice is no rea- 
son for its continuance when a better is offered. 

6 . The comparative cost of all work for which cost keeping is posable 
should be ascertained as between office and Departments, and as between the 
Government and private enterprise, and should be followed by the adoption 
of standards of maximum cost. 

* CSiarles Hallam Keep, Assistant Secreta:^ of die Treaairy, 1903-1907; member of 
die New York Public Service Comnussion, 1907-1908; preadent of die Knicker- 
bocker Trust Company, New York, 1908^191 j. The Keep CommiOTon was re- 

' markable alike for die thoroughness of ks invesd^tions into the op^tion of various 
government departments and the soundness of its administrative recommendanons. 

* Frank Harris Hitchcock later became chairman of the Republican National Com- 
mittee, 1908-1909, numager of the Taft campaign, and Postmaster General, 1909- 
1913. 


1201 


7- There should be systematic interdepartmental co-operation in the use 
of expert or technical knowledge. The business methods of the different de- 
partments should be substantially uniform. In the adoption of methods and 
the performance of work, every^ step w’hich is not clearly indispensable should 
be eliminated, 

8. As betw^een the adoption of a uniform standard and the actual effi- 
ciency of any office, the former must yield. 

9. No recommendation for change should be made until after full con- 
sultation with all executive officers affected. 

10. There should be published an official gazette to contain all executive 
orders, statements of changes in organization or personnel, reports of im- 
portant work begun, in progress, or completed by any department, advertise- 
ments of all Government contracts, all legal notices not required to be pub- 
lished locally, notices of coming civil service examinations, &c., &c. 

A resolute effort should be made to secure brevity in correspondence and 
the elimination of useless letter writing. There is a type of bureaucrat who 
believes that his entire w^ork, and that the entire work of the Government, 
should be the collecting of papers in reference to a case, commenting with 
eager minuteness on each, and corresponding with other officials in reference 
thereto. These people really care nothing for the case, but only for the docu- 
ments in the case. In all branches of the Government there is a tendency 
greatly to increase unnecessary and largely perfunctory letter writing. In the 
Army and Navy the increase of paper w'ork is a serious menace to the effi- 
ciency of fighting officers, who are often required by bureaucrats to spend 
time in making reports which they should spend in increasing the efficiency 
of the battleships or regiments under them. As regards this matter you will 
please confer with the Assistant Secretaries of the War and Navy Depart- 
ments, and request them to submit to me a scheme for doing away with the 
evils referred to. In the civil departments the abuse of letter writing amounts 
not merely to the waste of time of the Government seiwant responsible for it, 
but also to the impeding of public business. 

Please consider also the matter of enforcing accountability for property. 
Sincerely yours 

3545 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Confidential Washington, June 5, 1905 

Only you and Namiie must see this. 

Dear Cabot: While we had thought that the probabilities favored Togo’s vic- 
tory, most of us, and certainly I, had thought that the fight would be close, 
that there was some chance fpr the Russians, and that at least there would be 
a terrible battering of the Japanese ships. No one anticipated that it would 
be a rout and a slaughter rather than a fight; that the Russian fleet would be 
absolutely destroyed while the Japanese fleet was left practically uninjured. 


1202 


Both Takahira and Cassini came to see me shortly after the fight. The Japa- 
nese evidently want peace, but only if they can get it pretU" nearly on their 
own terms. The Russians hitherto seem helplessly and soddenly unable to 
decide what they want or how they are to «:et anythins? if they do want it. 
At the Japanese Government’s request, but to use their own expression ‘‘on 
my initiative” — ^ that is, they desired the request made, but desired that it 
should be on my own motion and that they should not in any shape or way 
appear as asking it (and you are the only human being who knows that they 
have asked me except Edith, though I shall have to in the end tell both John 
Hay and Taft) — I told Cassini to say to the Czar that I believed the war 
absolutely hopeless for Russia; that I earnestly desired that she and Japan 
should come together and see if they could not agree upon terms of peace; 
and that I should like to propose this if I could get the assent of Russia and 
then of Japan, which latter I thought I would be able to get. I could not be 
sure that Cassini would tell this to the Czar for he is afraid of saying what is 
disagreeable to his superiors; but I hardly knew what to do else. Meanwhile 
I had found that Germany and France were both anxious that peace should 
be made, and both agreed with me as to how the first step should be mken». 
Takahira had also seen Speck, and I think that one result — probably of an 
unexpected kind as far as the Japanese were concerned — appeared in the 
action of the Kaiser as set forth in the following cable to me: 

Mr. President: 

The German Emperor has asked me to say to you that he considers the situ- 
ation in Russia so serious that, when the truth is known at St. Petersburg in 
regard to the recent defeat, the life of the Czar will be in danger, and the gravest 
disorders likely to occur. The Emperor of Germany has written to the Czar, 
therefore, urging him to take immediate steps toward peace. The Emperor said to 
me: “I called his attention to the fact that the Americans are the only nation re- 
garded by the Japanese with the highest respect, and that the President of the 
United States is the right person to appeal to with the hope that he may be able 
to bring the Japanese to reasonable proposals. I suggested to the Czar to send for 
Meyer and charge him with a message to President Roosevelt, or to empower me 
to put myself in direct communication with the President, Please inform the Presi- 
dent privately, from me personally, of the steps that I have taken, which I hope 
will be for the benefit of the world.” Tower. 

This did not meet my views, for I do not desire to be asked to squeeze 
out of Japan favorable terms to Russia, so I at once had Meyer sent the fol- 
lowing dispatch: 

June 5, 1905 

Memorandum for dispatch to be sent by the State Department: 

Ambassador Meyer will at once call on His Majesty the Czar and say that he 
does so by personal direction of the President to urge upon His Majesty the desir- 
ability of ms consenting to the request of the President to have representatives of 
Russia meet with representatives of Japan to confer as to whether peace cannot 
now be made. The Preadent speaJes with the most earnest and sincere desire to 

* See Dennett, Koosevelt epid the RussO’-Japanese War^ pp. 115-216. 

laoj 


advise what is best for Russia. It is the judgment of all outsiders, including all of 
Russia’s most ardent friends, that the present contest is absolutely hopeless and that 
to continue it can only result in the loss of all Russia’s possessions in East Asia, To 
avert trouble, and, as he fears, what is otherwise inevitable disaster, the President 
most earnestly advises that an effort be made by a direct interview without inter- 
mediary between Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries, to see if it is not possible 
for them to agree as to terms of peace. The President believes it would be better 
for the representatives of the two Powers to discuss the whole peace question 
themselves rather than for any outside Power to do more than endeavor to arrange 
the meeting — that is, to ask both Powers whether they will not consent to meet. 
After the meeting has been held it will be time enough, if need be, to discuss sug- 
gestions as to the terms from any outside friend of either party. If Russia wiU con- 
sent to such a meeting the President will try to get Japan’s consent, acting simply 
on his own initiative and not saying that Russia has consented, and the President 
believes he will succeed. Russia’s answer to this request will be kept strictly secret, 
as will all that has so far transpired, nothing being made public until Japan also 
agrees. The President will then openly ask each Power to agree to the meeting, 
which can thereupon be held. As to the place of the meeting, the President would 
suggest some place between Harbin and Mukden; but this is a mere suggestion. 
The President earnestly hopes for a speedy and favorable answer to avert blood- 
shed and calamity. 

I communicated the contents of this dispatch to Speck, Jusserand and 
O’Beirne for their respective Governments, The Kaiser will back it up, and 
I hope Delcasse will too, by representations at St. Petersburg. I do not beheve 
there is much chance of this bringing about peace, for I suppose the Czar, 
w'ho seems in a thoroughly Chinese mood, will refuse to do anything. If he 
does, then all I can say is that his blood must be on his own head. In a few 
months, more or less — certainly in a year or so — the Japanese will take 
every Russian army or fortress on the Pacific Slope, and will practically drive 
Russia east of Lake Baikal. In any event, I have done what I could to help 
toward peace. 

I think I a little overstated the case about Durand in my last letter to you. 
He is a high-minded, conscientious public servant and I like him personally. 
But he is very slow. In this crisis he has been away at Lenox — which I have 
been glad of as O’Beirne is a really much more satisfactory man through 
whom to act. Do not do anything to hurt Durand, and do not express any 
opinion unless it is asked for; but if either the King or Lansdowne should ask 
as to what man we would think best, you might dwell upon the good quali- 
ties of Spring Rice. The only thing is, remember to be cautious, so that they 
cannot hold us responsible for making Springy a success. 

With love to Nannie, I am, in great haste, Ever yours 

P. S. I wish I could tell you all the funny details of these negotiations of 
Takahira and Cassini with me. Of course if the Russians go on as they have 
gone ever since I have been President — and so far as I can find out, ever 
since the Spanish War — they are hopeless creatures with whom to deal. 
They are utterly insincere and treacherous; they have no conception of truth, 
no willingness to look facts in the face, no regard for others of any sort or 


T A/I 


kind, no knowledge of their own strength or weakness; and thev are help- 
lessly unable to meet emergencies. About the Japanese, I feel as I ^ways did. 
I do not pretend to know the soul of the nation, or to prophesy as to what 
it will do in the future. I do not suppose I understand their motives, and I 
am not at all sure that they understand mine — although I should think they 
were plain to any people. Takahira, as instructed by his Government, has 
evidently wanted to feel his way with me. His Government does not quite 
like to tell me what its plans are, but wants to develop them a little at a time. 
Thus, they asked me to find out how England feels as to the terms they 
should ask. Naturally England responded that it could not say until it knew 
what the proposed terms were; and it then transpired that Baron Rothschild 
had said he would raise a loan for Russia with which Russia should pay Japan 
the proposed indemnity if Russia could be persuaded to accept peace on such 
terms. Evidently the Japanese have been uncertain whether the British Gov- 
ernment knew of this offer or not, and took the roundabout way through me 
to find out. 

Of course not only Cassini but Jusserand are very gloomy over Japan’s 
attitude toward outside nations in the future. That Japan will have her head 
turned to some extent I do not in the least doubt, and I see clear symptoms 
of it in many ways. We should certainly as a nation have ours turned if we 
had performed such feats as the Japanese have in the past sixteen months; 
and the same is true of any European nation. Moreover, I have no doubt that 
some Japanese, and perhaps a great many of them, will behave badly to for- 
eigners. They cannot behave worse than the State of California, through its 
Legislature, is now behaving toward the Japanese. The feeling on ihe Pacific 
slope, taking it from several different standpoints, is as foolish as if conceived 
by the mind of a Hottentot. These Pacific Coast people wish grossly to insult 
the Japanese and to keep out the Japanese immigrants on the ground that they 
are an immoral, degraded and worthless race; and at the same time that they 
desire to do this for the Japanese and are already doing it for the Chinese 
they expect to be given advantages in Oriental markets; and with besotted 
folly are indifferent to building up the navy while provoking this formidable 
new power — a power jealous, sensitive and warlike, and which if irritated 
could at once take both the Philippines and Hawaii from us if she obtained 
the upper hand on the seas. Most certainly the Japanese soldiers and sailors 
have shown themselves to be terrible foes. There can be none more dangerous 
in all the world. But our own navy, ship for ship, is I believe at Irast as effi- 
cient as theirs, although I am not certain that our torpedo boats would be 
handled as well as theirs. At present we are superior to them in number of 
ships, and this superiority will last for some time. It will of course come to 
an end if Hale has his way, but not otherwise. I hope that w’e can persuade 
our people on the one hand to act in a spirit of generous justice and genuine 
courte^ toward Japan, and on the other hand to keep the navy respectable 
in numbers and more than respectable is the efficiency of its units. If we act 

1205 



thus we need not fear the Japanese. But if as Brooks Adams says, we show 
ourselves ‘'opulent, aggressive and unarmed,” the Japanese may sometime 
work us an injury. In any event we can hold our own in the future, whether 
against Japan or Germany, whether on the Atlantic or the Pacific, only if we 
occupy the position of the just man armed — that is, if we do the exact re- 
verse of w’hat the demagogues on the one hand and the mugwumps on the 
other would like to have us do. 

3546 * TO WHiTELAW REID Roosevelt Mss, 

Confidential Washington, June 5, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: Togo’s smashing of Rojestvensky was so com- 
plete that the Russian case is absolutely hopeless. I should be sorry to see 
Russia driven out of East Asia, and driven out she surely will be if the war 
goes on. Accordingly I have urged her to let me propose to both combatants 
that they meet and negotiate for peace. Germany has supported and I think 
France will support this plea of mine. 

Now for something a little delicate. Durand has come back, seen me in 
what was really a most perfunctory interview, and has gone to Lenox where 
he has been for these two or three busy days. I have not minded this in the 
least, because I can get along better with O’Beirne, his chief secretary; but I 
feel that perhaps I laid a little too much stress in talking to you upon what a 
good fellow Durand was. He is a high-minded, conscientious, honorable pub- 
lic servant. I do not want to hurt him in any way, and I would rather have 
him here as Ambassador than some person whom I do not know; but it would 
be very much to the advantage of everyone if Spring Rice could be sent over 
in his place. But perhaps you had better not speak of this unless. ... 4 

I shall not attempt to tell you any of the news because you will have it 
before you receive this letter. 

I hope Mrs. Reid and you have begun to enjoy yourselves from the outset. 
The British Government certainly received you very handsomely. 

With regards. Sincerely yours 

3547 'TO ARTHUR HAMILTON LEE RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Washington, June 6, 1905 

My dear Lee: I do hope you can come here this summer and that I can see 
you. I am particularly pleased at what you tell me about Battenberg,^ for it 
gives me the very idea I needed to have. I hope the fleet will be here about 

^Prince Louis Alexander of Battenberg, first Marquis of Milford Haven, First Sea 
Lord of the British Admiralty, 1912-19x4, Admiral of the Fleet. “The first naval 
officer of his generation,” a master of tactics, fleet organization, and naval adminis- 
tration, he resigned, at great cost to the British Navy, his post as First Sea Lord in 
19x4, in response to the feeling aroused in England because of his German origin. 
He commanded the British fleet visidhg American waters m 1905. 

IZ06 



the I St of October, I shall meet it at Annapolis. I am glad that they are not to 
go to Newport and Bar Harbor, which would convey an altogether false 
impression. To go to New York is all right, although in a big city I am always 
a little nervous lest some insignificant number of hoodlums may do some- 
thing that conveys a totally wrong impression of the nation as a whole. How- 
ever, I think it will do all right. 

You need not ever be troubled by the nightmare of a possible contest 
between the two great English-speaking peoples. I believe that is practically 
impossible now, and that it will grow entirely so as the years go by. In keep- 
ing ready for possible war I never even take into account a war with England: 
I treat it as out of the question. 

I am very sorry to hear that your wife has not been well. Give her my 
warm regards. 

It would be well to have the fleet come here between the ist and the i8th 
of October, because I shall then be back in the White House and can receive 
the ofiicers there up to the i8th, when I leave for a fortnight’s tour in the 
South. Always yours 

3548 • TO WHiTELAW REID Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram^ Washington, June 6, 1905 

Ask Lansdoume to show you dispatch received from British Ambassador here 
about Russia.® The President has informed German Ambassador that he does 
not see how America could join in any conference regarding Morocco unless 
France acquiesced. The President has also told Jusserand of this but does not 
desire publicity given to matter. 

3549 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLIN BISHOP RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 8, 1905 

Dear Bishop: I shall speak to Taft at once. I am in rather a quandary how to 
get at Frick. It is of course not a matter that I wish to write about, simply be- 
cause there are a large number of people who would believe that my motive 
was to make a newspaper organ for myself;^ and I cannot ask Frick down 

^ Thk dispatch was a reply to Reid’s dispatch of June 5, see Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 475. 
*Lansdowne to British Embassy, Washington, June 3, 1905, Dennett, Roosevelt and 
the Rmso-Japanese War, pp. 210-211. 

* Bishop had suggested that Roosevelt persuade Frick to finance the purchase of the 
Washington Tost. Beriah Wilkins, an Ohio Democrat, since 1894 editor and pub- 
lisher of that paper, had Just died. Bishop intended that the Tost, placed under the 
direction of Warren G. Harding, then Lieutenant Governor of Ohio and publisher 
of the Marion Star, idionld become an administration organ. This cunning proposal 
faEed when the Tost was purchased in 1905 by John R. McLean. It then became an 
influential supporter of the andadministratiotu Foraker-for-President boom. Harding 
later benefited from this transaction, for McLean’s son, John R. McLean, made the 
Tost die inccMuparable defender of the Republicanism of 1920-1923. 

1207 


1 



here now because it would at once be believed that I was taking part in the 
Equitable squabble.^ Moreover, I do not know how he stands on the railroad 
rate matter, and whether my attitude in the matter has in any way changed 
his friendship for me. I have written to Knox to come on here and shall see 
if I cannot communicate with Frick through Knox. Meanwhile Loeb has 
been informed by Walker of the Post that in his judgment there is not the 
slightest chance of the Post being sold at all; that a number of people have 
been after it, but that he positively knew that the Wilkins boys would not 
sell it. I wish I could give you better advice in the matter. I shall consult Taft, 
but I do not see what he can do. Don’t you think it would be well to see 
Harding anyhow, and sound him? Always yours 


3550 • TO LYMAN ABBOTT RoOSeVclt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 8, 1905 

My dear Dr. Abbott: When the next Hague Conference is held I trust that 
all the nations there represented will join in framing a general arbitration 
treaty. In the first Hague convention the nations through their representatives 
declared that they recognized arbitration “as the most efficacious and at the 
same time the most equitable method of deciding controversies which have 
not been settled by diplomatic methods,” It seems to me that the signatory 
powers at the next Hague convention ought to take steps to put this declara- 
tion into effect. It is neither possible nor desirable in the present stage of the 
world’s progress to agree to arbitrate all questions that may come up between 
different nations. But it is entirely possible and exceedingly desirable to limit 
the classes of cases which it is not possible definitely to promise beforehand 
to arbitrate, and to provide not only that all other questions shall be arbi- 
trated, but so far as possible the manner and method of proceeding to such 
arbitration. Such a convention should be approved by the treaty-making 
powers of the several nations in form that would, of course, permit arbitra- 
tion to be entered into without any subsequent treaties, but in accordance 

* A struggle for control of the Equitable Life Assurance Society between Thomas 
Fortune Ryan and E. H. Harriman had injured the reputation of that corporation 
and focused attention on the extraordinary and irresponsible power of the Equitable, 
and other large insurance companies, in financial affairs. Ryan and Harriman made 
peace later in June, Ryan transferring his stock control to three trustees, Grover 
Qeveland, M. J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse. By this time, however, public 
apprehension had impelled the government of New York State to authorize the 
investigation of insurance companies which, begun in September under the direction 
of Charles Evans Hughes, exposed the incredible financial and political chicanery of 
the directors of those concerns. For the details of the fight within the Equitable 
and of the Hughes investigation, see Testimony Taken before the Joint Committee 
of the Senate and Assembly of the State of Ne'w York to Investigate . . . Life 
Insurance Companies in the State of New York (Albany, 1905-1906). There is an 
engaging account of this episode in Mark Sullivan, Our Times; the United States^ 
(New York, 1926-1935), voL IV, chs. iii, iv. For brief accounts, see Jessup, 
Bjoot^ I, 435-441; Nevins, Cleveland^ pp. 758-761. 

1208 



with the procedure agreed to when the original convention or treaty was 
ratified. The E-xecutive must be given power to arrange the details indis- 
pensable to the execution of the general treaty, as applied in each special case 
that arises. Your truly 

3551 - TO KER.\IIT ROOSEVELT RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, June 11, 1905 

Dear Kerrint: Mother and I have just come home from a lovely trip to “Pine 
Knot.” It is really a perfectly delightful little place-, die nicest litde place of 
the kind you could imagine. Mother is a great deal more pleased with it than 
any child with any toy I ever saw, and is too cunning and pretty, and busy 
for anything. She went down the day before, Thursday, and I followed on 
Friday morning. Good Air. Joe Wilmer met me at the station and w-e rode on 
horseback to “Round Top,” where we met Mother and Mr. Willie Wilmer. 
We all had tea there and then drove to “Plain Dealing,” where we had dinner. 
Of course I loved both “Round Top” and “Plain Dealing,” and as for the two 
Mr. Wilmers, they are the most generous, thoughtful, self-effacing friends 
that anyone could wish to see. After dinner we went over to “Pine Knot,” 
put everything to order and went to bed. Next day we spent all by ourselves 
at “Pine Knot.” In the morning I fried bacon and eggs, while Mother boiled 
the kettle for tea and laid the table. Breakfast was most successful, and then 
Mother washed the dishes and did most of the work, w'hile I did odd jobs, 
like emptying the slops, etc. Then we walked about the place, which is fifteen 
acres in all, saw the lovely spring, admired the pine trees and the oak trees, and 
then Mother lay in the hammock while I cut away some trees to give us a 
better view from the piazza. The piazza is the real feature of the house. It is 
broad and runs along the whole length and the roof is high near the wall, for 
it is a continuation of the roof of the house. It was lovely to sit there in the 
rocking chairs and hear all the birds by daytime and at night the whippoor- 
wills and owls and little forest folk. Inside, the house is just a bare wall with 
one big room below, which is nice now, and will be still nicer when the 
chimneys are up and there is a fireplace in each end. A rough stairs leads 
above, where there are two rooms, separated by a passageway. We did every- 
thing for ourselves, but all the food we had was sent over to us by the dear 
Wilmers, together with milk. We cooked it ourselves, so there was no one 
around the house to bother us at all. As we found that cleaning dishes took 
up an awful time we only took two meals a day, w'hich was aD we wanted. 
On Saturday evening I fried two chickens for dinner, while mother boiled 
the tea and we had cherries and wild strawberries, as well as biscuits and corn- 
bread. To my pleasure Mother greatly enjoyed the fried chicken, and ad- 
mitted that what you children had said of the way I fried chicken was all 
true. In the evening we sat out a long time on the piazza, and then read in- 
doors and then went to bed, Sunday morning we cBd not get up until nine. 


IZ09 



Then I fried Mother some beefsteak and some eggs in two frying pans, and 
she liked them both very much. We went to church at the dear little church 
where the Wilmers’ father and mother had been married, dined soon after 
two at “Plain Dealing,” and then were driven over to the station to go back 
to Washington. I rode the big black stallion — Chief — and enjoyed it thor- 
oughly. Altogether we had a very nice holiday. 

I was lucfy to be able to get it, for during the past fortnight, and indeed 
for a considerable time before, I have been carrying on negotiations with 
both Russia and Japan, together with side negotiations with Germany, France 
and England, to try to get the present war stopped. With infinite labor and 
by the exercise of a good deal of tact and judgment — if I do say it myself — 
I have finally gotten the Japanese and Russians to agree to meet to discuss 
the terms of peace. Whether they \vill be able to come to an agreement or 
not I can’t say. But it is worth w'hile to have obtained the chance of peace, 
and the only possible way to get this chance was to secure such an agreement 
of die two powers that they would meet and discuss the terms direct. Of 
course Japan will want to ask more than she ought to ask, and Russia to give 
less than she ought to give. Perhaps both sides will prove impracticable. Per- 
haps one will. But there is the chance that they will prove sensible and make a 
peace, which will really be for the interest of each as things are now. At any 
rate the experiment was worth trying. I have kept the secret very success- 
fully, and my dealings with the Japanese in particular have been known to no 
one, so that the result is in the nature of a surprise. 

I am looking forward to seeing you at Bishop Lawrence’s. On receipt of 
your letter I looked up that piece in Collier^s and I liked die description. Yes, 
the men who live much in the desert grow to look like tiiat. Yovr loving 
father 

3552 • TO WILLIAJiI HENRY MOODY RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Washington, June 12, 1905 

Sir: I have received and carefuUy considered your letters of the 31st ultimo 
and 3d instant. I entirely agree with your conclusions. In my opinion you 
would be wholly without justification in proceeding individually against the 
officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway for contempt when 
neither die Interstate Commerce Commission nor die special counsel you 
have employed have developed a single fact of any kind beyond the holding 
of dieir offices tending to implicate any one of these officers.^ One of the 
officers Mr, Morton, is a member of my Cabinet. This fact is not to be al- 

* Moody had appointed two Cleveland Democrats as spedal counsel for die United 
States in the Atchison rebate matter; Judson Harmon, United States Attorney Gen- 
eral, 1895-1897, later Governor of Ohio, 1909-1913, and Frederick Newton Judson, 
St. Louis lawyer. Both had resigned when Moody dedded not to proceed “individu- 
ally against die officers” of the railroad. 


1210 




lowed to shield him, nor on the other hand is it to be allowed to cause him 
to be singled out, or the officers with whom he is associated to be singled out, 
for attack. 

At or about the same time that the Injunction was obtained against the 
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe an injunction was obtained against several 
other western railroads. Subsequently it was developed by the Interstate 
Commerce Commission that under the guise of a division of the rates, unlaw- 
ful rebates were given by these railroads to the International Harvester Com- 
pany, just as a rebate was given by the Atchison in the case of the Colorado 
Fuel Q)mpany. Upon attention being called to the cases by the Interstate 
Commerce Commission, the tmlawful practice was abandoned in the Han^es- 
ter case as it was abandoned in this case of the Colorado Fuel Company. The 
two cases stand precisely on a par. No one has suggested, and as far as I am 
aware no one has thought of suggesting, that we should proceed individually 
gainst the officers of the roads engaged in this International Harvester Com- 
pany affair; yet the case is exactly parallel to this Atchison, Topeka and Santa 
Fe case, and if such action as you have refused to take was taken against the 
officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, it would also have to 
be taken in the case of the International Harvester Company against the offi- 
cers of every railroad running west of Chicago. There is of course no posible 
excuse for ^criminating one case from the other. 

You advised me to direct the submission of the printed evidence taken by 
the Interstate Commerce Commission (the only evidence before the special 
counsel) to Judge Philips, who had issued the injunction, to see whether on 
this published evidence, in which there is not a syllable directly bearing on 
Mr. Morton or any one of his colleagues in the management of the road, ac- 
tion could be taken against any one of them personally. I did not take this 
advice, for two reasons. First: If it were not for Mr. Morton’s being in my 
Cabinet, neither you nor I would dream of following such a course in tiM 
instance; and we could not follow it save on condition of also following it in 
the case of the Harvester Company and in all similar cases — which, in my 
judgment, would put us in a whoUy untenable position. Second: I have re- 
ceived from Mr. Morton a letter, of which I enclose you a copy, together 
with a copy of my reply. In it you will see that Mr. Morton not only states in 
the most unequivocal manner that he had no knowledge whatever of the un- 
lawful practice complained of, but also shows by the quotation of documents 
issued under his direction, that all such unlawful practices were specifically 
forbidden by him, and that the attention of his subordinates was repeatedly 
to the necessity of complying with the law in this respect. When there 
is thus not one shadow of testimony against him, and when whatever evidence 
has been submitted shows explicitly that he is not guilty, it seems to me that 
there is no warrant whatever for our proceeding against him. 

The course that you have Mowed in dealing with aH these corporation 
matters has been coherent and resolute, and has had my heartiest approval. 


ran 



The aim of the administration has been in the first place to stop the unlawful 
practices. We have not proceeded personally against any of the oflScers un- 
less there was legal evidence shownng that their conduct had been willfully 
of such a nature as to render it our duty to try to punish them personally no 
less than to try to put an end to the objectionable practices. You perhaps 
remember that when the administration brought the Northern Securities suit 
there was much criticism of us for not undertaking criminal proceedings 
against the principal directors in the Northern Securities Corporation. The 
view of the administration at that time was that such a proceeding would be 
unjust to the men concerned and not to the advantage of the public. Events 
have I think shown this view to be correct. In the same way, when a year or 
two ago, injunctions were obtained against the corporations known popularly 
as the Beef Trust, no effort was made at the time to proceed personally against 
the individuals in those corporations. Since then testimony has been offered 
us to show that the packing companies have violated this injunction and that 
the violation was deliberate and willful on the part of a number of individuals. 
Of the weight and sufficiency of this evidence it is not for me to judge. With 
my approval the Department of Justice, with the assistance of the Department 
of Commerce and Labor, has for some months been endeavoring to find out 
whether or not they can obtain legal evidence of such willful and deliberate 
violation of the injunction by any individual. If the grand jury now sitting in 
Chicago find indictments against any individuals connected with the packing 
corporations, it will be because in their judgment such legal evidence of the 
violation of the injunction has been laid before them. If you at any time get 
legal evidence of any such willful and deliberate violation by any officer of 
the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or of any other railroad running west of 
Chicago, of the injunction in the Colorado Fuel case, or of the injunction in 
the International Harvester Company case, you will of course proceed as you 
have already proceeded in the Chicago beef-packmg cases. But at present not 
only has there been no such evidence produced, but there has been no attempt 
to produce such evidence; and as regards Mr. Morton, there is seemingly con- 
clusive testimony to the contrary. You will not however take action against 
any official of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad which you do 
not take against the official of any other railroad under precisely simUar cir- 
cumstances. 

In both this Colorado Fuel case and in the International Harvester case 
I direct that proceedings for contempt against the companies be taken by the 
Government. Whether as the cases develop proceedings against individual 
officers become necessary must depend in each instance upon whether testi- 
mony is obtained showing that such individual officer has either by act or 
connivance been personally guilty in the matter. If there are any railroads 
guilty of the practices which we have enjoined other railroads from follow- 
ing, but which have not themselves been enjoined, proceedii^ should be 
begun to put them under a similar restraint. 


1212 


You have expressed your doubt as to whether the injunction granted is 
in sufficiently explicit terms to cover either the case of the Atchison, Topeka 
and Santa Fe or the similar case of the International Harvester Company. I 
agree, however, with your feeling that even though there is such doubt, an 
effort should be made to obtain the judgment of the court on the question. 
Sincerely yours 


3553 • TO PAUL MORTON Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, June 12, 1905 

My dear Mr. Morton: I have received your letter of the 5th instant in refer- 
ence to your own action concerning the rebates which the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission have found to have been granted by the Atchison, Topeka 
and Santa Fe Railroad to the Colorado Fuel Company at the time you were 
the Vice-President of the railroad. Not a shred of testimony so far as I know 
has been presented from any source, whether by the Interstate Commerce 
Commission or by the special counsel employed by the Department of Jus- 
tice, which personally implicates you in granting these rebates. In your letter 
you show not only that you were ignorant of the existence of such rebates, 
but that you had taken every possible step to see that neither in this case nor 
in any other were any rebates granted, and you quote documents w'hich show 
that your subordinates were repeatedly and explicitly warned to obey the 
law as regards these rebates, as well as in all other respects. With this show- 
ing on your part, and in view of the fact that, as I have said, not a shred of 
testimony has been produced against you from any source whatever, I do 
not think that you need pay any further heed to the accusations that have 
been made against you. I do not mpelf need any corroboration of any state- 
ment you make; but if I did need it, it would be furnished by the boldness 
and frankness with which over three years ago, and before any of the pro- 
ceedings with which we are now dealing took place, you testified to the 
entire truth in connectiou with the taking of rebates from the railroads; and 
it is deeply discreditable that this testimony should not only now be quoted 
against you, but with shameless perversion of the truth should be quoted as 
having been given by you in this case. At the time when you gave ffiis testi- 
mony the Interstate Commerce law in the matter of rebates w'as practically a 
dead letter. Every railroad man admitted privately that he paid no heed what- 
ever to it, and the Interstate Commerce Commission had shown itself abso- 
lutely powerless to secure this heed. When I took up the matter and en- 
deavored to enforce obedience to the law on the part of the railroads in the 
question of rebates I encountered violent opposition from the great bulk of 
the railroad men, and a refusal by all of those to whom I spoke to t^tify in 
public to the very state of affairs which they freely admitted to me in private. 
You alone stated that you would do all in your power to break up this system 


1213 


of giving rebates; that you strongly objected to it; but that as long as the 
law was a dead letter the railroads, which preferred to obey it, were forced 
to disobey it if they were to continue in business at all, under the competition 
of their less scrupulous fellows. I agreed with you cordially that the only way 
in which it would be possible to secure the enforcement of the law would be 
by making it effective against all railroads alike, as if some were allowed to 
violate it, it necessarily meant that the others in self-protection would be 
driven to violate it also; and I cannot too heartily commend the fearless and 
frank way in which you, (and you alone) came forward and in the interest 
of the Government and the public gave legal evidence of the facts which 
everyone in interest privately admitted to exist, but which the Interstate 
Commerce Commission had previously been unable legally to establish. It 
was primarily due to this testimony of yours that we were able to put so 
nearly effective a stop to the system of rebates as it then existed. You ren- 
dered a great public service by your testimony. You enabled the Government 
to accomplish in the interest of the public what it could not otherwise have 
accomplished, and you showed yourself to be, more than any other railroad 
man with whom I came in contact, zealous in your endeavor to see that the 
law should no longer remain a dead letter, but that all the railroads alike 
should be required to obey it. Your manliness and frankness in this matter 
attracted my particular attention. It showed you to be, in my judgment, a 
man whose word could be trusted absolutely, and whose desire to do full 
justice and to have it done could likewise be trusted. 

When a vacancy occurred in the Navy Department I made up my mind 
that I wished you in my Cabinet — where, permit me to reiterate, you have 
shown yourself to be one of die most faithful and devoted public servants 
with whom it has ever been my good fortune to be connected You came in 
at my turgent request and in spite of your natural reluctance to accept the 
very heavy financial loss in which taking the position of Secretary of die 
Navy necessarily involved you. I certainly would not shield you because you 
are in my Cabinet; but equally certainly I shall not sanction an attack upon 
you which I would not dream of sanctioning if you had not become a mem- 
ber of my Cabinet. 

Since I accepted your res^ation as a member of my Cabinet you have 
undertaken perhaps the greatest and most important work now open to any 
businessman, in assuming control of the Equitable Life Assurance Society. 
You do not need to be told again the confidence I have in you and my belief 
in your absolute sincerity of purpose and your unflinching courage. I know 
that the mere fact that you have consented dius to take control of the Society 
means that there will be a genuine attempt to make a new, clean managemant, 
a control really and hon^dy in the interest of the policyholders, and one 
which win make impossible the crooked and objectionable practices that have 
hitherto prevailed in the Society. Ex-President Cleveland in consenting to act 
as one of the three trustees to hold the stock of the Society and to use the 



voting power of such stock in the selection of directors, concludes his letter 
by saying: “We shall be safer if we regain our old habits of looking at the 
appropriation to personal uses of properu* and interests held in trust, in the 
same fight as other forms of stealing.” In other words, you and Mr. Cleveland 
intend to see that the affairs of the Society are managed not merely with the 
honesty requisite in order to keep clear of criminal proceedings, but with the 
fine sense of honor which recognizes in the trustee — and that is what the man 
responsible for the management of any great business corporation is now- 
adays — the duty of managing his business affairs with a high sense of obliga- 
tion not only to the stockholders and the policyholders but to the general 
public. iV'Ir. Cleveland has especially stipulated that he is to be absolutely free 
and undisturbed in the exercise of his judgment; you have especially stipu- 
lated that you are to be absolutely free and undisturbed in the exercise of 
your judgment. I have faith not only in your will to do right, but in the judg- 
ment which will enable you to do right. As I understand it, the majority of 
the stock is to be put in the hands of a Board of Trustees, of Avhich Mr. Qeve- 
land has accepted the chairmanship, and they will ha\'e absolute control, sub- 
ject, as to the majority of the directors, to the policyholders’ instructions, 
and subject, as to the minority directors, to exercising their own judgment 
without control. Your own policy will be I know to give the policyholders a 
square deal, and to clean house thoroughly. You would not take such a posi- 
tion if you did not have a perfectly free hand, and if you were not unham- 
pered by commitments to anybody. 

I do not congratulate you upon entering upon this work, for I do not 
^vish to congratulate any man when he puts his harness on, but rather to wait 
until he takes it off. But I do wish to express to you not only my belief in 
you and in your success, but my stroi^ feeling that you have undertaken one 
of the most important public duties that can befall man just at present. 
The scandal which has been so deplorable for the Equitable Life Assurance 
Society has also had effects far beyond the Society itself. Not only is it lamen- 
table to think of the condition of hundreds of thousands of poor people all 
over the country who have found their confidence shaken in the provision 
which they have made for their families and for their old age by putting 
the savings of years in this Society, but the loss of confidence thereby created 
affects the whole insurance business of the country and xveakens that great 
tendency for the promotion of thrift and providence. Your success in your 
new position will mean not only a great achievement for you, but a great 
achievement for the American public. In business conditions as they are 
today the head of one of these great insurance societies should be regarded as 
just as emphatically a public servant as if he were occupying any ofiice 
through the direct vote of the people. He should be held to the same strict 
accountability if he goes wrong; and he is entitled to the same need of praise 
if by doing his duty fearlessly, horiestly and intelligently he increases the 
stability of the business world, taises its moral tone, and puts a premium upon 


1115 


those habits of thrift and saving which are so essential to the welfare of the 
people as a body. 

Incidentally, it seems to me that what has occurred furnishes another ar- 
gument for effective supervision by the national government, if such super- 
vision can be obtained, over all those great insurance corporations which do 
an interstate business. 

With earnest good wishes. Faithfully yours 

3554 • TO CLABA STONE HAY Roosevclt Mss. 

Washington, June 12, 1905 

Dear Mrs. Hay; I suppose nothing will keep John away from Washington, 
but he must not stay here more than forty-eight hours. Then he must rest for 
this summer. I shall handle the whole business of the State Department my- 
self this summer, with Penfield as my assistant when Loomis is away. Always 
yours 

3555 ' TO JOHN HAY Roosevelt Mss. 

Washington, June 12, 1905 

Dear John: Welcome back to this side. It really begins to look as if I have 
got Japan and Russia so that they will be willing to discuss the terms of peace. 

Unfortunately, the Bowen-Loomis matter is not yet finished, but I shall 
ask you to pay no heed to it. Taft has got it nearly through, and it is better 
that he and I should finish it. 

It is not necessary for you to come to Washington at all, and I should 
advise your going straight up to New Hampshire; but if you do come here 
stay only a day or two. Then take a summer of complete rest. 

I send a line of greeting to Mrs. Hay also. Always yours 

3556 • TO WELDON BRINTON HEYBURN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 13, 1905 

My dear Senator Hey bum: With your recent letter were several newspaper 
clippings from Idaho papers on the subject of forest reserves which, you teU 
me, indicate the sentiment in your State on the forest reserve question. With 
few exceptions, these articles, though the writers do not always seem to 
know it, are in direct accord with the present policy of the Government in 
the establishment of National Forest Reserves. The various writers agree that 
forest reserves in southern Idaho are absolutely essential to ihe general pros- 
perity of that region. It is admitted that there the forests must be protected 
and wisely used for the regulation of the waterflow and for the benefit of the 
setders on vast areas of arid lands soon to be irrigated. This sentiment speaks 
wdd for the work of the Forest Service in this region and seems to indicate 

I2I<5 


that the recommendations of its field men are so far heartily approved, not- 
withstanding the fact that you yourself have opposed, by written protest, 
the establishment of each and every one of the new forest reserves in southern 
Idaho. 

It is said in these articles that some pine lands will produce excellent crops 
after the timber is removed. This I can readily believe. If such lands are in- 
cluded in forest reserves it will be the Government’s policy to open them to 
settlement, by elimination or otherwise, just as soon as they are shown to be 
more valuable for agriculture than for the production of timber or the pro- 
tection of the waterflow. 

One specially interesting article contains an interview in which the opin- 
ion is expressed that the recent temporary withdrawal in the Coeur d’Alene 
and Lewiston districts w-'as encouraged by certain large corporations, which 
corporations already hold large bodies of timberland in Idaho and adjacent 
States. It is argued that if this temporary withdrawal is made permanent these 
corporations will be the only people who can purchase the timber from the 
Government; and that they will be able to make purchases at a very low 
figure, and in that way stifle competition. As the gentleman who advances 
this opinion is expecting to locate, by means of so-called scrip, large areas of 
timberlands in northern Idaho in the interest of certain eastern capitalists, it 
is obvious that he himself, at least, stands in no great fear of the competition 
of these corporations. But the fear expressed in the article is chimerical. In 
reality, in such cases as this, the establishment of a forest reserve offers the 
fairest possible solution of the questions at issue. At present, since by far the 
greater part of the lands are unsurveyed, the timber cannot be lawfully dis- 
posed of. Just as soon as a forest reserve is established the mature timber is 
for sale, and for sale to the settler, the miner, and the stockman; to individuals, 
companies, and corporations. It is for sale in small or large amounts. More- 
over, the Government is at liberty to sell as much or as little as conditions 
may warrant, and at such a price as circumstances may call for. But it is for 
sale; it is not to be stolen, and this simple fact accounts for much of the hostil- 
ity to our policy. No one can force the Government to sell a single stick of 
timber from a National Forest Reserve if by so doing the best interests of all 
the people would be injured. What better guarantee is possible against unjust 
competition? 

This same article complains that the. homesteader can now obtain but a 
small compensation for the relinquishment of his timber claim. But such a 
so-called homesteader is not a real homesteader at all. He is entided to no 
sympathy. He is not the man who tills the soil, builds the home, and brings 
permanent prosperity to the region. This is the man who skins the country 
and moves on. Otherwise he would not relinquish his claim, as he admittedly 
does at the first favorable opportunity, to diose who are seeking investments 
in timberlands. To the real homesteader who tills the soil and builds a house 
to live in, nothing should be grudged. He is there to stay. To the fraudulent 


IZ17 


homesteader who builds a shelter for the night under tall timber, no encour- 
agement is due. He takes all he can get and moves on. Sympathy for such a 
man is sympathy for one who is engaged in fraudulent transactions; if sincere 
it is wasted; and it is hard to see how it can be sincere on the part of one who 
takes the trouble to find out the facts. 

As an argument for the establishment of forest reserves in northern Idaho 
it has never been claimed that the forests there were important as a means of 
regulating the waterflow. That part of the State is abundantly watered and is 
not concerned with questions of irrigation. It is merely a matter of bringing 
the Government timberlands under a wise and practical system of protection 
with a view to providing a permanent supply of timber, first, for present 
needs, and second, for future use. The immense damage already done by for- 
est fires in this particular region is well known. Under forest reserve manage- 
ment the timber is protected against fire and simple regulations are made for 
lumbering, in order that the future productiveness of the forest lands may be 
assured. Great as the mining interests of northern Idaho are now, they are 
insignificant compared to what they will be in years to come. Timber near 
at hand is absolutely essential to the permanent prosperity of this industry 
and one of the chief objects of forest reserves in northern Idaho is to make 
sure of the forest resources for present and future use. We wish to prevent 
the theft of timber and the wanton and reckless destruction of timber; and 
we do this in the interest of the public, of the public as it is today and of the 
public as it wili be in the future. 

In your own interview published by the Wallace Press and copied by the 
Lewiston Journal, you say that it is your purpose to prevent the withdrawal 
of any portion of the lands of Idaho that are adapted to settlement and home- 
making purposes. If tiiis is your only purpose, you can spare yourself all 
amdety, for the policy described is precisely the Government’s policy in its 
temporary withdrawds for forest reserves. These withdrawals are based on 
det^cd maps prepared after careful examination in the field. The character 
of each section is shown and the field work is done by men who are from 
training and experience thoroughly familiar witii western conditions. The 
peculiar difficulties of this work have been fully appreciated, and in my judg- 
ment your belief that theory and inexperience have entered into the matter 
is a wholly mistaken one. I had you in conference with the men (men bom 
or raised in the west, by the way) who have advised these withdrawals, and 
it was evident that they knew thorough and completely the conditions; and 
that the theory upon which you yourself were actii^ was an entirely mis- 
taken one. Let me again repeat with all emphasis that only those lands which 
are shown by the Forest Service to be more valuable for the production of 
timber or the protection of the waterflow than for agricultural purposes will 
be included in permanent forest reserves; and that if it is afterwards proven 
that any lands within a forest reserve are of chief value for agricultural pur- 

1218 



poses, such lands, by elimination or otherwise, will be turned over to the 
home builder. 

We are agreed on the question that public lands of an agricultural nature 
should be jealously guarded and freely offered for the permanent use of the 
real settler and home builder and that every encouragement should be offered 
to bring about a substantial development in this direction. Further than this, 
and apparently in opposition to your own views, I am convinced that the 
public forest lands should be just as carefully guarded as the public agricul- 
tural lands, and that their resources should be protected and wisely used for 
the best good of all the people in the long run. The contrary policy, which 
you seem to advocate, is in my judgment a policy of destruction of the State’s 
future assets in the temporary interest of a few favored parties. 

The other clippings you send relate to party matters, and strive to make 
it appear that the forest reserve question in Idaho is a matter of political im- 
portance. Now when I can properly pay heed to political interests, I will do 
so; but I will not for one moment consent to sacrifice the interests of the 
people as a whole to the real or fancied interests of any individual or of any 
political faction. The Government policy in the establishment of National 
Forest Reserves has been in effect for some time; its good results are already 
evident; it is a policy emphatically in the interest of the people as a whole; 
and especially the people of the west; I believe they cordially approve it; and 
I do not intend to abandon it. Very truly yours 

3557 • TO JOSEPH BUCKLiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Private Washington, June 15, 1905 

My dear Bishop: What you write me about the paper is not unexpected, but 
I am very sorry nevertheless. 

Now old man, I do not think you are just to either Root or Morton. Root 
has done for me very, very much. He has helped me again and again to a 
degree that I cannot overstate. For the most part this help has been rendered 
in connection with public movements which I had deeply at heart. Some- 
times it has been rendered to me personally at times when it was very im- 
portant for me to have it — as, for instance, at the time of my nomination 
for Governor, and again at the time of his speech to the Union League Qub 
before my nomination for President last year. While he was Secretary of 
War, and even since he left the Cabinet, he has again and agdn given me the 
most valuable aid, the results appearing to my credit and not to his; so that 
his labor was absolutely dianterested. During the whole time that I was so 
intimately associated with him here, I found him always as disinterested as 
Taft himself in his public service, and also as efficient and useful a public 
servant as the United States has ever had in a Cabinet position. The very fact 
that he has helped me in all these ways, while he naturally coidd not approve 


1219 



of some of my attitudes about corporations in view of his own relations with 
them, increases my regard for him. As for his speech at the Parker dinner, 
while I think it would have been better if he had not made it,^ it does not 
weigh an ounce compared to the tons of good work he has done! He has not 
the view that Taft and I take about corporations — about Mr. Whitney, Mr. 
Ryan, and so forth, and so forth; but that he is conscientious in his view I 
am absolutely sure. 

So with Paul Morton. He has been my disinterested friend and champion. 
He had nothing in the world to gain from me, but has for years stood up for 
me for no earthly motive that anyone can see except his belief that I was 
decent and square. Not only did he not want ofSce, but he point-blank re- 
fused to come into the Cabinet when I first asked him, and yielded only to 
my pressing solicitations. The attacks that have been made upon him have 
come purely because he thus did what I asked of him. He has been the best 
Secretary of the Navy we have ever had — I think even better than Moody, 
who himself did better than any previous man. I am certain that he is going 
to do the very straightest work he can in this Equitable business, just as I 
am certain that Cleveland will. I think the mugwump attitude toward Cleve- 
land as President a ridiculous absurdity; but I am sure that Cleveland is honest 
and would not consciously do anything that was not in accordance with high 
business standards. Such is equally my conviction about Morton. 

Both you and Whitridge (to whom as well as to Butler you can show 
this letter if you desire, and not to anyone else) have expressed the same 
views to me about Morton and Root. I have not said much about it, but I 
really feel as if my loyalty to them compels me to make this statement. I 
should make quite as strong a statement about you if anyone attacked you, 
old fellow. Always yours 


3558 • TO OSCAR SOLOMON STRAUS Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Washington, June 15, 1905 

Dear Mr. Straus: I thank you for your letter. I have been having a curious 
time. I have been endeavoring to get Russia and Japan to go to The Hague. 
Curiously enough Russia is most reluctant and Japan positively refuses, and 
both powers after failing, respectively, to get Paris and Chefoo have stated 
that they wish to come to Washington; that is, to the United States. I told 
them both that I thought this a much less wise choice; but of course I cannot 
force them to take what they do not want, and so Washington will have to 
be selected. Sincerely yours 

^ At a dinner for Judge Parker on December 22, 1904, Root praised Parker’s career as 
a judge. He expressed his hope that Parker would soon be reappointed to the bench 
so that the lawyers of New York might “look into his frank, honest face and feel 
again that in his hands their case and the interests of their clients were absolutely 
s&e.” 


1220 



3559 ‘ TO ARTURO PAULOVITCH CASSINI 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, June 15, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I saw the Japanese representative yesterday after- 
noon and have heard from him again this morning. I have now notified him 
that in accordance with the dispatch you sent me yesterday I shall appoint 
Washington as the place of meeting. If you find it hot here you can arrange 
that the conference take place in some more northern locality. 

If you can come to the White House at 3 o’clock this afternoon I will 
tell you the details. Sincerely yours 


3560 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal and private Washington, June i6, 1905 

Dear Cabot: Will you hand the enclosed note to Ambassador Reid? I hope 
you will tell the King exactly my relations with the Kaiser. I want to remain 
on good terms with him; there are certain things I admire about him; but it 
is preposterous to say that I am under his influence. On the other hand neither 
you nor I are under British influence — but you need not mention this! You 
can say with entire truth that we intend to have the United States and Eng- 
land work together just as we are now working together in the Far East; 
and that as regards the Kaiser I intend to keep the relations of Germany and 
the United States on a good footing, but that it is a simple wild nightmare to 
suppose that he can use me to the detriment of any other nation. 

Your letter’ was a great comfort to me; though some of the quotations 
necessitated an appeal on my part to Edith, (though I ought to know “Qeon” 
by heart). I agree with what you say about the taxes. I do not agree that I am 
myself blameless in the Newfoundland matter. I should have taken a more 
personal interest in it and have exercised a closer supervision of it. 

• I am particularly interested in what you tell me about the Bang of Italy. 
What an interesting time you are having! 

Now as to the peace negotiations here. I have been having endless diffi- 
culties. Russia has been guilty of double dealing more than once, and Japan’s 
course has not always been satisfactory. Perhaps you will be interested in 
knowing exactly how I handled the affair, so I shall now give it to you, docu- 
ments and everything. But of course this letter must be most carefully 
guarded, as it will cause real trouble if it should get out. 

I made my first move in the peace negotiations on the request of Japan 
in the following telegram handed to me by Takahira; it had been sent to him 
by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan on the 3 ist of May; 

With reference to your telegram of the 28th of May, you are hereby instructed 
to say to the President that Japan’s signal naval victory having completely de- 
stroyed the force upon which Russia confidently rdied to turn the tide of the war, 

’Lodge to Roosevelt, June 3, 1905. See Lodge, II, 126-130. 


122 1 



it may be reasonably expected that the Government of St, Petersburg will turn 
now its attention to the question of peace. The Japanese Government still adhere 
to the conviction that the peace negotiations, when they come, should be con- 
ducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents, but even in such case 
friendly assistance of a neutral will be essential in order to bring them together 
for the purpose of such negotiation and the Japanese Government would prefer 
to have that office undertaken by a neutral in whose good judgment and wise dis- 
cretion, they have entire confidence. You will express to the President the hope of 
the Japanese Government that in actual circumstances of the case and having in 
view the changed situation resulting from the recent naval battle, he will see his 
way directly and entirely of his own motion and initiative to invite the two bel- 
ligerents to come together for the purpose of direct negotiation and you will add 
that if the President is disposed to undertake the service, the Japanese Govern- 
ment will leave it to him to determine the course of procedure and what other 
Power or Powers, if any, should be consulted in the matter of suggested invita- 
tion, You will ask the President whether in his opinion the Japanese Government 
can, with a view to facilitate the course (?) advantageously take any other or 
further action in the matter and you will make it entirely clear to the President 
that the Japanese Government have no intention by the present communication 
(?) to approach Russia either directly or indirectly on the subject of peace. 

I was amused by the way in which they asked me to invite the two bel- 
ligerents together directly on my own motion and initiative. It reminded me 
of the request for contributions sent by campaign committees to officeholders 
wherein they are asked to make a “voluntary contribution of ten per cent” 
of their salary. It showed a certain naivete on the part of the Japanese. I then 
saw Cassini and made the proposition to him. Cassini answered by his usual 
rigmarole, to the effect that Russia was fighting the battles of the white race 
(to which I responded by asking him why in that case she had treated the 
other members of the white race even worse than she had treated Japan); 
that Russia was too great to admit defeat, and so forth, and so forth. How- 
ever, I spoke to him pretty emphatically, and he said he would communicate 
my views to his home Government and find out if they were agreeable to my 
request. Meanwhile I had been keeping in touch with Speck and Jusserand, 
and suddenly received an indication of what the Kaiser was doing. I sent you 
a copy of his telegram in my last letter. Partly because of this telegram, and 
partly also because I could not be sure that Cassini w^ould really tell his home 
Government what I had been doing or Lamsdorff would tell the Czar what 
I wished, I made up my mind to have Meyer see the Czar in person, and I 
sent him the cable about which I wrote you in my last letter. 

I then had a perfectly characteristic experience, showing the utterly loose 
way in which the Russian Government works. On June 6th Cassini showed 
me a dispatch from his Government in w^hich they declined my proposition; 
or rather did not answer it at all, but said that they would not ask either 
peace or mediation, but asked me to exercise a moderating influence on the 
demands of Japan and to find out what these demands were. 


IZ22 



The next day Meyer sent me the following dispatch, which of course 
directly reversed Cassini’s action: 

The Emperor assured me yesterday afternoon that he was convinced that his 
people did not desire peace at any price and would support him in continuing the 
war rather than have him make what would be considered dishonorable terms. 

The Emperor, however, authorized me to say that he accepts and consents to 
the President’s proposition, as cabled to me, with the understanding that it is to be 
kept absolutely secret, and that the President is to act on his own initiative in 
endeavoring to obtain the consent of Japanese Government to a meeting of Rus- 
sian and Japanese plenipotentiaries, without intermediary, in order to see if it is 
not possible for them to agree to terms of peace. It is of the utmost importance 
that Czar’s answer and acceptance is to be kept absolutely secret, as well as all that 
has so far (transpired,) nothing being made public until Japan also agrees. The 
President will then openly, on his own initiative, ask each power to agree to a 
meeting. The Emperor said that as yet no foot had been placed on Russian soil, 
that he realized that Sakhalin could be attacked very shortly, therefore important 
to get Japan’s consent at once before attack is made. The Czar desired me to in- 
form him at the earliest possible moment of Japan’s answer. He assured me he had 
the greatest confidence in the President and that he hoped to see the old friendship 
return which had formerly existed between the two countries, and that he realized 
that any change which had come about was due to the press and not to the gov- 
ernments. 

Cassini was not notified of this and insisted that Meyer had misquoted the 
Czar and got his words wrong. I had this statement cabled over to Meyer, 
who got the authority of LamsdorlF to say that he had quoted the Czar cor- 
rectly and that his (Meyer’s) dispatch, w^hich was shown to LamsdorfF, was 
an accurate account of what has been said. Cassini’s words were that Meyer 
“might have misinterpreted or forgotten what the Emperor had said.” He 
told this to Cal O’Laughlin, a very good little fellow, whom he has been 
using as a means of communicating with me, with Speck, and with Takahira, 
as regards these peace matters. Is not this characteristically Russian? Cassini 
also sent various other messages to me by O’Laughlin, including a protest 
against my seeing so much of the Japanese Minister and of the representatives 
of the neutral Powers. I told O’Laughlin that I regarded this protest as im- 
pertinent, and requested that Cassini would not repeat it. He also protested 
that I was trying to make Russia move too quickly, and was very indignant 
over my order interning the Russian ships at Manila, saying “this is not the 
time to establish new principles of international law.” As you probably saw, 
I had declined to allow the Russian ships to make any repairs that were ren- 
dered necessary by the results of the battle, and then had them interned. I 
informed Cassini that it was precisely the right time to establish a new prin- 
ciple of international law, when the principle was a good one, and that the 
principle is now established. 

Meanwhile I published my identical note, as follows: 


1223 



June 8, 1905. 


Meyer, 

American Ambassador, 

St, Petersburg, Russia. 

Inform the Czar’s Government that Japan has consented to the proposal. Then 
present to the Russian Government the following dispatch, which is identical in 
terms with one that is being sent to Japan: When this dispatch has been received 
by both Governments it will be made public in Washington. 

“The President feels that the time has come when in the interest of all mankind 
he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and 
lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United 
States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes for the prosperity 
and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the 
war between these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian 
and Japanese Governments not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of 
the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with one another. 
The President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted directly and 
exclusively between the belligerents; in other words that there may be a meeting 
of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates, without any intermediary, 
in order to see if it is not possible for these representatives of the two powers to 
agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the Russian Government 
do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise to 
agree. While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in 
in respect to the peace negotiations themselves he is entirely willing to do what 
he properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid 
in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even 
these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any 
other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meet- 
ing which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace.” 

Then Cassini must have been told by his Government what had happened, 
for he called upon me and notified me that the Russian Government thanked 
me and adopted my suggestions. I am inclined to think that up to the time 
he had received the message which he then communicated to me, that liis 
Government had told him nothing whatever as to their attitude toward peace. 

Now occurred a rather exasperating incident. The Japanese answer to 
my identical note was as follows: 

June 10, 1905. 

Minister for foreign affairs has handed me the following answer to the dispatch 
embodied in your telegram of the 8th instant: 

“The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the President of 
the United States, embodied in the note handed to the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
by the American Minister oh the 9th instant, the vfery serious consideration to 
which, taking into consideration its sources and its import, it is justly entitled. 
Desiring in the interest of the world as well as and in the mutual interest Japan 
the re-establishment of peace with Russia on terms and conditions that will f^y 
guarantee its stability, the Imperial Government wiU, in response to the suggestion 
of the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet plenipotentiaries , of 
Russia at such time and place as may be found to be mutually agreeable and con- 
venient for the purpose of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and 
exclusively between the two belligerent powers.” 


I2Z4 



Cassini in his verbal statement to me accepted just as unreservedly, but 
after he had thus accepted I received the following dispatch from Lamsdorff 
through Meyer: 


June 12, 1905. 

The following note is just received from the foreign office, which I transmit 
in full: 

“I did not fail to place before my August Majesty the telegraphic communica- 
tion which your excellency has been pleased to transmit to me under instructions 
of your government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments expressed by 
the President, is glad to find in it a new proof of the traditional friendship which 
unites Russia to the United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high 
value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches even as His Imperial Majesty does to that 
universal peace so essential to the welfare and progress of all humanity. 

“With regard to the eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipoten- 
tiaries, ‘In order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to agree to terms of 
peace,’ the Imperial Government has no objection in principle to this endeavor if 
the Japanese Government expresses a like desire.” 

This note is of course much less satisfactory than Japan’s, for it shows a 
certain slyness and an endeavor to avoid anything like a definite committal, 
which most naturally irritated Japan, while at the same time as it used the 
very words of my identical note it did not offer grounds for backing out of 
the negotiations. But Japan now started to play the fooL It sent a request for 
me to get a categorical answer from Russia as to whether she would appoint 
plenipotentiaries who would have full power to make peace, and hinted that 
otherwise Japan did not care for the meeting. Meanwhile Russia had pro- 
posed Paris for the place of meeting, and Japan Chefoo. Each declined to 
accept the other’s proposition. I then made a counter proposition of The 
Hague, which was transmitted to both Governments. It was crossed, how- 
ever, by a proposition from Russia that the meeting should take place in 
Washington. Japan answered my proposition positively declining to go to 
Europe and expressing its preference for the United States, as being half way 
between Europe and Asia. Russia having first suggested Washington I 
promptly closed and notified both Japan and Russia that I had thus accepted 
Washington, Then to ease the Japanese mind I presented to Cassini the fol- 
lowing memorandum: 

Memorandum of statement made by the President to the Russian Ambassador, 
at the White House, June 15, 1905: 

The President has received from Japan the statement that with the object of a 
definite conclusion of terms of peace they intend to clothe their plenipotentiaries 
with full powers to negotiate and conclude such peace, subject of course to ratifi- 
cation by the home Government. The President earnestly hopes that Russia will 
endow her plempotentiaries with similar powers, so that they may, if they are 
able to come to an agreement with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, negotiate and 
conclude the terms of peace, subject of course to approval by the home Govern- 
ment, of Russia, 

The President feds not only that every effort should be made to come to an 

1225 



agreement on terms which both parties can accept, but that the steps should be 
taken so as to convince even the most doubting that there is such earnest purpose. 
This result will be accomplished, in the President’s belief, by the appointment of 
plenipotentiaries as suggested above. The Japanese Government intends to appoint 
at least two plenipotentiaries. The President suggests that it might be wise for 
Russia to appoint at least two likewise. This is of course a mere suggestion of the 
President’s. 

After my conversation with him I wrote the following letter: 

June 15, 1905. 

My dear Mr. Takahira: 

I handed to Count Cassini the memorandum, but I took it back on finding 
that the questions therein raised were virtually answered; one by a message from 
the Russian Government, handed to me in French, that as regards the plenipoten- 
tiaries “I’Empereur nommera en son temps des personnes tenant un tres haut rang 
dans le service de I’Etat et jouissant de la confiance de Sa Majeste”; the other by 
the statement to me of Count Cassini that the use of the word plenipotentiary 
meant of itself that as a matter of course the Russian delegates would have full 
power, if they were able to agree with the representatives of Japan, to negotiate 
a treaty, this treaty equally, of course, to be subject to the ratification of the home 
government. 

I am taking steps to try to choose some cool, comfortable and retired place for 
the meeting of the plenipotentiaries, where ±e conditions will be agreeable, and 
there will be as much freedom from interruption as possible. 

With great regard. 

Very truly yours, 

Theodoke Roosevelt. 

Mr. Kogoro Takahira, 

Minister of Japan. 

I had previously sent this letter to Cassini in the following note: 

June 15, 1905. 

My dear Mr, Ambassador: 

Here is the letter I am sending to Minister Takahira. The messenger will wait 
for any suggestion you may have in returning it to me. 

With lugh regard. 

Sincerely yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Comte Cassini, 

Russian Ambassador. 

To which he responded in the following: 

Washington, le 15 Juin 1905. 

Monsieur le President: 

Je m’empresse de Vous restituer avec mes meilleurs remerciements la lettre 
adressee a Mr. Kogoro Takahira dont vous avez bien voulu me donner connais- 
sance, et j’ai I’honneur d’ajouter que je partage les vues qui s’y trouvent exposees. 

Veuillez agreer, Monsieur le President, Tassurance de ma plus haute consid- 
eration. 

Cassihl 

Monsieur le Preadent des Etats-Unis. 


izz6 



Then came a new complication. I received from Meyer the following 
communication; 


June i6, 1905. 

Your cable of 15th received. While at Foreign Office, yesterday, Lamsdorff 
informed me that he had cabled Cassini, Washington, that morning, that The 
Hague would be most acceptable to Russia as a place of meeting. I told him that 
I had received word, confidentially, that the President is doing what he properly 
can to get both governments to agree upon The Hague. On returning to the 
Embassy I cabled what Lamsdorff had said ***** morning, in compliance 
with your instructions. I informed Lamsdorff that the President, before the receipt 
of my cable and in accordance with the statement of the Russian Government 
made to him through Cassini, Washington, that Washington, D.C., as the place 
of meeting would be agreeable to Russian Government, the President had notified 
Japanese Government that Washington, D.C., (would be?) named as the place 
of meeting, this being agreeable to both Russia and Japan, it is too late now for 
the President to reverse his action and that such a course would doubtless not be 
acceptable to Japan. Lamsdorff acknowledged that Cassini, Washington, had re- 
ceived the above instructions but claims that he cabled Cassini, Washington, in 
reply to his cable about The Hague before he was informed of any final decision 
as to Washington; that The Hague was preferable to them for many reasons; that 
they desired it instead of Washington on account of the distance, that Washington 
was also undesirable on account of the summer heat and the fact that they were 
changing ambassadors. I called his attention to the fact that the negotiations as to 
the meeting place had been carried on through his ambassador at Washington, 
and asked him if he would read me his cable instructions to Count Cassini, Wash- 
ington, p.C, on this matter. This he however avoided. I assured him that I con- 
sidered it extraordinary procedure on Russia’s part to endeavor to force the 
President to reverse his action after having taken such action on a favorable repre- 
sentation from their ambassador as to Washington for a place of meeting; also 
that I believed it might be a serious and embarrassing matter if they now con- 
tinued to press for The Hague. Lamsdorff then said he would have to consult 
with the Emperor and that he would cable Cassini, Washington. 

which I answered as follows: 

June 16, 1905, 

Meyer, 

American Ambassador, 

St. Petersburg. 

You will please immediately inform Count Lamsdorff that I was handed by 
Ambassador Cassini a cable from him dated June 13 which ran as follows: 

“As regards the place of the proposed meeting its choice is of only secondary 
importance since the plenipotentiaries of both Russia and Japan are to negotiate 
directly without any participation by third powers. If Paris, so desirable for many 
reasons, encounters opposition, then the Imperial Government gives the prefer- 
ence^ to Washington over all other cities, especially since the presence of the 
President, initiator of the meeting, can exercise a beneficient influence toward the 
end which we all have in view.” Accordingly after having received word from 
Japan that she objected to The Ha^e, and before I received any notification 
whatever about The Hague from Russia, I notified Japan that Washington would 
be the appointed place, and so informed Ambassador Cassini. I then gave the same 
announcement to the public. It is of course out of the question for me to consider 


1227 



any reversal of this action and I regard the incident as closed, so far as the place 
of meeting is concerned. If Count Lamsdorff does not acquiesce in this view you 
will please see the Czar personally and read to him this cable stating to Count 
Lamsdorff that you are obliged to make the request because of the extreme gravity 
of the situation. Explain to Count Lamsdorff and if necessary to the Czar that I 
am convinced that on consideration they will of their own accord perceive that 
it is entirely out of the question for me now to reverse the action I took in 
accordance with the request of the Russian Government, which action has been 
communicated to and acquiesced in by Japan, and has been published to the entire 
world. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

I have not heard anything more, but I cannot tell in the least what I shall 
hear. Meanwhile I gave to Takahira the following memorandum: 

Memorandum for the Japanese Government given by the President to Minister 
Takahira, June 15, 1905. 

The President regrets that Japan did not feel able to accept The Hague as 
the President suggested, but in accordance with Japan^s wishes he has notified 
Russia that Washington will be the place of meeting. Russia will accept Washing- 
ton, although of course she would have preferred The Hague. The President most 
strongly urges the inadvisability of requesting a categorical answer on the lines 
of the Japanese dispatch received today (June 14th). The President would much 
have preferred if Russia’s answer to his identical note had been couched in the 
same language that was used in the Japanese note, but the Russian note used the 
President’s own language, which language had been submitted by the President 
to die Japanese Government before he used it, and it would put both the President 
and, in his opinion, the Japanese Government in a false and untenable position if 
the Japanese now refuse to meet, in spite of the fact that the Russian answer uses 
the exact language of the President’s request. Moreover, the President feels most 
strongly that the question of the powers of the plenipotentiaries is not in the least 
a vital question, whereas it is vital that the meeting should take place if there is 
any purpose to get peace. If there was no sincere desire to get peace, then the fact 
of the plenipotentiaries having full powers would not in any way avail to secure 
it. But if, as the President hopes and believes, there is a real chance for peace, it 
makes comparatively little difference what the formal instructions to the pleni- 
potentiaries may be. It is possible, of course, that an agreement may not come, but 
the President has very strong hopes that if the meeting takes place it will be found 
that peace can be obtained. The President has urged Russia to clothe her pleni- 
potentiaries with full powers, as Japan has indicated her intention of doing. But 
even if Russia does not adopt the President’s suggestion, the President does not feel 
that such failure to adopt it would give legitimate ground to Japan for refusing 
to do what the President has, with the prior assent of Japan, asked both Powers 
to do. 

I sent to Griscom the following dispatch: 

June 16, 1905. 

Griscom, 

American Minister, 

Tokyo: 

The President has informed Minister Takahira that he considers it most unwise 
for Japan to hang back or raise questions over the wording of the Russian note 
about the sending of delegates to the peace conference. For Japan to now hang 

1228 


back will create a most unfortunate impression in this country and in Europe. At 
present the feeling is that Japan has been frank and straightforward and wants 
peace if it can be obtained on proper terms, whereas Russia has sho^vn a tendency 
to hang back. It will be a misfortune for Japan in the judgment of the President if 
any action of Japan now gives rise to the contrary feeling. Moreover, in the Presi- 
dent’s judgment there is absolutely nothing to be gained by such action on the 
part of Japan. No instructions to the plenipotentiaries would be of any avail if 
they did not intend to make peace. But if, as the President believes, the force of 
events will tend to secure peace if once the representatives of the two parties can 
come together, then it is obviously most unwise to delay the meeting for reasons 
that are trivial or of no real weight. The President regretted that Japan would not 
accept The Hague as the place of meeting, but in accordance with Japan’s wishes 
he has arranged for the meeting to take place in the United States. The President 
has the assurance of the Russian Ambassador that the Russian plenipotentiaries 
will as a matter of course have full power to conclude a definite treaty of peace, 
subject to the ratification of the home government; but even if this were not so 
the President feels that it would be most unwise for Japan now to withdraw from 
the meeting, especially in view of the terms in which the President’s identical note 
was couched, and he also feels that if the meeting can be secured the really impor- 
tant step toward obtaining peace will have been taken, without any reference to 
the exact form in which the plenipotentiaries receive their instructions. Commimi- 
cate this to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

I had already received from Takahira the following confidential memo- 
randum: 

You are hereby instructed to express to the President our thanks for the steps 
which he has taken in die interest of peace. You will say to him that the Japanese 
Government believe he has very clear appreciation of their present disposition as 
well as the principles by which they have been guided throughout the struggle. 
But even at the risk of repetition they will restate their attitude. The war, from 
Japan’s point of view, is essentially and exclusively one of self-defense. It has 
never, so far as she is concerned, possessed any element of self-aggrandizement. 
Accordingly, the demand to be formulated by Japan will only be commensimate 
with the original objects to be attained, and even in the sequel of the decisive 
battles of Mukden and the Japan Sea, she has no intention of demanding anything 
excessive. Her territorial and financial demands will be found to^ be wholly con- 
sistent with that attitude. The demand for territorial cession will be limited to 
Sakhalin and the indemnity to be demanded will be moderate and reasonable 
containing nothing of a consequential or exemplary nature. 

The above is in answer to my report on the conversation of the President on 
the night of the 3rd May (Jvme?) (Saturday). 

T. 

Meanwhile I have been explaining at length to both Russia and Japan the 
folly of haggling over details. I have treated both Takahira and Cassini with 
entire frankness, saying the same things in effect to each, except that I have 
of course concealed from everyone — literally everyone — the fact that I 
acted in the first place on Japan’s suggestion. I told Russia that it was non- 
sense for her to stick at trifles, that if the war went on she would lose all her 
possessions in eastern Asia and that the blow to her would be well-nigh 


1219 



irreparable; that while I had not sympathized with her at the outset I should 
be very sorry, because of my real regard for the Russian people and because 
of my regard for the interests of the world generally, to see her driven out 
of territory which had been hers for a couple of centuries; and that I had 
hoped she would make up her mind that she would have to make concessions 
in order to obtain peace because her military position was now hopeless, and 
that however future wars might come out this war was assuredly a failure. 
To the Japanese I have said that if they made such terms that Russia would 
prefer to fight for another year, they would without doubt get all eastern 
Siberia, but that in my opinion it would be an utterly valueless possession to 
them, while they would make of Russia an enemy whose hostility would 
endure as long as the nation herself existed and that to achieve this result at 
the cost of an additional year of loss of blood and money and consequent 
strain upon Japanese resources seems to me to be wholly useless. Japan now 
has Port Arthur and Korea and the dominance in Manchuria, and I should 
feel that the less she asked for in addition the better it would be. I also told 
them that if I were in their place I should cheerfully have accepted Russia’s 
proposition to go to The Hague, or for the matter of that to go to Paris, 
because I should have been only too glad to give Russia the shell as long as I 
kept the kernel. The latter expression, by the way, interested Takahira very 
much and I had to explain at some length what I meant. 

In short, the more I see of the Czar, the Kaiser, and the Mikado the better 
I am content with democracy, even if we have to include the American news- 
paper as one of its assets — liability would be a better term. Russia is so cor- 
rupt, so treacherous and shifty, and so incompetent, that I am utterly unable 
to say whether or not it will make peace, or break off the negotiations at any 
moment. Japan is, of course, entirely selfish, though with a veneer of cour- 
tesy, and with infinitely more knowledge of what it wants and capacity to 
get it. I should not be surprised if the peace negotiations broke off at any 
moment. Russia, of course, does not beUeve in the genuineness of my motives 
and words, and I sometimes doubt whether Japan does. 

It is for the real interest of Japan to make peace, if she can get suitable 
terms, rather than fight on for a year at a great cost of men and money and 
then find herself in possession of eastern Siberia (which is of no value to her) 
and much strained by the struggle. Russia had far better make peace now, if 
she possibly can and find her boundaries in east Asia left widiout material 
shrinkage from what they were ten years ago, than to submit to being driven 
out of east Asia. While for the rest of us, while Russia’s triumph would have 
been a blow to civilization, her destruction as an eastern Asiatic power would 
also in my opinion be unfortunate. It is best that she should be left face to 
face with Japan so that each may have a moderative action on the other. As 
for Japan, she has risen with simply marvelous rapidity, and she is as formid- 
able from the industrial as from the military standpoint. She is a great civ- 
ilized nation; though her civilization is in some important respects not like 


1230 



ours. There are some things she can teach us, and some things she can learn 
from us. She will be as formidable an industrial competitor as, for instance, 
Germany, and in a dozen years I think she will be the leading industrial na- 
tion of the Pacific. The way she has extended her trade and prepared for the 
establishment of new steamship lines to all kinds of points in the Pacific has 
been astonishing, for it has gone right on even through the time of this war. 
Whether her tremendous gro^irh in industrialism will in course of time mod- 
ify and perhaps soften the wonderful military spirit she has inherited from 
the days of the Samurai supremacy it is hard to say. Personally, I think it 
will; but the effect will hardly be felt for a generation to come. Still, her 
growing industrial wealth will be to a certain extent a hostage for her keep- 
ing the peace. We should treat her courteously, generously and justly, but 
we should keep our navy up and make it evident that we are not influenced 
by fear. I do not believe she will look toward the Philippines until affairs are 
settled on the mainland of Asia in connection with China even if she ever 
looks toward them, and on the mainland in China her policy is the policy to 
which we are already committed. 

Within twenty-four hours an incident has occurred which exactly meas- 
ures the difficulty of trying to get peace for Russia. Since writing the above 
Meyer sent me the following cable about Lamsdorff’s attitude: 

June 17, 1905. 

Your cable received. Your instructions carried out as to Minister for Foreign 
Affairs. He acknowledges the instructions cabled to Cassini of June 13, which were 
sent on the Czar’s approval. States that he sent last evening further instructions 
and explanations through Cassini and before making any reply to me wishes to 
await the reply of Cassini and then advise His Majesty of the same. Meantime 
Lamsdorff will forward today copy of your cable to the Emperor, and will inform 
me of His Majesty’s decision, although the official response will probably be 
formally sent through Cassini, as Lamsdorff claims that the matter is a question 
carried on through Cassini and not between Lamsdorff and myself, and for the 
present Lamsdorff practically declines to ask for audience for me with the Em- 
peror. There was nothing in the interview which would necessarily indicate that 
Russia would in the end refuse Washington. 

And at the same time the Associated Press published from St. Petersburg 
the following dispatch: 

St. Petersburg, June 17, X905. 

The question of the place of meeting of the Russian and Japanese representa- 
tives has been reopened and there is a possibility that The Hague instead of Wash- 
ington may be selected. After the announcement that Washington had been se- 
lected Russia expressed a desire to have the selection reconsidered and exchanges 
to that end are now proceeding between foreign minister Lamsdorff and Ambassa- 
dor Meyer and Washington. Russia’s preference for The Hague is based on the 
obvious advantages that it is entirely neutralized, the capital of a small state and 
the site of the arbitration court and also by consideration of time. 

But my original cable to Meyer evidently called the bluff, as is shown by 
the following cable from Meyer and letter from Cassini: 


1231 



Petersburg, June 17, 1905. 


President Roosevelt, 

Washington. 

Have just received the following from Lamsdorff; Je m’empresse d’informer 
votre excellence que sa majeste I’empereur ne voit aucum obstacle au choix de 
Washington pour la reunion et les pourparlers des plenipotentiaires Russes et 
Japonais. 

Meyer. 

Washington, le 17 juin 1905. 

Monsieur le President, 

Vu certains bruits repandus par la presse, j’ai Thonneur de porter a Votre 
connaissance que, conformement a un tel6granune officiel que je viens de recevoir a 
I’instant mSme, Sa Majeste I’Empereur, mon Auguste Maltre, accepte definitive- 
ment Washington comme lieu de reunion des plenipotentiaires Russes et Japonais 
qui seront appeles a negocier les pr^liminaires d’un trait6 de paix. 

Agr^ez, Monsieur le President, I’assurance de ma plus haute consideration.” 

Cassini. 

By the way I think it is beautiful the way in which Cassini virtually 
begins his note by speaking of the rumors given currency by the press, just 
as if his government had not explicitly informed me that it desired to change 
the place from Washington to The Hague. What I cannot understand about 
the Russian is the way he will lie when he knows perfectly well that you 
know he is lying. 

It is this kind of thing which makes me feel rather hopeless about our 
ultimately getting peace. I shall do my best, but neither the Czar nor the 
Russian Government nor the Russian people are willing to face the facts as 
they are. I am entirely sincere when I tell them that I act as I do because I 
think it in the interest of Russia, and in this crisis I think the interest of Russia 
is the interest of the entire world. I should be sorry to see Russia driven 
completely off the Pacific coast and driven practically east to Lake Baikal, 
and yet something like this will surely happen if she refuses to make peace. 
Moreover, she will put it out of the power of anyone to help her in the 
future if she now stands with Chinese folly upon her dignity and fancied 
strength. It is a case of the offer of the sibylline books. I told Cassini, and 
through Delcass^ told the Russian home government, immediately after Port 
Arthur that they ought to make peace at once. I reiterated this advice as 
strongly as possible after Mukden. In each case my advice was refused and 
the result is so much the worse for Russia. 

Japan is suspicious too, and does not always act as I should like her to, 
but it behaves infinitely better than Russia. Of course it will make heavy 
demands. No power could fail to after such astounding victories. 

Remember that you are to let no one know that in this matter of the peace 
negotiations I have acted at the request of Japan and that each step has been 
taken with Japan’s foreknowledge, and not merely with her approval but 
with her expressed desire. This gives a rather comic turn to some of the Eng- 


1232 



lish criticisms to the effect that my move is really in the interest of Russia 
and not merely in the interest of Japan, and that Japan is behaving rather 
magnanimously in going into it. My move is really more in the interest of 
Russia than of Japan, but it is greatly to the interest of Japan also. 

Well, I do not have much hope of getting peace, but I have made an 
honest effort, the only effort which offered any chance for success at all. 

I shall tell you all about my experiences in connection with Germany, 
France and Morocco when I see you. 

Best love to Nannie. I am so glad you and she approve of Bonaparte. You 
know he has always been a straight Republican except in the Blaine campaign, 
when he left us as Roger Wolcott and Frank Lowell did. Ever yours 


3561 • TO CECIL ARTHUR SPRING RICE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, June 16, 1905 

Dear Springy: Well, it seems to me that the Russian bubble has been pretty 
thoroughly pricked. I thought the Japanese would defeat Rojestvensky; but 
I had no conception, and no one else had any conception save possibly Ad- 
miral Evans and Lord Charles Beresford, that there would be a slaughter 
rather than a fight, and that the Russians would really make no adequate 
resistance whatever. I have never been able to persuade myself that Russia 
was going to conquer the world at any time .... justified in considering, 
and I suppose this particular fear is now at an end everywhere. 

What wonderful people the Japanese are! They are quite as remarkable 
industrially as in warfare. In a dozen years the English, Americans and Ger- 
mans, who now dread one another as rivals in the trade of the Pacific, will 
have each to dread the Japanese more than they do any other nation. In the 
middle of this war they have actually steadily increased their exports to 
China, and are proceeding in the establishment of new lines of steamers in 
new points of Japanese trade expansion throughout the Pacific. Their lines 
of steamers are not allowed to compete with one another, but each competes 
with some foreign line, and usually the competition is to the advantage of the 
Japanese. The industrial growth of the nation is as marvellous as its military 
growth. It is now a great power and will be a greater power. As I have always 
said, I cannot pretend to prophesy what the results, as they affect the United 
States, Australia, and the European powers with interests in the Pacific, wili 
ultimately be. I believe that Japan will take its place as a great civilized power 
of a formidable type, and with motives and ways of thought which are not 
quite those of the powers of our race. My own policy is perfectly simple, 
though I have not the slightest idea whether I can get my country to follow 
it. I wish to see the United States treat the Japanese in a spirit of all possible 
courtesy, and with generosity and justice. At the same time I wish to see our 


1233 



navy constantly built up and each ship kept at the highest possible point of 
efficiency as a fighting unit. If we follow this course we shall have no trouble 
with the Japanese or anyone else. But if we bluster; if we behave rather badly 
to other nations; if we show that we regard the Japanese as an inferior and 
alien race, and try to treat them as we have treated the Chinese; and if at the 
same time we fail to keep our navy at the highest point of efficiency and 
size — then we shall invite disaster. 

You of course have seen all that I have had on hand in the matter of the 
peace negotiations. It has been rather w'orse than getting a treaty through the 
United States Senate! Each side has been so suspicious, and often so un- 
reasonable, and so foolish. I am bound to say that the Kaiser has behaved 
admirably and has really helped me. I hope that your people are sincerely 
desirous of peace and will use their influence at the proper time to prevent 
their asking impossible terms. In this particular case I think that peace will 
be in the interest of all mankind, including both combatants. If the war goes 
on for a year Japan will drive Russia out of East Asia. But in such a case 
she will get no indemnity; she will have the terrific strain of an extra year’s 
loss of blood and money; and she will have acquired a territory which will 
be of no use to her. On the other hand, Russia will have been pushed out of 
East Asia and will have suffered a humiliating loss which a century could 
not repair. If they now make peace, Russia giving up Sakhalin and paying 
a reasonable indemnity — these being the two chief features of the peace, 
together with Japan retaining control of what she has already obtained — 
then we shall have Russia with the territory she possessed in East Asia a 
dozen years ago still practically intact, so that no unbearable humiliation and 
loss will have been inflicted upon her. Japan will have gained enormously by 
the war. At the same time each power will be in a sense the guarantor of the 
other’s good conduct. As I told you, I do not need any such guarantee as far 
as the United States is concerned. In the first place, I do not believe that Japan 
would menace the United States in any military way; and in the next place, 
if the menace comes I believe we could be saved only by our own efforts and 
not by an alliance with anyone else. And I believe that the peace I am trying 
to get will not be only a good thing temporarily, but will be a good thing 
permanently. I eamesdy hope that your people take the same view, and that 
they win not permit any feeling that they would like to see both combatants 
exhausted to prevent them doing all they can to bring about peace. Germany 
and France should make their influence felt by making Russia willing to jdeld 
what she ought to yield; and England should make her influence felt in 
making the Japanese terms not so severe that Russia, instead of granting them, 
would prefer to continue the war. 

Give my love to Mrs. Springy. Ever yours 


. “34 


3 5 <5 2 * TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, June i6, 190J 

My dear Secretary Taft: I commend most earnestly to your attention the 
enclosed report from Commissioner Neill of the Bureau of Labor, in refer- 
ence to conditions in Hawaii. I suggest that you have a copy of it sent to 
Governor Carter and another to the commander of the federal troops in 
Hawaii, warning them of the extreme care with which they should behave. 
Also, when you stop at Hawaii will you take the matter up with Governor 
Carter and with the Colonel in command of our troops, and go over it most 
carefully? 

I call your especial attention to that phrase of Mr. Neill’s letter where he 
speaks of finding on the part of the officers of the law a very distinct impa- 
tience with those forms of law which hamper summary action on the part of 
police and militia, and of the feeling which he asserts exists tihat the safe- 
guards of the law for the protection of the individual citizen need not be so 
carefully observed in dealing with Japanese laborers. This is a very important 
matter. Sincerely yours 

3363 • TO VICTOR HOWARD METCALF RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June i6, 1905 

My dear Mr. Metcalf: For some time I have been uneasy about the way in 
which the immigration laws, as affecting the Chinese, were administered, and 
events that have come to my knowledge recently have increased this uneasi- 
ness. Please issue specific and rigid instructions^ to the officials of the Immi- 
gration Bureau that we will no more tolerate discourtesy or harsh tr^troent 
in connection with the Chinese merchant, traveler, or student, than in con- 
nection with the students, travelers, businessmen and others who visit us 
from other nations. There is not the slightest excuse for severity in the ad- 
ministration of this law. There are now very few Chinese indeed in this 
country. It is not only the law, but it is most wise and proper, that Chinese 
coolies — that is, Chinese laborers — should be kept out. But in the case of 
any Chinaman who is here, or of any Chinaman who comes here as a student 
or merchant, the presumption must of course be in his favor. Our consuls 
are required to certify that Chinese immigrants do not belong to the pro- 
hibited class. This statement must be taken as prima facie evidence, and liiere 
must be the clearest possible ground for overriding it. If consuls are found to 
be giving false certificates, whether through laxness or corruption, they will 
be immediately removed, and otherwise punished if possible. But otherwise 
their certificates must be taken. 

I call especial attention to the case of the Chinese merchants whom Mr. 
North at San Francisco would have returned as coolies had you not hap- 

‘ See No. 3575. 


1*35 



pened to be present, and interfered to prevent what would have literally- 
been an infamous outrage. If there is any regulation existing which can be 
construed as justifying Mr, North’s action, it should be immediately repealed. 
If there is no such regulation, then Mr. North should be strongly rebuked 
for what he did. At any rate action should be taken to prevent any such 
occurrence in the future. So about the case of the man of whom you have 
just told me, who was held up because his verbal statement as to his length of 
residence in a certain city differed to the extent of one year from his written 
statement. You were of course absolutely right in reversing the decision of 
the San Francisco board, but they should be reprimanded for making so 
foolish and absurd a decision and warned emphatically against repeating it. 
Sincerely yours 


3564 • TO PHILIP BATHELL STEWART RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 16, 1905 

Dear Phil: In the first place, let me thank you for the photographs, which are 
admirable. Remember I want to see Mrs. Stewart and yourself with Wolcott 
at the White House next winter; but I hope if you are East this summer you 
•will aU take lunch with me at Sagamore Hill. 

Now, old friend, I want to talk with you like a Dutch uncle. I keep telling 
the Secretary of the Interior that he can always follow your recommenda- 
tions; but here you recommend for Surveyor General of Colorado, the most 
important State in the Union as far as that position is concerned, a man who 
has been an assistant to a county surveyor and who, as far as we can find 
out, has not in the least the qualities we ought to have for such a position.’^ 
The office has been badly managed, and there is at least grave suspicion that 
it has been crookedly managed. We have not been at aU satisfied with Vivian’s 
management, and still less satisfied -with his predecessor’s management of it. 
Now, we want an A-i man, competent professionally and above suspicion 
personally. His staff is large, the detail enormous, and the responsibility very 
great. Now give us a first-class man. 

I am much touched by the deeply devotional spirit and strong theological 
bias you show in recommending this man for Surveyor General on the 
ground that he is “a member of the church.” Of course, if he is sound on the 
Adianasian creed we ought not to question his fitness for the Surveyor Gen- 
eralship. The Secretary is a good Presbyterian, and I am a good Dutch Re- 
formed man, while the Secretary of the Treasury stands very high among 
the Methodists; but I think we shall have to have a man who is a really good 
surveyor, rather than a good theologian, for this position! Always yours 

» William G. Lewis, Stewarfs candidate, replaced Vivian as surveyor general after the 
latter had been removed following an investigation of his ofiSce. Thfe is one of many 
' lett^ that passed between Roosevelt and Stewart on the subject before the matter 
-was settled m Jnly. 


35 65 • TO WILLIAM HENRY MOOOY 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Washington, June 17, 1905 

Sir: I have received your letter of the 31st ultimo. I entirely agree with your 
conclusions. In my opinion you w'ould be wholly without justification in 
proceeding individually against the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and 
Santa Fe Railway for contempt when neither the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission nor the special counsel you have employed have developed a single 
fact of any kind tending to implicate any one of these officers. One of the 
officers, Air. Morton, is a member of my Cabinet. This fact is not to be 
allowed to shield him, nor on the other hand is it to be allowed to cause him 
to be singled out, or the officers with whom he is associated to be singled out, 
for attack. 

At or about the same time that die injunction was obtained against the 
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe an injunction was obtained against several 
other western railroads. Subsequently it was developed by the Interstate 
Commerce Commission that under the guise of a division of rates, unlawful 
rebates were given by these railroads to the Intemarional Harvester Com- 
pany, just as a rebate was given to the ... in the case of the Colorado fuel 
company. Upon attention being called to the case by the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission the unlawful practice was abandoned in the Harvester 
Company as it was abandoned in this case of the Colorado fuel company. The 
two cases stand precisely on a par. No one has suggested, and as far as I am 
aware no one has thought of suggesting that we should proceed individually 
against the officers of the roads engaged in this International Harvester Com- 
pany affair; yet the case is exactly parallel to this Atchison, Topeka and 
Santa Fe case, and if such action as you have refused to take was taken against 
the officers of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, it would also 
have to be taken in the case of the International Harvester Company against 
the officers of every railroad running west of Chicago. There is of course 
no possible excuse for discriminating one case from the other. 

Moreover, in this instance Mr. Morton has of his own accord written me 
a letter of which I enclose you a copy, and a copy of my reply. In it you 
will see that Mr. Morton not only states in the most unequivocal manner 
that he had no knowledge whatever of the unlawful practice complained of, 
but also shows by the quotation of documents issued under his direction, that 
aU such tmlawful practices were specifically forbidden by him, and that the 
attention of his subordinates was repeatedly called to the necessity of com- 
plying with the law in this respect. 

When there is thus not one shadow of testimony against him, and when 
whatever evidence has been submitted shows explicitly that he is not guilty, 
it would in my judgment be both absurd and wicked to proceed against him. 

The course that you have followed <(and the course your predecessor, 
Mr. Knox) fdllowed,) in dealing with all these corporation matters, has been 


1237 


coherent, (shrewd) . . . . , and has had my heartiest approval. Our aim has 
been in the first place to stop the unlawful practices. We have not proceeded 
personally against any of the officers unless there was legal evidence showing 
that their conduct has been willfully of such a nature as to render it our duty 
to try to punish them personally no less than to try to put an end to the ob- 
jectionable practices. You perhaps remember that when Mr. Knox brought 
the Northern Securities suit there was much criticism against him and the ad- 
ministration for not undertaking criminal proceedings against the principal 
directors in the Northern Securities Corporation. The view of the adminis- 
tration at that time was that such a proceeding would be unjust to the men 
concerned and not to the advantage of the public. Events have, I think, 
shown this view to be correct. In the same way, when a year or two ago 
injunctions were obtained against the corporations known popularly as ffie 
Beef Trust, no effort was made at the time to proceed personaUy against the 
individuals in those corporations. Since then testimony has been offered us 
to show that the packing companies have violated this injunction and that 
the violation was deliberate and willful on the part of a number of individ- 
uals. By my direction the Department of Justice, with the assistance of the 
Department of Commerce and Labor, has for some months been endeavoring 
to find out whether or not they can obtain legal evidence of such willful and 
deliberate violation of the injunction by any individual. If the grand jury 
now sitting in Chicago find indictments against any individuals connected 
with the packing corporations, it will be because in tlieir judgment such legal 
evidence of the violation of the injunction has been laid before them. If you 
at any time get legal evidence of any such willful and deliberate violation, by 
any officer of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe or of any other raikoad 
running west of Chicago, of the injunction in the Colorado fuel c^e, or of 
the injunction in the International Harvester Company case, you will of 
course proceed as you have already proceeded in the Chicago beef-packing 
cases. But at present not only has there been no such evidence produced, but 
there has been no attempt to produce such evidence; and as regards Mr. 
Morton there is seemingly conclusive testimony to the contrary. You will 
not, however, take action against any official of the Atchison, Topeka and 
Santa Fe Railroad which you do not take against tke official of any other rail- 
road under precisely similar circumstances. 

In both this Colorado fuel case and in the International Harvester case I 
direct that proceedings for contempt against die companies be taken by the 
Government in exactly the shape that these proceedings are customarily 
taken. If there are any railroads guilty of the practices which we have en- 
joined other railroads from following, but which have not themselves been 
enjoined, proceedings should be begun to put them trader a similar restraint. 

You have expressed your doubt as to whether the injunction granted is 
in sufficiently explicit terms to cover either the case of the Atchison, Topeka 
and Santa Fe or the similar case of the International Harvester Company. I 

1238 


agree, however, with your feeling that even though there is such doubt, an 
effort should be made to obtain the judgment of the court on the question. 
Sincerely yarns 


3566 • TO CHARLES ARTHLTR MOORE RoOSevelt MsS. 

personal Washington, June 17, 1905 

Aly dear Mr. Moore: I have received your letter about Mr. Bow'en: The trou- 
ble is that it is not a case of an error of judgment or of an indiscretion. Mr. 
Bowen has permitted his malignant hostility to Mr. Loomis to become liter- 
ally an obsession, under the influence of which he has been guilty of conduct 
which renders it out of the question to retain him in the public service. He 
has in the past done well; though he did very badly on one occasion, causing 
us infinite trouble by his vanity and insolence, especially in his treatment of 
foreign diplomats, at the time of the Venezuelan arbitration matter. But on 
this occasion he has passed all bounds in the course he has pursued, finally 
actually proceeding to the length of securing the publication in the New 
York Herald of his accusations against Loomis, and of documents in his pos- 
session which he believed told against Loomis, while these accusations and 
these documents were before the Department of State for its consideration. 
In other W’ords, this United States Minister, having made accusations against 
his superior officer, the Assistant Secretary of State, and while these accusa- 
tions were being considered by the State Department, secured their publica- 
tion in the press. He has thereby done his government harm W'hich cannot 
be wholly undone no matter how conclusively his charges may be refuted. 
I should not feel safe for one moment with such a man in the service; and it 
would be the w'orst possible example to every man from the top to the bot- 
tom of the service if such an offense as his w'as condoned.^ Sincerely yours 


3567 • TO GROVER CLEVELAND RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 17, 1905 

My dear Mr. Cleveland: I earnestly hope that you can take the Presidency of 
the Commission which has in charge the Jamestown celebration.^ Of all the 
anniversaries, this is the most important to us as a nation, and it is eminently 
appropriate that you should be prominently identified with it. I understand 
that the committee wffil call upon you for but little w'ork. They feel, as I 
feel, that your name and position would be an immense strength to them. I 
should of course back it up as heartily as possible. 

Let me also say that I most earnestly wish you well in your work in the 

* Roosevelt sent similar letters to Chauncey M. Depew, Cornelius N. Bliss, and W. 

Murray Crane. 

' Cleveland declined. 


1239 



Equitable business.® I have been very much concerned over the hideous 
scandal in that society, and I know you will cut to the bone in trying to get 
rid of all abuses. In Morton, the son of your old cabinet officer, you will have 
a valuable associate. 

With regard, Sincerely yours 

3568 • TO VICTOR HOWARD METCALF RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, June 19, 1905 

My dear Mr. Metcalf: It seems to me that the enclosed copy of cable from 
Minister Griscom, wanting to know if the immigration officials will cause 
trouble to the Japanese peace delegation, is the most severe commentary on 
the methods of the immigration officials in connection with Oriental peoples, 
not only the Chinese but the Japanese. Before you start for California you 
and I must arrange for a circular of instructions sufficiently drastic to prevent 
the continuance of the very oppressive conduct of many of our officials 
toward Chinese gentlemen, merchants, travelers, students, and so forth. Sin- 
cerely yours 

3569 • TO DAVID BOWMAN SCHNEDER Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 19, 1905 

My dear Dr. Schneder: ^ Will you personally thank for me the Mayor of 
Sendai for his photograph, which has interested me, as well as the citizens of 
Sendai who sent me the swords and flags, for their very beautiful gifts, which 
are now in the White House? Be sure to impress them with how much I 
appreciate their kindness. 

I am gready interested in what you tell me of your visit to Count Kat- 
sura.® I have just your feeling about the Japanese Nation. As for their having 
a yellow skin, if we go back two thousand years we will find that to the 
Greek and the Roman the most dreaded and yet in a sense the most despised 
barbarian was the white-skinned, blue-eyed and red or yellow-haired bar- 
barian of the North — the men from whom you and I in a large part derive 
our blood. It would not seem possible to the Greek or Roman of that day 
that this northern barbarian should ever become part of the civilized world 
— his equal in civilization. The racial difference seemed too great. Now, my 
feeling is not only personally but officially about the Japanese Nation that 
they are a wonderful and civilized people, who for instance can teach this 
people as well as learning from it, and who are entitled to stand on an abso- 

* Cleveland had just been elected a trustee, holding a majority of the stock, of the 

Equitable Life Assurance Society. 

‘David Bowman Schneder, Reformed Church missionary to Japan, president of 

North Japan College, 1901-1936. 

* Count Taro Katsura, Japanese Premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

1240 



lute equality with all the other peoples of the civilized world. In art, in many 
forms of science, in military matters and industrial matters they have a posi- 
tion which entitles them to the hearty respect of every other nation. There 
are bad Japanese, of course, just as there are bad Americans. My policy is to 
try to treat Japan the Nation just exactly as I would like to have Japan treat 
the United States; and to treat each individual Japanese strictly on his merits, 
just as I would like each American treated. I should hang my head with 
shame if I were capable of discriminating against a Japanese general or ad- 
miral, statesman, philanthropist or artist, because he and I have different 
shades of skin; just as I would hang my head with shame if I were capable of 
thus discriminating against some man with black hair and black eyes because 
I have brown hair and blue eyes. Sincerely yours 

3570 • TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Confidential Washington, June 19, 1905 

Dear Qeorge: First let me tell you how pleased I am with what you have done 
since you have been Ambassador at St. Petersburg. 

Now as to the Russian attitude, both as set forth in your last letter^ and 
as shown by the statements I see in the press. It may well be that the effort 
to obtain peace at this time will prove entirely abortive. The Japanese have 
won an overwhelming triumph. They have completely destroyed the Rus- 
sian Navy so that all chance of a counterattack on them by Russia is at an 
end. They have shown the most signal superiority on land over the Russians. 
In my judgment the contest from the Russian standpoint is, humanly speak- 
ing, hopeless. It may take six or eight months or a year if the war goes on, 
but in the end, at some such period of time, the Japs will have taken Vladi- 
vostok and Harbin and driven die Russians completely from the Pacific 
Coast and Eastern Asia. When this has happened Japan will simply have to 
hold the bridgehead of a 5000-mile-long bridge, for this is what the Siberian 
railroad is. Such a feat will not cause her any great drain of resources, so that 
it seems to me that Russia should make up her mind that, humanly speaking, 
defeat is mevitable; and that if Russia persists in the fight she may escape the 
payment of indemnity when peace is made six or eight months or a year 
hence or thereabouts, but she will do it by giving up all Eastern Siberia, all 
Eastern Asia, by surrendering territory which she has had for over two 
centuries. If she thus surrenders it I do not believe she will ever get it back. 
She had far better pay a reasonable indemnity now and surrender Sakhalin, 
for do what she may this war is a failure. She can never redeem herself in 
this war, and the longer she keeps it up the worse it will be for her. Let her 
show the wisdom Japan showed in 1894. Japan was faced by an overwhelm- 
ing force in the shape of the combination of Rusaa, Germany and France. 

‘See Meyer to Roosevelt June j, 1905, and June 9, 1905, Howe, Meyer, pp. 154-155, . 

157-16*. 


1241 



Instead of persisting in a hopeless jSght she promptly surrendered Port 
Arthur, gave up all that she was required to give up, and bided her time. If 
Russia makes peace now she will be imitating Japan’s wisdom in 1 894 . 1 hope 
that there will never come war again and that Japan and Russia can get along 
on a permanently peaceful basis; but at any rate this war is a failure, and 
however disadvantageous it is to make peace now, it will be much worse if 
making peace is deferred. As I wrote to Lodge, it is a case of the offer of the 
sibylline books. I urged Cassini, and through Jusserand I understand that 
Delcass6 urged the Russian Government, immediately after Port Arthur to 
make peace. I again urged this upon Cassini after Mukden, pointing out that 
Rojestvensky would probably be beaten (although I could not guess how 
completely he would be beaten), and that it was well to make peace while 
the fleet was still in being and was to a certain extent a threat against Japan. 
But Russia was puffed up with pride and would not make peace at that time. 
Now, if she is wise, she will secure peace at the cost of any sacrifices which 
will still leave her in East Siberia, Peter the Great made peace with the Turks 
by surrendering the Crimea, In 1855 Russia made peace with the English, 
French and Turks by a surrender of territory. In either case to have insisted 
upon going on with the war would have meant the conversion of a serious 
check into a possibly irretrievable disaster. The same is true now. 

In advising this I speak for Russia’s interest, because on this point Russia’s 
interests are the interests of the world. I do not want to see her driven off the 
Pacific Slope, but if through a Chinese haughtiness and inability to face facts 
the Russian Government and people permit the war to go on, no power can 
intervene to save them from their ultimate defeat, and it will be far worse for 
them in the end. I shall do my best to persuade Japan to be moderate, I have 
already pointed out to them that Eastern Siberia is of no value to them; that 
they had better save the years of blood and money that its conquest would 
cost; and that they had better accept reasonable terms. But in any event 
Russia should make up her mind that she must not lightly throw away peace 
and thereby almost inevitably have to face worse things in the future. In my 
efforts I have been actuated by an earnest desire to stop bloodshed, not 
merely in the interest of humanity at large and in the interest of other coun- 
tries, but especially in the interest of the Russian people, for I like them and 
wish them well. 

You know Lamsdorff and I do not. If you think it worth while, tell either 
him or the Czar the substance of what I have said, or show them all or parts 
of this letter. You are welcome to do it. But use your own discretion abso- 
lutely in this matter. 

Russia has not created a favorable impression here by the appearance of 
quibbling that there has been both over the selection of the place and over 
the power of the plenipotentiaries whom Russia will appoint. It would be far 
better if she would give an impression of frankness, openness and sincerity. 
Always yours 


1242 



357^ ■ ™ BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 20, 1905 

My dear Wheeler: I have your letter of the 19th instant. Do not quote to 
Mr, Harriman anything of our conversation either about Taft or anything 
else, for I talk with you very freely and should not be willing to have what 
I say repeated to a third person unless I was sure that it was repeated exactly 
in the same form; and this neither you nor I could be sure of. 

I have always talked very freely with Harriman, for I like him, and shall 
only be too glad to talk freely with him again. So I am sure Taft would be. 
But I am awfully afraid there is not much to talk over in this railroad matter 
at present. Our difference is on a simple proposition, and all I can say is that 
I think they are all wrong in opposing our proposition, tvhile they think we 
are all wrong in pressing it. I am very much obliged to you for writing. 
Faithfully yours 

3572 ■ TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAET RoOSevelt MsS. 

En route through Massachusetts, June 21, 1905 

Sir: I have read your report of June 19th on the Bowen-Loomis matter, I 
agree wilh all your findings and conclusions regarding Mr. Loomis, and have 
nothing to add thereto. 

There remains to be considered the case as affecting Mr. Bowen, against 
whom Mr. Loomis has made countercharges. Mr. Bowen has denied that he 
made “charges” against Mr. Loomis. This is a mere matter of terminology. 
In his letter to Secretary Taft, of April 2d, beginning “My dear Bill:”, and 
signed “Herbert,” he writes: “As I understand that you are to be the head 
of the Department of State during the absence of Mr. Hay, I feel that I ought 
to see that you are fully informed as to the terrible scandal in the situation 
here: consequently I enclose herewith copies of papers, which have been in 
Mr. Hay’s hands, and which will furnish you with the facts that I think you 
should know.” Then follow certain cablegrams, including a report that Mr. 
Loomis was paid a check and that the custodian of the Bermudez Lake had 
in his possession this check and also a letter promising that the United States 
would not intervene, and that the President of Venezuela felt safe, because 
of these facts; a copy of a letter to Mr, Hay, of February 18, 1905, in which 
Mr. Bowen distinctly states his belief that this alleged, and as it turns out, 
wholly fictitious, check, and wholly fictitious letter, were in the hands of 
President Castro, who, because he had them undoubtedly had not feared to 
refuse arbitration with the United States. He then furnishes documents, 
which he says were found by him in the legation safe a year ago, and were 
sent by him to Mr. Hay, together with many other documents; and Mr. 
Bowen states that Mr. Hay intimated in return that he had performed Im 
whole duty by sending these documents to him. Mr. Bowen makes certain 

1243 



comments on the documents as follows: “To Mr. Russell, now Minister to 
Colombia through the influence of Mr. Loomis” (Which statement, inci- 
dentally, is untrue). Mr. Bowen again says: “Mr. Loomis collected the 
Mercado claim from the Venezuela Government, got a share of it for a 
small sum, and never reported the case to the Department of State.” And 
again he says: “He dealt with Buchanan, whom Loomis subsequently got 
appointed Minister to Panama” (which is again an untruth. Mr. Loomis had 
nothing whatever to do with the appointment of either Mr, Buchanan or 
Mr. Russell), 

In Mr, Bowen’s statement, dated at East Orange, May loth, he says: “I 
have never preferred charges against Mr. Loomis”; yet three lines further 
down he says that to his mind it has been proved conclusively that Mr, 
Loomis is “a dishonest ofiicial”; and a few lines further down says that he 
had not “preferred charges” against Mr. Loomis and that “none were needed. 
The documents themselves were charges, evidence and proof.” The docu- 
ments, Mr. Bowen explains, were submitted to Mr. Hay in the spring of 1904, 
and that a year had passed without further action by Mr. Hay (which, by 
implication at least, looks as if Mr. Bowen were accusing Ailr. Hay also of 
misconduct). In this same communication of May loth, Mr. Bowen goes on 
to say “that I was justified in so doing (that is, in securing the publication of 
the attack on Mr, Loomis) I have but to show how Mr. Loomis abrogated the 
agreement that President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized me to make 
with the Venezuelan Government; how he thus ruined our whole case; and 
how he seemed lilcely to bring still further disgrace on our Government.” 
Mr. Bowen then goes on to state that, after he had received by cable, Janu- 
ary loth, from Mr. Hay, one telegram of which he approved, “a protocol 
arrived by cable from Mr, Loomis!”, and that this protocol, as he calls it, 
and of which he complains, he answered by a telegram to Mr. Hay. He adds, 
“I was, of course, even more astounded than the Venezuelan Government 
was that Mr. Loomis should thus destroy my work and influence, override 
the decision of President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay, and derogate from our 
prestige as a strong and straight nation.” And he ends his letter by the follow- 
ing statement: “If the newspaper representatives were influenced by me, I 
was justified in trying to influence them, because Mr, Loomis was dishonest 
while Minister at Caracas, and as Assistant Secretary of State was guilty of 
abrogating the agreements President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized 
me to make with the Venezuelan Government; and because he deceived, and 
seemed likely to continue to deceive, the Government, and people of the 
United States.” 

It is disingenuous for Mr. Bowen repeatedly to use such language, and 
at the same time to insist that he has made “no charges” against Mr. Loomis. 
Moreover, it is quite impossible that Mr, Bowen can believe that the telegram 
signed by Mr. Loomis, as Acting Secretary of State, which he calls a protocol, 


1144 



really proves that Mr. Loomis “was guilty of abrogating the agreements 
President Roosevelt and Mr. Hay had authorized me to make with the 
Venezuelan Government.” Mr. Bowen’s statement is shown to be absolutely 
untrue by the statement of the Solicitor of the Department of State, Mr. Pen- 
field. But his own statement bears within itself its own refutation on this 
point. He shows in this statement that he at once answered this cable of Mr. 
Loomis by a cable to Mr. Hay, who would thus have had his attention spe- 
cifically called to the Loomis “protocol,” even if he had not known of it 
before, and even if he had been so neglectful of his duty as not to inquire 
what cables had been sent in the matter with which he was dealing. As a 
matter of fact the Loomis cable in question was sent by direction of Mr, 
Hay, with the assistance of Mr. Penfield, and was signed by Mr. Loomis, 
simply because on the day that it was sent it happened that Mr. Hay was 
confined to his house and could not get down to the State Department. It is 
on its face an absurdity to suppose that Mr. Hay, wiio returned to his duties 
in the State Department within a day or two, and who was repeatedly going 
over this whole Venezuelan matter, and cabling to Bowen about it and receiv- 
ing cables from him in return, could have been ignorant if such a cable had 
been sent by Loomis during. his, Mr. Hay’s, absence. Mr. Bowen’s allegation 
on this point is in reality a charge against Mr. Hay rather than against Mr. 
Loomis. 

Mr, Bowen furnished his charges against Mr. Loomis, and some of the 
documents in reference thereto, to representatives of a New York news- 
paper. The names of the representatives of the newspaper to whom he fur- 
nished this information were John Grant Dater and Nicholas Biddle. Mr. 
Dater testifies as follows: 

Testimony of Mr. Dater. 

* 4c « 

Secretary Taft: That you subsequently saw Mr. Bowen, and that in the course of 
the conversation, Mr. Bowen, possibly without your invitation, confirmed the 
statements that you had theretofore heard rumored with respect to Mr. 
Loomis and his relation to the Asphalt Company. 

Mr. Dater: Yes sir, and other matters. 

Secretary Taft: That Mr. Bowen was very full of the subject. 

Mr. Dater: Absolutely, 

Secretary Taft: And talked about it with a great deal of earnestness? 

Mr. Dater: He certainly did., 

Secretary Taft: And he expressed the hope that some day his side of the story 
would be printed? 

Mr. Dater: Yes sir. 

Secretary Taft: Mr. Bowen showed you no letters? 

Mr. Dater: No sir, he showed me no letters. 

Secretary Taft; Did he show you a copy of the letter which he sent to me? 

Mr. Dater: He did not. I did not know that he had communicated with you. I 
understood it was with Secretary Hay, 


1245 



Secretary Taft: Or any of the documents upon which he based his claim of Mr. 
Loomis* guilt? 

Mr. Dater: I do not think I could answer that directly. I would rather not answer. 

« « « # # 

The testimony of Mr. Biddle is as follows: 

###### 

Secretary Taft: In one of those articles you wrote appeared a statement concern- 
ing a letter written by Mr. Loomis asserting an interest in the Mercado Claim, 
which was published in the Herald, 

Mr. Biddle: Yes sir. 

Secretary Taft; Did you get that from Mr. Bowen? 

Mr. Biddle: I did. 

Secretary Taft: You requested it from him, or did he hand it to you in the course 
of a casual conversation? 

Mr. Biddle: I spoke to Mr. Bowen about the charges in a general way, and he told 
me he would give such information as he had and set me right on the entire 
thing, and he would show me certain letters that he had forwarded to the 
State Department. 

Secretary Taft: And they included this Mercado letter, — the letter of Mayers to 
Loomis? 

Mr. Biddle: Yes sir. 

* m m * * * 

Secretary Taft: I suppose you saw the same letters that Bowen gave me — one was 
the Mercado claim, second, the Mayers letter, and the third has slipped my 
mind. 

There was a letter to Mr. Hay written by Bowen. 

Mr. Biddle: I saw that at different times. 

Secretary Taft: Just run your eye over these letters. (Letter of Mr. Bowen to 
Secretary Taft, dated April 2, 1905, enclosing copies of papers which had been 
in Mr. Hay’s hands, as follows: Telegram to Mr. Hay, from Mr. Bowen, dated 
Feb. 20, 1905; telegram to Bowen from Mr. Hay, dated Feb. 24, 1905; tele- 
gram to Mr. Hay from Mr. Bowen, dated Feb. 25, 1905. Letter to Mr. Hay 
from Mr. Bowen dated Feb. 18, 1905. Letter to Mr. W, W. Russell from F. B. 

Loomis, dated August 25, 1900. Letter to Mr. Loomis from Mayers, 

dated July 9, 1900.) 

Mr. Biddle: I have seen all of tliese, and it seems to me there was some additional 
letter. 

Secretary Taft: Did Mr. Bowen know that you were a correspondent? 

Mr. Biddle: Yes sir. I first met Mr. Bowen at the time of the blockade in Vene- 
zuela, and I obtained information from him at that time. He knew who I was 
of course, and I went to him as the Herald man. I told him what I had heard, 
and he was frank about giving me further information. 

Secretary Taft: Did he express a desire, one way or the other, to have the truth 
known? 

Mr. Biddle: He told me a great many times that he thought he was in a very un- 
fortunate position, that being the U. S. Minister he could not go forward and 
be quoted when anything occurred so as to set himself right. He thought the 
instructions that he was receiving from the Department were very unfortu- 
nate, and that he was getting the blame for the entire thing. 

1246 


Secretary Taft: And, therefore, that he would like to have his own side stated 
some time. 

Mr. Biddle: He told me a great many times that he could not be quoted, but would 
like it if his side could be stated. I think that he was most anxious to have cer- 
tain facts come out. 

* * 

A^r. Bowen himself admits that he showed these letters and made these 
statements to the representatives of the newspaper in question. I have already 
quoted his remark in his statement of May 20th, “if the newspaper represent- 
atives were influenced by me, I was justified in trying to influence them, 
because Mr. Loomis was dishonest while Minister at Caracas.” In the same 
statement he says that Mr. Loomis’ friends asserted “that I instigated the 
publication of the scandal with which his name is associated. That charge 
may be true. Whether it is or not the newspaper correspondents who were 
in Caracas alone know. * * * As the scandal was generally known through- 
out the whole community, I talked with them about it. * * * I certainly 
never attempted to keep them silent. On the contrary, I urged them to tell 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” In his letter to me of 
June 8th, he says: “I had several private interviews with both Mr. Dater and 
Mr. Biddle, in regard to information which they were sending to the Herald. 
* * * In order to make my side of the case perfectly clear I explained to 
them confidentially how Mr. Loomis’ record in Caracas and the influence to 
which he must consequently bend balked me in my work. ♦ * * I felt that 
I could safely trust them. In all governmental and diplomatic circles it is 
customary to trust and use the press. In no other way can information be 
got before the public that the public should possess. What I wanted our 
people to know was not the Loomis scandal alone but the whole situation in 
Venezuela. • * * I did not believe for a moment that either Mr. Dater or 
Mr. Biddle would quote me, or attempt to reproduce from memory any 
paper I showed to them; and I supposed, of course, that they would present 
the whole case to our people and not merely the Loomis scandal. In fact they 
assured me that the interviews would be regarded by them as entirely confi- 
dential. * * • If my name is associated with the scandal it is only because 
there was a breach of faith somewhere.” Again in his letter of June 14th, he 
says: “I talked with the Herald men, because they said they would not betray 
my confidence. They did betray me, and one of them even tried to produce 
from memory the Mercado Claim, which I showed to him confidentially.” 

In short, it appears from Mr. Bowen’s own statement, as well as from the 
statements of Messrs. Dater and Biddle, and the letter from Mr. Wright, that 
Mr, Bowen, while Minister at Caracas, instigated and requested, and actually 
secured the publication of, attacks on the Assistant Secretary of State, and 
furnished to the press copies of documents believed to reflect upon idie A.ssist- 
ant Secretary of State, which documents were already before the Secretary 
of State for investigation. Mr. Bowen’s excuse for this conduct, so far as it 


1247 



can be made out, seems to be that he expected the newspapermen to keep his 
connection with the charges secret. In other words, he apparently regards 
his case as improved by the claim that he secured this attack upon his official 
chief in a furtive and underhand manner and that he did not intend that his 
connection with the attack should be divulged. 

Of course such conduct is inexcusable, and shows Mr. Bowen’s entire 
unfitness to remain in the diplomatic service, without regard to whether the 
charges he has made against Mr. Loomis are true or false. Even if Mr. Loomis 
had been guilty, Mr. Bowen’s conduct would be unpardonable. Inasmuch as 
Secretary Taft’s careful investigation of the charges shows them to be false, 
his attitude appears in an even worse light. But it must be kept in mind that 
his unfitness for the service is clearly established by his own conduct, with- 
out any reference to the question of Mr. Loomis’ actions. The Department 
of State had explicitly forbidden just such conduct, in a general circular 
issued over three years ago, reading as follows; 

Charges Against Diplomatic and Consular Officers, 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 

Washington^ April 26, 

To the Diplomatic and Consular Officers of the United States, 

Gentlemen: I append for your information and guidance copy of an Executive 
order, dated April 25, 1902, prohibiting diplomatic and consular officers from pre- 
ferring charges against or criticizing any other officer in either service except con- 
fidentially to the Department of State. 

I am, Gendemen, your obedient servant, 

John Hay. 

executive order. 

Whereas the publication of alleged charges and criticisms against officers of 
the diplomatic and consular service, without an opportunity being given for due 
consideration of both sides of the questions at issue, has led to injustice to the per- 
sons attacked and to embarrassment to the Department of State in its disposition 
of the public business; 

It is hereby ordered that hereafter no officer of the diplomatic or consular serv- 
ice of the United States shall attack, or prefer charges against, or publicly criticize 
any other officer in either service, except in a communication to the Department 
of State. 

Whenever any such officer deems that his duty compels him to prefer charges 
against any other officer in either service, he shall communicate such charges con- 
fidentially to the Department of State which will, upon due consideration of aU 
the circumstances, make such disposition of the case as in its discretion seems wise 
in the interest of the public business. Theodore Roosevelt. 

White House, April 2$^ 1^02, 

It appears from the testimony that Caracas is seething with scandal, and 
that all Idnds of accusations are rife, not merely against Mr. Loomis and Mr. 
Bowen, but against practically every other diplomatic, representative now 
residing, or who has recentiy resided, there. There is no excuse whatever for 

1248 



repeating the injurious and malicious gossip circulated about these various 
men. Mr. Bowen himself, however, has not only^ furnished and brought for- 
ward a great deal of such gossip about Mr. Loomis, but has evidently been one 
of the main sources from which it originated. He tried to tamper with the 
cable operator, through our consul at La Guaira, Mr. Goldschmidt, in order 
to secure what he hoped would be incriminating telegrams against Mr. 
Loomis. Mr. Goldschmidt’s reply was “It would be dishonorable to do what 
you ask of me.” Mr, Goldschmidt, In his letter of May 3, 1905, says: “Mr. 
Bowen never lost an opportunity to belittle Mr. Loomis’ character, ability, 
etc., when he spoke to me of him, and seemed to bear an extraordinary animus 
against his predecessor.” Mr. Bowen asked one of the men he himself pro- 
duced as a witness, Senor Pastor, to enter into the employ of a certain com- 
pany for the purpose of obtaining (in plain words, of stealing) documents 
which he hoped might incriminate Mr. Loomis. He has evidently for many 
months, indeed for the last two years, devoted himself to hunting up every 
piece of scandal or gossip of which he heard, affecting Mr, Loomis, until it 
has seemingly become a monomania with him, and has caused him to show 
complete disloyalty to the service to which he belongs, and therefore to the 
country which he has represented. It was his duty to make known to his 
superior officers any facts reflecting on the honesty of Mr. Loomis or any 
other official; but it was a breach of his duty to make loose and reckless 
charges, and especially to give these charges public currency after their 
submission for investigation by the Department. 

Mr. Bowen’s conduct is especially reprehensible, because of the damage 
it has undoubtedly done to the interest of this country. We hold a peculiar 
position toward our sister republics lying south of us. In all our dealings with 
these republics we should endeavor not merely to act courteously, jusdy and 
generously, but to make it evident that we are thus acting. Any corrupt deal- 
ing, any misconduct, by one of our representatives to these countries, calls for 
the sternest punishment; and, save only corrupt dealing, the worst and most 
flagrant misconduct of which one of these representatives can be guilty is to 
give currency to or secure the publication of scandalous attacks upon the 
service of which he is a member, or upon one of his superiors, a responsible 
head of that service; for such attacks are certain to be circulated to the dis- 
credit of our government and our people, not only in the newspapers of our 
own country, but in the newspapers of the various Latin American republics. 
No matter how baseless they are, no matter how complete the refutation of 
the charges, they do a damage that cannot be wholly repaired. 

Mr. Bowen has been a long time in the consular and diplomatic service; 
during much of that time he has done good work, and unffi recently I had 
hoped to promote him; if I could condone his misconduct in this case I would 
gladly do so; but his usefulness in the diplomatic service is at an end. I do not 
desire to punish him; save for the great risk to the service which would be 
involved in his retention I would be wiUii^ to let his conduct go unpunished 


1249 



save by a severe admonition; but I feel that it is impossible to retain him with- 
out exposing the interests of the government to a risk so great that it cannot 
justifiably be incurred. Accordingly I would direct that his resignation be 
requested. Were it not for the statement made on his behalf, in your presence 
and mine today, that he would consider a resignation an admission of miscon- 
duct; according I direct that he be dismissed from the service. 

3573 * TO FRANCIS BUTLER LOOMIS Roosevelt Mss. 

En route through Massachusetts, June 21, 1905 

My dear Mr. Loomis: In view of the high honors so worthily bestowed upon 
Admiral John Paul Jones by France more than a century ago, and in view of 
the great opportunities for usefulness and distinction which were given him 
by the French Government, I think it appropriate that the Government of the 
United States should indicate, in some degree at least, its keen and heartfelt 
appreciation for the consideration shown Adniiral Jones by France and at the 
same time give some mark of the affection and esteem in which he is held by 
the American people. 

I therefore deem it proper to send to France an official of this Government 
accredited as a Special Ambassador to the Republic of France to receive the 
remains of the illustrious American admiral recently exhumed and identified 
in Paris. You are, therefore, directed to take passage on board Admiral 
Sigsbee’s flagship the Brooklyn, now at the port of New York, and proceed* 
on or about June 24th, to France, where, at such time and place as may be 
determined upon, you will receive, with appropriate expressions of gratitude 
and appreciation, from the Government of France on behalf of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, the casket containing the remains of Admiral John 
Paul Jones.^ 

After the ceremonies attending the transfer of the remains, as above set 
forth, you will consign the casket to Admiral Sigsbee at some French port for 
transportation to the United States, and return to this country by such route 
as you may choose, after transacting such other official business as may be 
required of you. Sincerely yours 

3574 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 23, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I hope to see you at nine Sunday evening. Mean- 
while, pray communicate to His Majesty that in accordance with the sugges- 
tion I made to Ambassador Jusserand in pursuance of the letter you sent me,^ 

^ Loomis’ trip to France completed Roosevelt’s negotiation^ for the reburial of John 

Paul Jones at Annapolis. 

'See Sternberg to Roosevelt, June 18, 1905, Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 481. 


1250 



the French Government informs me unofficially through the Ambassador that 
it has ceased its opposition to a conference of the powers on Morocco.® It 
seems as a matter of course that a program of the conference would be needed 
in advance in accordance with the usual custom in such cases. I suggest that 
that be arranged between Germany and France. 

Let me congratulate the Emperor most warmly on his diplomatic success 
in securing the assent of the French Government to the holding of this con- 
ference. I had not believed that the Emperor would be able to secure this 
assent and to bring about this conference, from which undoubtedly a peaceful 
solution of all the troubles will come. I need not say to you that I consider 
such peaceful solution as vitally necessary to the welfare of the world at this 
time, and in view of its having been secured by the Emperor’s success in 
obtaining this conference, I wish again to express my hearty congratulation. 
It is a diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude. Faithfully yours 

3575 • TO HERBERT HENRY DAVIS PEIRCE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Washington, June 24, 1905 

To the Acting Secretary of State: The State Department will immediately 
issue a circular to all our diplomatic and consular representatives in China 
setting forth the following facts and stating that it is issued by direct order of 
the President 

Under the laws of the United States and in accordance with the spirit of 
the treaties negotiated between the United States and China all Chinese of the 
coolie or laboring class — that is, all Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled — 
are absolutely prohibited from coming to the United States; but the purpose 
of the Government of the United States is to show the widest and heartiest 
courtesy toward all merchants, teachers, students and travelers who may 
come to the United States, as well as towards all Chinese officials or repre- 
sentatives in any capacity of the Chinese Government. All individuals of these 
classes are allowed to come and go of their own free will and accord and are 
to be given all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions accorded the 
citizens and subjects of the most favored nation. The President has issued 
special instructions through the Secretary of Commerce and Labor that while 
laborers must be strictly excluded, the law must be enforced without harsh- 
ness, and that all unnecessary inconvenience or annoyance toward those per- 
sons entitled to enter the United States must be scrupulously avoided. The 
officials of the immigration department have been told that no harshness in 
the administration of the law wilt for a moment be tolerated, and that any 
discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any official of the Government will 
be cause for immediate dismisial from the service. 

The status of those Chinese entitled freely to enter the United States is 

* Rouvier to Jusserand, received by Roosevelt, June 23, 1905, Bishop, Roosevelt, 1 , 478- 

480. Also excerpted,' in a slightly different trandation, in No. 3579. 


1251 



primarily determined by the certificate provided for under section six of the 
act of July 5, 1884. Under this law the diplomatic and consular representatives 
of the United States have by direction of the President been instructed before 
viseing any certificate strictly to comply with the requirements of that por- 
tion of section six which provides as follows: 

and such diplomatic representative or consular representative whose indorsement 
is so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty, before indorsing such 
certificate as aforesaid, to examine into the truth of the statements set forth in said 
certificate, and if he sltali find upon examination that said or any of the statements 
therein contained are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to indorse the same. 

The certificate thus visaed becomes prima fade evidence of the facts set 
forth therein. The immigration officials have now been specifically instructed 
to accept this certificate, which is not to be upset unless good reason can be 
shown for so doing. Unfortunately, in the past it has been found that offidals 
of the Chinese Government have recklessly issued thousands of such certifi- 
cates which were not true; and recklessness has also been shown in the past 
by representatives of the American consular service in viseing these certifi- 
cates. The purpose of this Government is to make these viseed certificates of 
such real value that it is safe to accept them here in the United States. This 
will result in doing away with most of the causes of complaint that have 
arisen. The Chinese student, merchant, or traveler will thereby secure before 
leaving China a certificate which will guarantee him against any improper 
treatment. But in order that this plan may be carried out it is absolutely 
necessary that the diplomatic and consular officers instead of treating their 
work in visdng these certificates as perfunctory, shall understand that this is 
one of their most important functions. They must not issue any such certifi- 
cate unless they are satisfied that the person to whom it is issued is entitled to 
receive it, and they will be held to a most rigid accountability for the manner 
in which they perform this duty. If there is reason to believe that any certifi- 
cate has been improperly issued, or is being improperly used, a thorough 
investigation will be made into its issuance. The only way in which it is possi- 
ble, while fully carrying out the provision of the law against the immigration 
of Chinese laborers, skilled or unskilled, to secure the fullest courtesy and 
consideration for all Chinese persons of the exempt classes, such as officials, 
travelers, merchants, students, and the like, is through the careful and con- 
scientious action of our diplomatic and consular representatives under the 
proposed policy of the Department of Commerce and Labor. The change will 
simplify the whole administration of the law; but it cannot be made perma- 
nent unless the diplomatic and consular representatives do their full duty and 
see to it that no certificate is issued with their vis^ unless the person receiving 
it clearly comes within one of the exempt classes and is folly entitled to the 
privileges the certificate secures for him. 

Accordingly all our diplomatic and consular representatives in China are 
warned to perform this most important duty with the utmost care. 


X2S^ 



357^ ’ TO CHARLEMAGNE TOWER RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 24, 1904 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I greatly appreciate the Kaiser’s action. Whether 
we can get the Japanese and Russians to make peace I do not know; but I hope 
you will personally tell the Kaiser how much I value what he has done, and 
that in my judgment it may be imperative to get his aid in order to make the 
Czar conclude peace. I hope that the Japanese will be moderate in w'hat they 
ask, and I shall endeavor to maike them moderate; but it must be kept clearly 
in mind that they are the victors; that their triumph has been complete and 
overwhelming, and that they are entitled to demand very substantial con- 
cessions as the price of peace. The difficulty will come with Russia, for she 
will find it hard to make up her mind to give what it is entirely right and 
proper that the Japanese should ask. Both by land and by sea the Japanese 
triumph has been overwhelming, and they have now nothing to fear from 
Russia, while in all human probability if the war continues a year Russia will 
lose all her possessions in easternmost Asia. Russia must make up her mind 
that this war is a failure and that the part of wisdom for her is to secure peace 
on the best terms she can get, but to secure it at all hazards. If she does not do 
this, then what is already disaster may well be converted into literally over- 
whelming disaster, and she may be hurt so that she cannot for a century re- 
cover. But peace, under which she pays a substantial indemnity and surren- 
ders say the Island of Sakhalin to the Japanese, should be welcomed by her. 
If she is wise she will thus welcome it. I very earnestly Hope that the Con- 
tinental Powers will advise her to look at the matter from this standpoint of 
common sense. Sincerely yours 

3577 • TO WILLIAM JAMES CALHOUN Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 24, 1905 

My dear Mr. Calhoun: I feel that I want to get a first-class man who will go 
to Venezuela and report to me (not, save incidentally, upon the Bowen- 
Loomis matter) but upon the situation as it really is there. I want to know 
authoritatively from someone in whom I have entire confidence what ought 
to be done by the United States Government; whether there are American 
interests which are jeoparded; how far these interests have by their own 
misdeeds forfeited the right to protection; how far Castro is going in con- 
nection with foreign powers or with ours; what action is required; and so 
forth; in short, exactly what the situation is. My desire is, with this object in 
view and so that I may have a report which I can put before Congress with 
entire confidence, to get some man to go as Minister to Venezuela for three 
or four months; some man of a type such that I could not expect him to go 
permanently as Minister, but upon whom I could make this draft of service 
to the State. 


1253 



Now, I want you to go. I know it would not be altogether an attractive 
thing to do, but it would be a most useful one; you would render a great 
public service and would be dealing with a matter which may be of the most 
serious consequence next winter. Your standing as a lawyer, your knowledge 
of men and affairs, your service in Cuba, would all combine to render you 
peculiarly fit to do this piece of work. I think you could probably return 
in ninety days — perhaps less. 

May I ask you to let me know as soon as possible, and if possible by wire, 
whether you can accept, as the circumstances do not admit of delay? Sin- 
cerely yours 

3578 • TO JOSEPH LINCOLN STEFFENS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Washington, June 24, 1905 

My dear Mr. Steffens: I have read your article in McClure’s on Ohio,^ with 
interest. I was especially interested in your judgment of Mayor Johnson, as 
it is the direct reverse of what Mr. Taft has given me to understand was the 
case, from the moral standpoint. But I do wish that you would not repeat as 
true unfounded gossip of a malicious or semimalicious character. When you 
do so you naturally impair the whole value of your article, and that entirely 
aside from the gross impropriety of your action from the standpoint of the 
person about whom the gossip is repeated. For instance you repeat a conver- 
sation supposed to have taken place between myself and Senator Hanna on 
the funeral train. This conversation is a pure invention, and must represent 
gossip which was not merely idle but malicious, as it is obviously intended to 
put me in an unattractive light. So much of the story as relates to “the old 
man” and to Hanna’s comment thereon has no foundation whatever. I suppose 
it refers to the fact that Hanna used often to be called “the old man” by cer- 
tain of his Ohio followers and by one or two of his followers in the Senate 
(a term which I have also heard applied to Platt, to Quay, and to a number of 
others by their respective followers), and that he used at times jokingly to 
protest against this on the ground that he felt very young. So much of the 
conversation as purports to quote Hanna as saying that he would support me 
if I would follow McKinley’s policies has foundation; but it took place at 
Mr. Wilcox’s house at Buffalo, and was volunteered by Mr. Hanna in a visit 
he made for that purpose and was not brought out by any question from me. 
It followed my declaration on swearing in as President that I intended to 
follow out McKinley’s policies for the honor, interest and prosperity of the 
country. Haima called that evening, expressed himself as greatly pleased with 
my declaration, and said that so long as I acted as I said I would he would 
heartily support me; adding in very manly fashion that this did not mean that 
he would support me for the nomination, but that he would support my 

‘Joseph Lincoln Steffens, “Ohio: a Tale of Two Qties,” McChtre’s Magasdne, 25:293 

, -311 (July 1905); see also Steffens, Atitobiograpby, pp. 470-476. 

1254 



administration. I told him that it was altogether too far in advance for any- 
body to talk about the nomination, but of course 1 very earnestly desired his 
support for my administration, and felt that it would be a great calamity to 
the party and therefore to the public if there was a break. He kept his word 
entirely, save on one or two points such as the Rathbone matter, when 
Rathbone was convicted of embezzlement, and when he not only stood up 
violently for Rathbone but with equal violence opposed General Wood. On 
most great questions of policy we worked together. As regards his attitude 
toward me personally, I did not feel that I had any right to expect support 
from him and proceeded upon the assumption that he would not give it; al- 
though as a matter of fact, as you perhaps remember, he withdrew his opposi- 
tion to the Ohio State Convention pledging its support to me; and before his 
death the big Wall Street effort to prevent my nomination had completely 
collapsed. 

This is not very important. I am of course used to the shoals of untrue 
stories printed about me, and to every variety of gossip, wanton or malicious, 
in reference to me. But it does seem important that in an article setting forth 
what purports to be an accurate account of political conditions, an article full 
of very bitter comment, we should be sure that the facts are right. In the 
Rhode Island article^ you may remember that, as I told you, I knew nothing 
about the conditions in Rhode Island, but that I did know it to be a simple 
absurdity to speak of Aldrich as “the boss of the United States”; and such an 
absurdity has a sinister significance, for in my judgment, we suffer quite as 
much from exaggerated, hysterical, and untruthful or slanderous statements 
in the press as from any wrongdoing by businessmen or politicians. Now it 
seems to me that if you have the serious purpose I believe you have you 
should be certain of your facts. Of course most of your readers will know 
nothing whatever about these facts; but take a reader like myself: I know 
nothing at first hand about most of what you write, but when I come upon 
statements that I do know about and find them without foundation, it shakes 
my faith in the rest. Take for instance what you say to the eflfect that Hanna 
created McKinley and secured his nomination; for this is the impression your 
words convey. It is perfectly true that Hanna did an enormous amount in 
helping to secure McKinley’s nomination, but it is absurd to speak as if this 
were file only, or even the chief, factor in McKinley’s nomination. You 
would not make such a mistake if you had been in practical politics, as I have 
been. I was for the nomination of Tom Reed. I tried to get two Reed dele- 
gates from my district. The machine, to which I was normally opposed, was 
dso for Tom Reed. I was the most powerful independent Republican in the 
district; yet the machine and I put together were beaten in the convention 
to nominate delegates, and we were beaten because, to my great astomshment, 
I found that there was a real popular sentiment for McKinley as against Reed 
— a sentiment neither bribed nor bought nor engendered in any fictitious 
* See Steffens, AvtoMograpby, pp. 4&}.-47o. 

1255 



fashion. No man capable of judging the events that led up to McKinley’s 
nomination would fail to put first the feeling for McKinley himself among 
the plain people, the rank and file of the voters of the Republican party. This 
feeling was especially evident to those who, like myself, were trying to com- 
bat it. Hanna was a great source of strength to McKinley, but he could have 
done nothing for him had not this feeling on McKinley’s behalf already 
existed. I do not mean that the condition was parallel, for instance, to my 
nomination last year, where it was absolutely unnecessary to consult a human 
being, to lift a finger, or to pay heed to any interest, as the feeling all went one 
way; but I do mean to say that there was a very real demand for McKinley’s 
nomination; and at the end of McKinley’s first term the feeling had grown 
so strong for hun that no candidate against him would have had any con- 
sideration whatever. 

If you care to talk to me about these matters, I shall of course be glad to 
see you. Sincerely yours 

3579 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Washington, June 25, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I have received from M. Jusserand the following 
extract from a telegram sent to him by M. Rouvier:^ 

“You reported to me your conversation with President Roosevelt who 
asked you to inform us that, according to his views, much prudence should be 
used in present circumstances, and liat we ought to consider the idea of a 
conference as a concession we might make * * * Be so good as to teU the 
President that his reflections and advice have received from us due considera- 
tion and have caused us to take the resolution we have just adopted. We had 
first thought that, in order to remove the erroneous impressions held about 
our action in Morocco, it would be enough to show that it threatens no inter- 
ests whatsoever. But now we have gone further, and have declared that we are 
ready to accept a conference, in spite of the serious reasons we had to enter- 
tain objections against such a project.” 

I shall ask, Mr. Ambassador, that in forwarding this information to His 
Majesty you explain that it is of course confidential. 

I need hardly tell you how glad I was to secure this information from the 
French Ambassador. As you know, I was at first extremely reluctant to do 
anything in the matter which might savor of officious interference on my 
part; and I finally determined to present the case to the French Government 
only because I wished to do an3rthing I properly could do which the Emperor 
asked, and of course also because I felt the extreme importance of doing 
everything possible to maintain the peace of the world. As you know, I made 
up my mind to speak to France rather than to Ingland, because it seemed to 

^Maurice Ronviei, Finance Minister, 1904, Premier, 1905, succeeded Delcass6 as 

Foreign Minister in June 1905. 


1256 



me that it would be useless to speak to England; for I felt that if a war were 
to break out, whatever might happen to France, England would profit im- 
mensely, while Germany would lose her colonies and perhaps her fleet. Such 
being the case I did not feel that anything I might say would carry any weight 
with England, and instead I made a very earnest request of France that she 
should do as the Emperor desired and agree to hold the conference. The 
French Government have now done just what at His Majesty’s request I 
urged should be done. Now in turn I most earnestly and with all respect urge 
that His Majesty show himself satisfied and accept this yielding to ^ wishes 
by France. I trust that the Emperor understands that I would not for any 
consideration advise him to do anything that would be against the interest or 
the honor either of himself or of his people any more than I would counsel 
such an action as regards my own country; and I say conscientiously that I am 
advising just the conduct that I would myself take under like circumstances; 
and I venture to give the advice at all only because, as I took the action I did 
on the Emperor’s request, it seems but right that in reporting the effect of this 
action I should give my own viev^ thereon. I say with all possible emphasis 
that I regard this yielding by France, this concession by her which she had 
said she could not make and which she now has made, as representing a 
genuine triumph for the Emperor’s diplomacy; so that if the result is now 
accepted it -will be not merely honorable for Germany but a triumph. You 
know that I am not merely a sincere admirer and well-wisher of Germany, 
but also of His Majesty, I feel that he stands as the leader among the sover- 
eigns of today who have their faces set toward the future, and that it is not 
only of the utmost importance for his own people but of the utmost impor- 
tance for all mankind that his power and leadership for good should be un- 
impaired. I feel that now, having obtained what he asks, it would be most 
unfortunate even to seem to raise questions about minor details, for if under 
such circumstances the dreadful calamity of war should happen, I fear that 
his high and honorable fame might be clouded. He has won a great triumph; 
he has obtained what his opponents in England and France said he never 
would obtain, and what I m57self did not believe he could obtain. The result 
is a striking tribute to him personally no less than to his nation, and I eamesdy 
hope that he can see his way clear to accept it as the triumph it is. 

With high regard. Sincerely y ours 

3580 • TO WHiTELAW EEiD Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, June 30, 1905 

My dear Mr. Reid: I thank you for your very interesting letter.^ You have 
handled the matter just right. I would not say anything that would cause 
trouble about poor Durand. I really like him, and though if without hurting 
his feelings Spring Rice could be put in his place I should be gkd, yet I see 

* Sec Reid to Roosevelt, June *3, 1905, and June 17, 1903, Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 396, 


1257 



that this is not feasible now. You have given me the exact information I 
wanted as to the attitude of the English Government on peace. I had gained 
much the same idea from Durand’s conversation, but of course it is difficult 
to obtain a very clear idea from Durand, if the matter is not a plain black and 
white one. Oh Lord! I have been growing nearly mad in the effort to get 
Russia and Japan together. Japan has a right to ask a good deal and I do not 
think that her demands are excessive; but Russia is so soddenly stupid and the 
Government is such an amorphous affair that they really do not know what 
they want. 

Heartily congratulating you on the way you have begun your work, 
believe me, Faithfully yours 

3581 • TO CLARA STONE HAY Huy Mss.^ 

Oyster Bay, July i, 1905 

Dear Mrs. Hay, In a time like this no one can say anything to comfort you; 
your grief is so much greater than that of any one else, that our deepest sym- 
pathy must be of little moment to you. But we not only mourn for you but 
for ourselves; and I know you feel that our’s is not only sympathy, but a 
bitter sense of personal bereavement. John was my father’s friend; I dearly 
loved him; there is no one who with any of us can quite fill the place he held. 
He was not only my wise and patient advisor in affairs of state; he was the 
most devoted and at the same time the most charming of friends. I shall never 
forget the hour I used to spend each Sunday after church with you and him. 

Begging you to believe how I sorrow with you, my dear Mrs. Hay, believe 
me, ever faithfully yours 

3582 • TO LYMAN ABBOTT RoOSeVelt AlsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 3, 1905 

My dear Dr. Abbott: You were kind to write me. Of course to me John Hay’s 
loss is one I shall bitterly feel for personal no less than for public reasons. Of 
course at the moment what I must try to make good is the public loss. I am 
not willing to stop Taft’s going to the Philippines where I regard his presence 
as being really needed, but I have now for a number of months been forced 
to handle the affairs of the State Department myself, and I wish greatly I 
could get some man in to take up the matters that arise in the next ninety days 
— that is the peace negotiations between Russia and Japan, the Santo Do- 
tiungo situation and the Venezuela situation. I shall probably send a special 
commissioner to Venezuela to give me a full report, upon which I can abso- 
lutely rely. If Calhoun, of Chicago, will go I will send him. 

John Hay’s house was almost the only house in Washington where I 
continually stopped. Every Sunday on the way back from church I would 
Stop and have an hour’s talk with Hay. We woiffd go over forei^ affairs and 

1258 


the public business generally, and then I would usually get him to talk to me 
about Lincoln for as you know, Lincoln has always meant more to me than 
any other of our public men, even Washington. Always yours 

3583 • TO JACOB HARRY HOLLANDER RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 3, 1905 

My dear Hollander: Will you please read through the enclosed letters care- 
fully and return them to me, or better still bring them yourself so that I may 
talk over the matter with you? If Colton’s statements about this Improvement 
Company are true we must take sharp measures to disassociate the Govern- 
ment from all responsibility for the debt and must, in my judgment, go even 
further by having a report made backing up Santo Domingo in refusing to 
pay the debt save such part of it as is just and proper. What do you think of 
the plan Colton proposes? On the one hand I am always afraid of seeming to 
back any big company which has financial interests in one of these South 
American states, and can only do so under the narrowest restrictions and most 
shai^ly defined conditions. On the other hand there are real advantages in not 
having a treaty but some such arrangement as we suggested.^ I wish you to 
see Secretary .... Root .... Sincerely yours 

P. S. The President would like to have these papers returned by July 25th 
or sooner if possible. 


3584 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 3, 1905 

Dear Will: I shall see Shonts and Stevens^ soon. If I have to consult with any- 
one I will consult with McIntyre and Pepperman.^ I know that Cromwell has 

^ The political and financial arrangements of the Improvement Company had roused 
the suspicion of American investors and the Dominicans. Nevertheless Judge William 
M. Cohen, the company’s Washington lobbyist, successfully resisted ah efforts to 
scale down the claims until February 1907. In iat year Colton’s plan, which per- 
mitted the United States to “ensure the service of the debt by collecting and applying 
the revenues,” transferred the actual adjustment of the debt to private underwriters 
who were to reduce and finance it. Hollander first asked J. P. Morgan and Company 
to refinance the debt. After Morgan declined, Kuhn, Loeb and Company undertook 
the task successfully. See Jessup, Root^ I, 546-550. 

^ After the unexpected resignation in June of John F. Wallace, Roosevelt appointed 
John Frank Stevens, an experienced railroad engineer and executive, the chief engi- 
neer at Panama. Stevens, assured of large authority and independence of action, 
promised in return to remain on the job until he had made certain of the success of 
his work. This promise he fulfilled with energy and imagination. See Mack, Land 
Divided) pp. 494-500; DuVal, The Motmtams Will Move, ch. ix; Appendix I, Vol. VI, 
this work. 

® Captain Frank McIntyre, United States Army, and Walter Leon Pepperman, both of 
the Bureau of Insular Affairs. Pepperman, then assistant to the chief of that bureau, 
later author of Who Built the Panama Canal? (1915), had begun his public career in 
1894 in Roosevelt's office in the Civil Service Commission. 


1259 



everything at his fingers’ ends and is a first-class adviser, and I also know that 
he will be glad to come and see me at any time. But I have a most uncom- 
fortable feeling about him. He has certainly been of great service to us 
ever since you took the department. But I have reason to believe that he was 
largely responsible, or at any rate was partly responsible, for some of the 
ugliest of the talk about the acquisition of Panama, and of Bunau-Varilla’s 
connection with it; and his past reputation in New York has been such that, 
as was said to me by a businessman in whose judgment I have entire trust, I 
can never be sure that some day he will not be working for a big fee in con- 
nection with this very matter, while you and I are entirely ignorant of 
what he is doing. Of course I know that we have to work with the instru- 
ments at hand, and that if the work has to be done and there is only one 
instrument with which to do it we cannot discard it because it has a flaw in 
it. But I do not wish to lean too heavily upon it lest it break! I look foi'ward to 
receiving your picture. I will speak to Shonts and Stevens about Major 
Goethals® as soon as I see them. 

I shall probably ask Root to become Secretary of State, although I doubt 
if he accepts. I should greatly like to have him able to deal with the Venezuela 
and Dominican problems, as well as with this peace conference matter this 
summer while you have to be in the Philippines. If it were not that I feel so 
keenly the great importance of having you in the Philippines I should have 
been tempted to keep you over here, for I shall miss you greatly. 

Give my love to Mrs. Taft. Also to my daughter, to whom I shall shordy 
write myself. Ever yours 

[Handviritten] I deeply mourn Hay, who was a beloved friend. But for 
two years he has done little or nothing in the State Dept. What I did’n’t do 
myself was’n’t done at all. That is the trouble about the matter concerning 
which Colton reports. I’ll have Hollander look it up at once. Poor Hay was 
too sick to supervise such matters. 

3585 • TO ADNA ROMANZA CHAFFEE Roosevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 3, 1905 

My dear General Chaffee:^ There are several matters I should like the 
General Staff to take up. I think we must be careful about following in any- 
thing like a servile fashion the Japanese merely because the Japanese have 
won. Doubtless you remember how, after the Franco-German war, it became 

•Both Taft and Shouts had suggested the transfer of George Wadiington Goethab 
from his post on the General Staff to Panama as an assistant engineer. Shonts de- 
scribed Goethab as “direct, resourceful, enerptic,” the “ablest construction engineer 
in the army.” Stevens, however, decided agamst requesting the services of Goethab, 
who remained with the General Staff until he succeeded Stevens in 1907. See Joseph 
Bucldin Bishop and Famham Bbhop, Qoethals, Qemus of the Pamam Canal (New 
York, 1930), especially pp, 1*8-131. 

• Chaffee was at dus time Chief of Staff of the United States Army. 

1260 , 



the fashion to copy all the bad points as well as all the good ones of the Ger- 
man army organization, so that in our own army they actually introduced 
the preposterous spiked helmet for the army; as foolish a kind of headgear 
for modem warfare as could be invented. We should be on the lookout now 
not to commit a similar kind of fault as regards the Japanese. Not all of the 
things they have done have been wise, and some of the wise things they have 
done are not wise for us. Thus I feel that most of the talk about the bayonet is 
a waste of time. I emphatically disbelieve in the ramrod bayonet, or any other 
patented device, which w'ould probably be worthless; I would much rather 
have a small but real bayonet. I am firmly convinced that it is out of the 
question ever to teach our soldiers as a body to do effective work tvith the 
bayonet, w'hile it is comparatively easy to teach them to use the firearm well 
as a firearm; and in my judgment the man who does not get rattled and uses 
his firearm as a firearm really well will at close quarters invariably beat the 
bayonet man, no matter how good the latter may be. In a night attack with 
modem magazine rifles if we could only train our men to be cool and keep 
their magazines full they would blow the bayonet men to pieces at close 
quarters. In other words, a really good man with a loaded rifle who has no 
bayonet will at close quarters normally beat a really good man who relies on 
the bayonet. The bayonet man will only win against another bayonet man or 
against a man with a loaded firearm who gets rattled. The moral effect of the 
bayonet undoubtedly counts, just as the moral effect of the sword counts; 
but I believe it would be far easier to teach our men to disregard this moral 
effect than it would be to make them efficient with the bayonet or sword. The 
Japanese take naturally to the side arm and it is easy to make them proficient 
in the use of either sword or bayonet. Our men can be made proficient with 
either only by much longer training than it would be possible in practice to 
give them, whereas they take naturally to firearms, and if they can be taught 
to do their best with the latter they can in my judgment invariably whip the 
best bayonet men or swordsmen. Of course, indifferent or timid men with 
firearms will be whipped by good men with the bayonet or sword, just as 
they will be whipped by good men with clubs. 

What in my judgment we really ought to perfect ourselves in after the 
Japanese model is their commissary and quartermaster arrangements. Has 
the Staff prepared practical plans for embarking a division, for providing 
how to get the necessary provisions for a expeditionary army corps, and so 
forth, and so forth? I need not renoind you of the unutterable folly and con- 
fusion which we both saw at Santiago. Have adequate steps been taken to 
provide against a repetition of such an experience? Moreover, what has been 
done about a war ration? To provide too much in the way of ration or equip- 
ment of course means that in actual practice there will be too little, for the 
soldiers will not be able to carry the extra amounts and they will tend to 
throw away what they ought to keep. Cannot the soldiers be actually prac- 
ticed in marching and in camping out with the war ration? Should not there 

1261 



be marches conducted under actual war conditions, so as to test what is 
designed to be used in war? Would it not be practicable to practice embark- 
ing a division, or at least a brigade, say at Galveston and disembarking it some- 
where in Florida? I very much wish that on all these matters General Weston 
could be consulted by the General Staff and a report afterwards made to me. 
Sincerely yours 

3586 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 6, 1905 

Dear Will: Root accepted and was glad to come in. He will be an added 
strength to all of us. My dear fellow, as for your own attitude in the matter 
I could say nothing higher of you than that it was just exactly characteristic 
of you. I do not believe that you will ever quite understand what strength and 
comfort and help you are to me. 

I do not want to keep “harping on my daughter” — But I am concerned 
about Cromwell. Knox spoke to me last night very strongly about him on 
the way home from poor John Hay’s funeral. He says that in the negotiations 
at Paris over the sale of the Panama Canal Cromwell did his best to involve 
the Government in transactions much to its disadvantage, and that he now 
represents interests hostile to the Government, and in his opinion is making 
money and certainly hopes to make money through the intimacy he is sup- 
posed to have with the Government. He thinks that he ought not to have any 
position as director of the Panama Railroad, or in any other shape, and that 
w'e are in grave danger of public scandal of an unpleasant type if he is per- 
mitted to appear as too close to us,^ 

Give my love to Alice if she has not received a letter from me. 

Poor John Hay! He was not only a great figure but a unique figure, and 
no one can quite take his place. While he was no longer able to do actual 
public work his personal loss is one that cannot be overestimated. America 
is the better because John Hay lived. Ever yours 

3587 • TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 7, 1905 

Dear Qeorge: Your letter of the i8th of June, and also your exceedingly 
interesting note concerning your interview with the Czar have just come.^ 
They are admirable in every way. You may be interested in knowing that one 
of the last things poor John Hay said to me was to express his pleasure at how 
well you were doing. Eddy had been writing him a letter of wild enthusiasm 
contrasting you with McCormick. Hay’s death is to me a severe personal loss, 

* Cromwell was given no official responsibility by the United States, He continued, 

however, to handle some legal business for the Republic of Panama. 

^ Meyer to Roosevelt, June 18, 20, 1905, Howe, Meyer^ pp, 167-170, 

iz6z 



and no one in America can quite fill the gap he makes, because of his ex- 
traordinary literary and personal charm as well as his abilities as a public man. 
Root, however, will make in my judgment at least as good a Secretary of State 
as we have ever had. 

I did my best to get the Japanese to consent to an armistice, but they have 
refused, as I feared they would. Lamsdorff’s trickiness has recoiled upon the 
Russian Government. The Japanese are entirely confident that they can win 
whatever they wish by force of arms, whereas they are deeply distrustful of 
Russia’s sincerity of purpose in these peace negotiations. Russia cannot expect 
peace unless she makes substantial concessions, for the Japanese triumph is 
absolute and Russia’s position critical in the extreme, I earnestly hope the 
Czar will see that he must at all hazards and all cost make peace with Japan 
now and turn his attention to internal affairs. If he does not I believe that the 
disaster to Russia will be so great that she will cease to count among the great 
powers for a generation to come — unless indeed, as foreshadowed in your 
last letter, there is a revolution which makes her count as the French did after 
their revolution. Always yours 

3588 * TO JOHN coiT SPOONER Roosevelt Mss. 

Oyster Bay, July 7, 1905 

My dear Senator Spooner: In a confidential memorandum from our Minister 
to the Dominican Republic, Mr. Dawson, he writes as follows: 

I cannot too strongly urge the advisability of refraining from so amending the 
treaty as unnecessarily to wound Dominican national pride and susceptibilities. 
Dominicans have reluctandy reconciled themselves to the hard necessity of accept- 
ing foreign customs collectors, but I doubt whether I could persuade them to 
confer explicitly on these collectors extraterritorial immunity. I am informed 
that such an amendment has been proposed by the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations. In substance and in practice the Dominican Government will concede 
such immunity without a murmur or a hitch, but the Dominican reading and 
writing public would bitterly resent a treaty provision that flagrantly and in so 
many words violates their constitution, deprives their country of one of the most 
essential attributes of sovereignty and places it in the eyes of the world in the 
same category as Turkey, China, or Morocco. Santo Domingo believes that it de- 
serves as good treatment in this respect as the European powers have given 
Greece, 

Now, my dear Senator, I shall ask you to pardon my writmg you very 
frankly from the standpoint of the interests which we both have equally at 
heart. You can have no idea of the way in which we are hampered by any 
such amendment as this in trying to carry out any kind of decent and effec- 
tive foreign policy. Personally, I of course feel very strongly that there was 
no need of amending the Santo Domingan treaty. Though of no real con- 
sequence, some of the amendments were possibly advantageous; but such an 
amendment as this would jfobably destroy the treaty. Now, what I want is 

1263 



to avoid amendments that will render it impossible to get the treaty through. 
The average amendment put in I regard as merely foolish, because unneces- 
sary; but I know that there are people who like to feel that they have made 
some trifling change, and it may be necessary for you to conciliate these peo- 
ple in such a way — just as in the anthracite coal arbitration business I se- 
cured the consent of the capitalists by making the utterly foolish change of 
title of Clark from labor man to sociologist. I do not in the least object to 
seeing amendments of this kind put in as matters of expediency in getting the 
treaty through the Senate; but I do earnestly hope that amendments that will 
kill the treaty will not be pressed. Of course, as you know, I feel in the 
strongest way that this whole matter of amending treaties comes in the same 
category as that of the veto by the President of legislation. Each is a power 
which it is necessary on occasions to exercise, but if either power is exercised 
too frequently it is a matter of certainty that those exercising it are abusing 
it, to the detriment of the interests of the nation. Cleveland, for instance, was 
immensely praised by many of his adherents for the multitude of his vetoes, 
and he was especially praised as putting a check upon the encroachments of 
the legislative «branch». As a matter of fact, most of his vetoes were foolish, 
though it was eminently proper that he should make three or four of them. 
So it is in the matter of amendments to a treaty. The Senate has the right to 
amend any treaty, just as I have the right to veto every bill. But it would be 
almost as bad that the right should never be exercised at all as that it should 
be exercised too often. People will tell Senators that they are ‘standing up 
against the encroachments of the executive’ when they put in these amend- 
ments, just as similar people told Cleveland he was “standing up against the 
encroachments of Congress.” In each case if the Government of the country 
is to be conducted well it is necessary that the executive and the legislative 
branches should work together. Much can be done by consultation in ad- 
vance. As you know, I do my best to have no action taken by the State 
Department of any importance in treaty-making matters without previous 
consultation with you and certain other Senators, and so in important legis- 
lative matters the Speaker and various leaders of the two houses sometimes 
consult me in advance— although with nothing like the frequency that T 
consult you and other members of the Foreign Affairs Committee in advance 
about treaties. If we do not manage to work together in these matters it will 
be a bad thing for the country, and it is a severe reflection upon our whole 
system of government. This system is postulated upon self-restraint by the 
different officials in the exercise of certain undoubted rights — just such 
rights as the veto power of the President, and the power of die Senate to 
amend the treaties. 

I believe you will find Root a good man with whom to get on. I have 
asked Minister Dawson to call upon you and go over these Santo Domingan 
matters. If we find that it is impossible to achieve the desired result by treaty, 
I shall of coum try to make some other arrangenftnt which will prevent dis- 

1264 



aster to Santo Domingo and damage to the interests of the United States, but 
any such arrangement must of necessity be but a makeshift from every stand- 
point. The particular scheme which may be used as an alternative in this case 
I shall consult you about if it becomes necessary to try it. The Santo Domin- 
gans would prefer it, but I do not want to take it up. 

With regards to Mrs. Spooner, Sincerely yours 

3589 • TO WHITEIAW REID RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, July 7, 1905 

My dear Reid: I was much interested in your letter and memorandum^ and to 
learn of the way in which you had been received. It is certainly very gratify- 
ing. 

Now, as to the memorandum. It confirms me in my belief that the English, 
as I think rather shortsightedly, are entirely willing, and perhaps a trifle more 
than willing, to have the war go on. If the war goes on I myself think Japan 
will take Vladivostok; but it seems to be simply childish to talk of their being 
“magnanimous” and “giving it back” — for the excellent reason that it would 
be childish to spend the necessary blood and treasure for the mere purpose 
of “being magnanimous and giving it back.” That would not be genuine 
magnanimity. It would be conduct that would warrant a commission de 
lunatico, and I am amazed that anyone in high position should seriously talk 
of it. Of course what will really happen is that if they take Vladivostok they 
will only give it back in exchange for something they want more, such as a 
big indemnity. Any other course would be mere folly, and it is hard to be- 
lieve that the British seriously think that the Japanese intend to take Vladi- 
vostok and give it back in a spirit of magnanimity and I do not believe the 
Japanese are serious if they ever told the British so. My own opinion is that 
it would be better for England to have peace come with Russia face to face 
with Japan in east Siberia. Under such circumstances the Japanese alliance 
would be a guarantee against any Russian move toward India or Persia; 
whereas if the Japs take east Siberia they will have done all the damage they 
ever could do Russia, and Russia would have little fear of them. Indeed I 
think that Japan herself will be far better off if she now comes to terms and 
gets an indemnity. If she goes on with the war I think she can take all east 
Siberia and drive Russia practically to Lake Baikal, but she will spend a great 
deal of money and treasure, and may very possibly reduce Russia so that she 
simply cannot pay an indemnity. In such case Japan would have a year’s 
extra war and the accompanying serious drain upon her resources, with the 
only result the securing of east Siberia, which would be of no good to her. 
However, no one can force either Japan or England to follow any course 
other than that which each thinks for its interest, and this is right and proper 
enough I suppose — although personally I cannot help thin^g that it is 

*See Royal Ck»rtissoa, The Life of Whitekw Reid (New Yorli^ 19*1). H, 305-307. 

iz6s 



possible to combine firm adherence to what is ultimately good for one’s own 
country with a genuine desire to try to act decently toward the rest of the 
world and to help it so far as may be. 

The Japanese do not want an armistice. For this I do not blame them. In 
their position I should not wish an armistice either, unless Russia was willing 
to give substantial guarantees of good conduct. The plenipotentiaries ought 
to meet now within a month. What they can do then I do not know. I rather 
assume that England has indirectly encouraged Japan to ask for so much that 
peace will be improbable. On the other hand, both the German and the 
French governments will earnestly endeavor to get Russia to come to terms. 
The Emperor has behaved very well about this. Of course if the revolutionary 
movement gathers too much headway, Russia may not be able to make terms, 
both because she may be on the point of dissolution and because even if this 
is not so she may not be able to borrow the money wherewith to pay the 
indemnity; but it is quite possible that peace may come. I suppose no one can 
really foretell anything about it. 

I know you are pleased that Root accepted the Secretaryship of State. It 
means a great deal to me in more than one way. What good men we do have 
in high public position now! — always bar the President. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Reid, believe me, Faithfully yours 

3590 • TO ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 8, 1905 

My dear Mr, Hitchcock: I am a good deal annoyed about that Vivian-Lewis 
matter, and I hope you will rap Inspector Linnen sharply. These inspectors 
must understand that they are not to be allowed to fall into the error of the 
post-office inspectors under Bristow. You remember what excellent work 
Bristow did in detecting fraud and how, after awhile, the force under him 
and indeed Bristow himself became so carried away that they proceeded upon 
the assumption that there w^as fraud everywhere and made reports that were 
not backed up by the facts, with the result that it was both humiliating and 
harmful. 

Now, I am a little in a quandary how to act in this case. The partial break- 
down of the charges against Vivian will of course mean in all outside eyes 
that we are probably wrong about Lewis, and I think the only thing to do is 
to appoint him. I wish the thing done, however, with as little discredit to the 
action wx have already taken as possible — it is, unfortunately, impossible 
for us to avoid a certain amount of embarrassment and humiliation. The best 
way I think is for me to write Stewart direct that I have heard from Gover- 
nor Richards, who in accordance with our direction has gone over the case 
thoroughly, and that while there has been a certain laxity in the management 
of the Denver office from the standpoint of business efficiency, there is no 
possible imputation upon either the integrity or the abiUty of A 4 r. Vivian and 

1266 


his resignation will be accepted with the understanding that if it had not 
been given of his own free will he would have served out his term. Further- 
more on the recommendation of Governor Richards I shall appoint Mr. Lewis 
but it must be understood that the office must be divorced from politics; must 
be run on purely business principles, and that if Mr. Lewis fails to show a 
high standard of efficiency and economy after full trial we shall be able to 
appoint someone else. 

Pray let me hear from you soon. I feel just as you do about Root’s ac- 
ceptance of the Secretaryship of State. Sincerely yours 

3591 • TO JOHN WATSON YERKES Roosevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 1 1, 1905 

My dear Mr. Yerkes: I have just seen your letter of July loth to Mr. Loeb. I 
write in response over my own signature as you may wish to refer to this 
letter. 

First, as to the internal revenue agents. You say that there are a number of 
these agents who have neither the ability, industry or character equal to the 
requirements of their places. You further say that “some of these incom- 
petents are ex-Federal soldiers and believe that that fact will protect them 
against all danger. Others have strong political influence and are relying upon 
that. They continue to be indolent, inactive and are virtually worthless in tiie 
service. They believe that this political influence will stand as a barrier against 
proper radical action by the Bureau.” 

In every such case I feel not merely that it is proper that you should re- 
move the agent, but that you are required to do so as a matter of duty. AH 
I wish to ask of you is to look into the case with sufficient care to feel that 
you are doing no injustice, and I shall back you up in every way and shall 
decline to reopen the case myself, stating to any inquirer that you are the 
man best fitted to judge; that I caimot judge and that I accept your decision 
as final. 

Now a word about what you say as to the strong political influence; and 
in what I say I include all other kinds of influence as weU. In making appoint- 
ments there are many in which it is entirely proper to take into account con- 
siderations, but subject always to the appointee being in point of character 
and efficiency equal to the duties of the place sought. In making removals for 
inefficiency, for lack of ability, industry or character, I pever permit the ques- 
tion of influence, political or otherwise, to be so much as considered, and I 
decline to discuss it with any politician or other man, telling him that when 
it comes to a question of removal for cause I no longer pay the slightest heed 
to the man’s political backing. 

This applies exactly to the office of collector of internal revenue. You 
say you know where the service can be benefited by malting a few changes 
in diese collectors. Please give me tiie facts to show that any collector of in- 

1267 



temal revenue is not doing his duty or is not of good character and he will 
be changed forthwith. Sincerely yours 


3592 • TO JEAN JULES JUSSERAND ROOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 1 1, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: I read Cahun’s Turks and Mongols with such thor- 
oughness and assiduity that at the end it was dangling out of the covers, and 
I have sent it to Washington to have it bound, with directions to deliver it to 
you. 

I am very much obliged to you for loaning it to me, and I have been im- 
mensely interested in it. It is extraordinary how little the average European 
historian has understood the real significance of the immense Mongol move- 
ment of the 13th century and its connection with the previous history of the 
Turks, Mongols, and similar peoples. Until I read Cahun I never understood 
the sequence of cause and effect and never appreciated the historic impor- 
tance of the existence of the vast, loosely bound Turkish power of the 5th 
and 6th centuries and of its proposition to unite with the Byzantines for the 
overthrow of the Persians. Moreover it is astounding that military critics 
have given so little space to, or rather have totally disregarded, the extraordi- 
nary Mongol campaigns of the 13th century. I doubt if the average military 
critic so much as knows of the existence of Subutai, who won sixty victories 
on pitched fields and went from the Yellow Sea to the Adriatic, trampling 
Russia into the dust, overrunning Hungary and Poland, and defeating with 
inferior numbers the picked chivalry of Germany as he had already defeated 
the Manchus, the Korean, and the Chinese. Moreover the victories were not 
won by brute superiority of numbers. The armies of the Mongols were not 
at all what we understand when we speak of hordes. They were marvelously 
trained bodies wherein the prowess of the individual soldier was only Iks 
remarkable than the perfect obedience, precision and effectiveness with 
which he did his part in carrying out the tactical and strategic schemes of the 
generals. For a Frenchman, Cahun is dry; but the dryness of writers of your 
race, if they are good at all, is miles asunder from the hopeless aridity of simi- 
lar writers among our people. Cahun has a really fine phrase, for instance — 
a phrase that tells an important truth when he contrasts the purely personal 
and ffierefore in the end not very important wars of Timur, with what he 
calls the great “anonymous” campaigns and victories of the Mongols proper 
under Ghengis Khan and in the years immediately succeeding his death. 

Naturally, this difference in dryness makes an immense difference in inter- 
est. Thus I took up de La Gorce’s history of the Second Empire because of 
the allusions to it in Walpole’s history, which covers much the same period; 
but Walpole’s history was only readable in the sense that a guidebook or a 
cookery book is readable; whereas I found de La Gorce exceedingly interest- 

1268 



ing and filled with much that was philosophical and much that was pictur- 
esque. 

I wish you could get down here to see me sometime. Now under no 
circumstances must you permit Madame Jusserand to take a trip that would 
be tiresome, but if you and she happen to be passing through New York I 
shall arrange to have the Sylph take you out here for lunch and then back 
in the afternoon, and you would have an enjoyable sail; while Mrs. Roose- 
velt and I would have an enjoyable lunch! Always yours 

[Handwritten] P. S. Since writing this your telegram has come. I hope 
you both will enjoy your summer to the full. If you see de la Gorce tell him 
how much I like his work — and that I read every word, & was at times 
rather painfully struck by certain essential similarities in political human na- 
ture whether in an Empire or a Republic, cis-Atlantic or trans-Atlantic. 

3593 • TO ALBERT JEREMIAH BEVERIDGE ROOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July ii, 1905 

My dear Beveridge: Before your letter came I had offered the Secretaryship 
of State to Root and he had accepted. It was very kind of you to write and 
to be so thoughtful as to my reputation. But, my dear fellow, I do not care a 
rap as to who gets the credit for the work, provided the work is done. Hay 
was a really great man, and die more credit is given him the more I am de- 
lighted, while the result at the last election showed how futile it was for the 
Evening Post, the Sun, and the rest of my enemies to try to draw the distinc- 
tion between what Hay did and what I did. Whether I originated the work, 
or whether he did and merely received my backing and approval, is of no 
consequence to the party, and what is said about it is of no earthly conse- 
quence to me. The same people who, not because they cared for Hay, but 
because they hated me, insisted that everything of which they approved in 
the management of the State Department was due to him will now make 
exactly the same claim in reference to Root and will hope thereby to damage 
or irritate me, whereas in reality they will not be making the slightest impres- 
sion upon either my fortunes or my temper. A year and a half ago these 
people said that with Root out of the Cabinet I would be wholly unable to 
run the country. Root has been out a year and a half and now when he comes 
back they will at once forget the intervening eighteen months and make the 
same assertion. They have already forgotten that Hay was on the other side 
of the water during these last peace negotiations; and, my dear fellow, why 
in the name of Heaven should I care? I wished Root as Secretary of State 
pardy because I am extremely fond of him and prize his companionship as 
well as his advice, but primarily because I think that in all the country he is 
the best man for the position and that no minister of foreign aflFairs in any 
other country at this moment in any way compares with him. Nobody can 
praise him too highly fo'suit me; and right away he will begin to help me in 

1269 



connection with the Venezuelan and Santo Domingan affairs. As for which 
of us gets the credit for settling them, I honestly think you will find Root 
quite as indifferent as I am. What we want is to get them settled, and settled 
right. 

I envy you being off in the woods. Nothing would give me such rest as 
to be off just as you are, with not a human being but a guide and a cook 
around, and the wilderness coming up to the very threshold of where I lived. 
With best wishes. Always yours 

3594 • TO ELiHU ROOT Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July ii, 1905 

Dear Elihu: I shall talk with Bacon exactly on the lines of your letter,^ That 
is, I shall tell him that we want him, but only if he thinks he can do the work, 
and I shall try to find out exactly what his possible shortcomings might be. 
My own doubt about him has chiefly been whether he knows politics enough 
to be able to take some of the trouble off your shoulders in connection with 
Senators and Congressmen wishing consulates and the like. I think his 
swiftness of temper would stand him in good stead in these respects, I am 
not sure how he would accept responsibility; how willing he would be to act 
on his own initiative; but with you in the Department I do not think this so 
important — just as it was not important while you were in the War Depart- 
ment. 

I have thought of another man whom you might wish to consider if 
Bacon cannot come in. He is Mayhew Wainwright, of Westchester County, 
New York. I believe he is a member of the Bar Association. He is a man of 
independent means, although not great wealth, a college graduate, and a gen- 
tleman. He speaks French; and I think German. 

He has been four years in the New York State Legislature, which is in- 
valuable training for any position in public life in Washington. It is worth 
your while to inquire about him in case the Bacon business falls through. 

I am happy to say that Calhoun has consented to go down to Venezuela. 
I shall have him call on you. Would you care to meet him here? If so I could 
have him come to lunch to meet you, and I shall probably get Dr. Lyman 
Abbott, who is overjoyed with your appointment, to come at the same time, 
and then get you to stay overnight, so that we could talk over things alone in 
the afternoon. Always yowrs 

3595 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE Roosevelt MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, July 1 1, 1905 

Dear Cabot: John Hay’s death was very sudden and removes from American 
public life a man whose position was literally unique. The country was the 

^Appointed First Assistant Secretary of State on October i, 1905, Robert Bacon held 
that office nudl January 1909, when he succeeded Root as Secretary of State. 


1270 



better because he had lived, for it was a fine thing to have set before our 
young men the example of success contained in the career of a man who had 
held so many and such important public positions, while there was not in his 
nature the slightest touch of the demagogue, and who in addition to his great 
career in political life had also left a deep mark in literature. His Life of 
Lincoln is a monument, and of its kind his Castilian Days is perfect. This is 
all very sad for Mrs. Hay. Personally his loss is very great to me because I 
was very fond of him, and as you know always stopped at his house after 
church on Sunday to have an hour’s talk with him. From the standpoint of 
the public business — not from the standpoint of the loss to the public of 
such a figure — the case is different. Of course, what I am about to say I can 
only say to a close friend, for it seems almost ungenerous. But for two years 
his health has been such that he could do very little work of importance. His 
name, his reputation, his staunch loyalty, all made him a real asset of the 
administration. But in actual work I had to do the big things myself, and the 
other things I always feared would be badly done or not done at all. He had 
grown to hate the Kaiser so that I could not trust him in dealing with Ger- 
many. When, for instance, the Kaiser made the excellent proposition about 
the integrity of China, Hay wished to refuse and pointed out where jche 
^ Kaiser’s proposition as originally made contained w’hat was inadvisable. I 
took hold of it myself, accepted the Kaiser’s offer, but at the same lime 
blandly changed it so as to wholly remove the objectionable feature (that is, 
I accepted it as applying to all of China outside of Manchuria, W'hereas he had 
proposed in effect that we should allow Russia to work her sweet will in all 
northern China) and had Hay publish it in this form. Even before this time 
in the British Panama canal negotiations I got the treaty in right shape only by 
securing the correction of all of the original faults. But afi this is only for 
you and me to talk over together, for it is not of the slightest consequence 
now, and what is of consequence is that America should be the richer by 
John Hay’s high and fine reputation. 

I hesitated a litde between Root and Taft, for Taft as you know is very 
close to me. But as soon as I began seriously to think it over I saw there was 
really no room for doubt whatever, because it was not a choice as far as the 
Cabinet was concerned between Root and Taft, but a choice of having both 
instead of one. I was not at all sure that Root would take it, although from 
various hints I had received I thought the chances at least even. To my great 
pleasure he accepted at once and was evidently glad to accept and to be back 
in public life and in the Cabinet in such a position. He will be a tower of 
strength to us all I not only hope but believe that he will get on well with 
the Senate, and he will at once take a great burden off my mind in connection 
with various subjects, such as Santo Domingo and Venezuela. For a number 
of months now I have had to be my own Secretary of State, and while I am 
very glad to be it so far as the broad outlines of the work are concerned, I of 
course ought not to have to attend to the details. 


1271 



At Russia’s request I asked Japan for an armistice, but I did not expect 
that Japan would grant it, although I of course put the request as strongly as 
possible. Indeed I cannot say that I really blame Japan for not granting it, 
for she is naturally afraid that magnanimity on her part would be misinter- 
preted and turned to bad account against her. The Japanese envoys have 
sailed and the Russians I am informed will be here by August first. I think 
then they can get an armistice. I received a message of thanks from the Ger- 
man Government for my part in securing a conference between Germany 
and France ■with the other Powers on the Morocco question. This is a dead 
secret. Not a word of it has gotten out into the papers; but I became the 
intermediary between Germany and France when they seemed to have 
gotten into an impasse; and have already been cordially thanked by the 
French Government through Jusserand. I suggested the final terms by which 
they could come together. Speck acted merely of course as the mouthpiece 
of the Emperor; but with Jusserand I was able to go over the whole matter, 
and we finally worked out a conclusion which I think was entirely satisfac- 
tory. Do not let anyone, excepting of course Nannie, know of this. Even 
Whitelaw Reid does not know it. I had told Taft but not Hay. I shall tell 
Root. 

Taft is a great big fellow. He urged me to bring Root into the Cabinet. , 
Of course the papers with their usual hysteria have for the moment com- 
pletely dropped Taft, whom they were all booming violently up to three 
weeks ago, and are now occupied with their new toy. Root. They are sure 
that he has come into the Cabinet for the purpose of making himself Presi- 
dent, and the more picturesque among them take the view that he stipulated 
this before he accepted and that I in effect pledged him the Presidency — 
omitting the trifling detail that even if I had been idiot enough to feel that 
way, he would not have been idiot enough to think that I had any power in 
die matter. As a matter of fact I am inclined to think that Taft’s being from 
die west, together with his attitude on corporations, would for the moment 
make him the more available man. Of course no one can tell what ■wiU be the 
outcome three years hence. 

Will you tell Nannie that I have sent her at Nahant one of the Saint- 
Gaudens inauguration medals. I am very glad we got Saint-Gaudens to do 
this work. Edidi makes believe that she thinks it is a good likeness of me, 
which I regard as most wifely on her part. But of the eagle on the reverse I 
do approve and also of the Latin rendering for “a square deal.” Ever yours 

P. S. About the Morocco business I received the following cablegram 
from Ambassador Tower: 

The German Minister for Foreign Affairs announces to me that the agreement 
between Germany and France in regard to Morocco was signed in Paris last Satur- 
day. He asked me to communicate the information to you and say that the Gov- 
ernment of Germany recognizes the interest which the President has taken in that 
subject, and ^eatly appreciates what he has done to bring about a speedy and 
p^cefol solution of the questions at issue. 


1272 



and also the following from Ambassador Jusserand: 

I leave greatly comforted by the news concerning Morocco, the agreement 
arrived at is in substance the one we had considered and the acceptation of which 
you did so very much to secure. Letters just received by me from Paris show that 
your beneficent influence at this grave juncture is deeply and gratefully felt. They 
confinn also what I guessed was the case, that is that there was a point where more 
yielding would have been impossible; everybody in France felt it, and people 
braced up silently in view of the possible greatest events. 

I consider it rather extraordinary that my suggestions should apparently 
have gratefully been received by both sides as well as acted on. A still more 
extraordinary thing is that the Emperor should have sent through Speck a 
statement that he should instruct his delegate to vote as the United States 
delegate does on any point where I consider it desirable. This is a point, how- 
ever, about which I shall be very wary of availing myself of. 

3596 * TO WILLIAM HENRY MOODY RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Oyster ‘Bay, July rz, 1905 

My dear Moody: I most earnestly hope that every effort will be made to 
bring Holmes to justice in connection with the cotton report scandal.^ Please 
go over the papers yourself. The man is in my judgment a far greater scoun- 
drel than if he had stolen money from the Government, as he used the Gov- 
ernment to deceive outsiders and to make money for himself and for others. 
This is one of the few cases w^here I should hope that the man would be 
indicted even though the chances favor his escaping conviction. Sincerely 
yours 

3597 - TO BYRON SATTERLEE HURLBUT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 14, 1905 

My dear Mr. Hurlbut: ^ I thank you very much for your telegram. I hesi- 
tated to send it because you must be deluged with requests of this kind from 
anxious parents! But I was afraid that the papers might have miscarried in the 
mail, in view of Matt Hale’s telegram. 

^ Secretary Wilson on July 8 had dismissed Edwin S. Holmes, assistant statistician of 
the Department of Agriculture, for using government information for his private 
gain. He had not only furnished government crop reports to private speculators in 
" advance of official publication, but he had also manipulated official figures for the 
benefit of the men, particularly L. C. Van Riper and Theodore H. Price, New York 
cotton brokers, from whom he was receiving a commission. 

Shortly after the dismissal of Holmes, his chief, John Price, resigned and immedi- 
ately left for England. Wilson — severely critized by the newspapers, many of which 
demanded his resignation — suffered a nervous collapse. He didi not resign, but, 
prodded by Roosevelt, he reorganized his statistical division and ordered an investi- 
gation of his entire department. 

^ Byron Satterlee Hurlbut, dean of Harvard Ck>Hege, 1902-1916; professor of English, 
1906-1929. 


IZ73 



Now, may I trespass further on your good nature? Ted intends to take up 
railroading when he leaves college, and I think he has the feeling that he 
would like if possible to get through college in three years so as to be able 
to begin his work outside. Accordingly he has thought of going into the 
Lawrence Scientific School; but Bob Bacon advises me to have him kept in 
the academic department, on the ground that there are so many elective 
courses which would fit him for railroad work that it is not necessary for him 
to go into the Lawrence Scientific School. Will you give me any hint which 
would help me make up my mind, or rather help Ted make up his mind? 
Could you perhaps send me any papers that would help us arrive at a con- 
clusion? ® 

I am well pleased with Ted’s success. His mother and I had wished him 
to stay and finish his course at Groton, but he became discontented with the 
progress he was making there and felt that it was perfectly possible to put 
the last two years’ work into one and that he did not care to lose a year 
simply for the sake of being a 6th Former at Groton, much though he likes 
the school. All his teachers there advised him against going out, of course. I 
told him he could do as he desired, if he really meant business; and he showed 
that he did mean it for he has worked hard all winter — so steadily that even 
if he had failed I should not have held it against him. But I am very glad he 
succeeded. 

With many thanks, Sincerely yours 

3598 • TO LLOYD CARPENTER GRISCOM RoOSevclt MsS, 

Oyster Bay, July 15, 1905 

My dear Mr. Griscom: I wish that through such channels and in such ways 
as may appear wise and proper you would let it be known to the Japanese 
Government (and to the people too, if you think best) that the American 
Government and the American people at large have not the slightest sym- 
pathy with the outrageous agitation against the Japanese in certain small sec- 
tions along the Pacific slope. (A labor agitator, ex-Congressman Livernash,^ 
and a discontented editor, Mr. De Young, ^ who is reported to have been 
angered at not being given a diplomatic appointment, are chiefly responsible 
for starting this agitation.) The foregoing is private. While I am President 

^Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., graduated from Harvard in 1908, receiving a Liberal Arts 
degree. He did not attend die Scientific School. ^ 

* Edward James Livemash, congressman from California, 1903-1905, elected as Union 
Labor party candidate, endorsed by the Democrats. Livemash had previously been 
an editor of the San Francisco Exojjziner. 

* Michel Harry De Young, proprietor and editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, 
1880-1915; unsuccessful candidate for the United States Senate in 1892. One reason, 
as cited in Bi^ey, Roosevelt and the Japanese- Atnerican Crises, pp. lo-ii, for editorial 
agitation against Japanese immigration was the rivalry between tne Examiner and the 
Chronicle, 


1274 



the Japanese will be treated just exactly like the English, Germans, French, 
or other civilized peoples; that is, each man, good or bad, will be treated on 
his merits. I know that this will be the policy for three years and eight 
months. I think it will be the permanent policy of our Government. It cer- 
tainly will be if I have any say in the matter. Sincerely yours 

3599 • TO JOHN ALBERT SLEicHER Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 17, 1905 

My dear Mr. Sleicher: I qmte agree with you that just because we triumphed 
so tremendously at the last election we are now in danger. 

I wish I could be hopeful that Congress will reduce expenditures. As a 
matter of fact I know that they made very strong efforts in this line last 
session. I have been preaching to them along the lines of your editorial. 

With real regard, Sincerely yours 

3600 • TO FRANK CHARLES BOSTOCK RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 18, 1905 

My dear Mr. Bostock: ^ In connection with your book on the training of wild 
animals,® in which I was greatly interested, I would like to ask whether you 
find that the puma or cougar shows a different kind of temper from the leop- 
ard or old world panther, and from the jaguar? I ask tiiis because in hunting 
it I have found it to be compared to the big bear, a cowardly animal, and if 
what I read of the darker of hunting the Indian and African leopard is true, 
then the puma is not nearly as formidable as the leopard or the jaguar — in 
short is not nearly so formidable as the big spotted cats, though it is as big 
and as formidably armed. Have you noticed any difference in your work 
among these species taking the average of one and comparing it as to temper, 
ferocity, etc., with the average of the other? Of course there are wide indi- 
vidual differences; but that is not what I am after at present. I notice that you 
say there is litde or no difference between the tiger, lion, leopard or jaguar. 
With regard. Sincerely yours 

3601 •TO GEORGE VON LENt^KE MEVER Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyater Bay, July 18, 1905 

Dear George: I am in receipt of your letter showing what I had already been 
sure of: that the Embassy was run aE at loose ends prior to your going there. 
I have been most fortunate in securing Root to take Hay’s place. Hay’s death 

‘Frank Charles Bostock, British wild animal trainer and performer in circuses 
throughout Great Britam and the United States, 

‘Frank C. Bostock, The Traimng of Wild Animals (New York, 1903). This volume 
was edited by Ellen Velvin; see Roosevelt to Bridges, November ii, 1905, in Vol. V, 
this work. 


1275 



was a severe personal loss, to me and to everyone who knew him, for no more 
loyal, lovable, and upright man ever existed, and as a public man he stood 
literally alone. America was the richer because he had lived. As for his death, 
I am mourning; but surely there is not one of us who would not be glad to 
die as he did, still in the harness, with his children and his grandchildren 
around him, and with so great a record of public service. I have never been 
able to feel that the man who died well on in years with a great and well- 
earned record of victory behind him, and still in the flush of his triumph, was 
unfortunate. But it is very h a rd for those he leaves, and above all for his wife. 

Now, as to your very important cable about Witte.^ I am particularly glad 
that he is coming. I regret that Ito is not coming.® He would have been sent 
if Witte’s name had been aimounced by the Russians in the beginning; but 
this is another one of the many troubles caused by the extraordinary duplic- 
ity, shiftiness, and insincerity of the Russians — all of them traits wWch they 
have shown in these negotiations., I shall endeavor to get the Japanese to be 
moderate; but Witte, and above all the Czar, must needs remember on their 
part that the Japanese have completely the upper hand in east Asia, and liiat 
humanly speaking they are certain to drive the Russians completely off the 
Pacific slope and practically to Lake Baikal if peace is not made. The extreme 
war party in Japan insists that peace shall be made on no other terms. The 
moderate party I believe will accept a substantial indemnity, the island of 
Sakhalin, and what the Japanese have already acquired in Manchuria and 
Korea. But Witte, and therefore of course die Emperor, must understand 
definitely that this war is a failure and that peace must be made with the 
Japanese as victors; They cannot by any effort of diplomacy, or, in my judg- 
ment, of arms, prevent peace coming on terms which will show that the 
Russians have suffered a severe defeat. If they refuse to acknowledge that 
they have met with a severe defeat and to make peace accordingly, they will 
only succeed in changing severe defeat into irremediable disaster. This is the 
idea they need to keep steadily before themselves. The terms will be hard, 
but, if not now accepted, six months or a year later they will be far harder. 
Sinceraly yours 


3602 • TO WILUAM AIXEN -WHITE ROOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July i8, 1905 

My dear White: Before receiving your letter I had read “Political Signs of 
Promise,” in the Outlook, and was delighted with it because it has exactly the 

^See Meyer to Secreiary of State, July 13, 1905, Foreign Relations, 190J, p. 819. Meyer 
had informed Roosevelt that Serge Witte, Russian Secretary of State, had been ap- 
pointed a delegate to the Portsmouth Conference in place of Mouravieff, the Russian 
Ambassador to Italy. 

* Marquis Ito instead negotiated the agreement of November 1905 wherd>y Japan 
established the protectorate over Korea. 



right ring. You tdl the truth about corruption, but you do not find it neces- 
sary to yell that we are corrupt all the way through, or that we are a hundred 
times worse than our forefathers were. I like the article down to the ground 
— but then there are mighty few of our articles that I don’t like! 

Now, for what you tell me about Folk. I do not believe that you can 
realize how pleased and proud and yet, if you will pardon a seeming paradox, 
how humble that made me feel. I am inclined to think it is the very nicest 
thing I have ever had said of me. Of course Folk could not have said it to me 
himself; or at least if he had it would not have meant the same thing as your 
repeating to me what he had happened incidentally to mention to you. In- 
deed, I entirely agree with you, and if I have in no matter how small a degree 
any such influence upon some young men as this remark of Folk would seem 
to imply, I count it a great deal higher than being President. In return I won- 
der whether you and Jake Riis realize what a spur you have been to me, and 
whether you realize how much this remark of Folk’s helps me? I would not 
for anything in the world feel that I had done something to deservedly forfeit 
such an opinion as that. 

By the way, I suppose you realize that you were the instrument for begin- 
ning a lasting reform in the Post-Office appointments by what you wrote me 
about post offices in Kansas last winter. In Cortelyou I have a man I can 
absolutely trust, both as regards purpose and as r^ards common sense, and 
you are probably aware that, using as an example the Congressional district 
to which you referred, we have initiated the policy of keeping all fourth- 
class postmasters if they have done well, and of making the presumption in 
favor of the reappointment of other postmasters under like conditions. I have 
not felt it was wise to lay down an absolutely ironclad rule, for circumstances 
change so from time to time and from place to place that sometimes the ethi- 
cal needs of a community may be met by what seems to be the violation of 
the ordinary principle of civil service reform; but the rule is as above, and the 
exceptions to it I understand are but few. 

I suppose you loiow that poor Jake Riis has lost his wife. He spent a n^ht 
with me last week, and the good fellow is well-nigh heartbroken. I am very 
sorry for him; and I am concerned about him too. 

Can’t you get on to Washington next winter? The time has come again 
when I would like to talk over many things with you. Sincerely yarns 


3603 • TO JOHN PBERPONT MORGAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 18, 1905 

My dear Mr. Morgan: I have just received a letter from Senator Lodge telling 
me that King Leopold insisted upon seeing him, evidently to talk about the 
Chinese r^way matter. The letter is so important that I quote in, full what 
Lodge says of the conversation with the King: 


1277 



“Before lunch the King talked about the Chinese R.R.- He asked me if I 
knew an)rthing about it. I said nothing except what I had read in the news- 
papers; that I had no personal interest in the enterprise whatever but that as 
a public man interested in the development of our commerce in the East I 
had seen with great regret that we were to seU the R.R.; that I thought it 
would be a blow to our prestige and commerce in the East, as I most certainly 
do. He said that he and his people were large owners in the road, that he was 
very averse to selling; that he thought the property would be of very great 
value (I think he is right) ; that the movement was not from Peking W was 
conducted by a certain powerful Viceroy through the Chinese Minister and 
that the threat to withdraw the concession was only a bluff. He said Morgan 
told him that the amount was not to him serious enough to make him at his 
age enter on a struggle with the Chinese Government and that they had no 
assurance that our government would stand behind them. I told him that our 
government would not and could not advise American investors to hold or 
to sell property but that we should not permit any government to withdraw 
a concession or violate the rights of American citizens and if our people 
wanted to hold on our government would certainly stand behind them and 
would permit no wrong to be done to them. He said that he had written you 
in regard to it and asked me if I would write you and give my opinion which 
I said I would gladly do. He said if assured that the government would stand 
behind them he believed Morgan and the American investors would hold on 
and that prompt action was necessary as the final decision was to be had on 
August 4th. I think it would be a real misfortune to let go this great line of 
railway — a blow to our prestige and to our commerce in China which we 
want to foster in every way. I hope you think that my answer was correct 
about our attitude. He said that Root as counsel was advising sale; that Mr. 
Hay whom he saw at Nauheim was against it; that Rockhill, and Loomis con- 
firms this to me, was strongly against it. I should attach great weight to Rock- 
hill’s opinion. I wish something could be done to make our people hold on 
and of course if they wish to hold on we could not allow the Chinese to wrest 
a concession from them. Indeed I do not think they would try it. Perhaps you 
can make Root see the economical and political importance of our holding 
thatR.R.” 

Now, my dear Mr. Morgan, it is not my business to advise you what to 
do. From the standpoint of our national interests, I take entirely Lodge’s 
view. I cannot expect you or any of our big businessmen to go into what they 
think will be to their disadvantage. But if you are giving up this concession, 
if you are letting the railroad slip out of American hands, because you think 
that the Government will not back you up, I wish to assure you that in every 
honorable way the Government will stand by you and will do all that in its 
power lies to see that you suffer no wrong whatever from the Chinese or any 
other Power in this matter. I have sent Root a copy of this letter and shall be 
very glad if either you or he cares to talk to me about it. My interest of course 

1 278 



is simply the interest of seeing American commercial interests prosper in the 
Orient.^ Sincerely yarns 


3604 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 18, 1905 

Dear Cabot: That was a most interesting and important interview of yours 
with the Belgian King. On the strength of it I have at once written both to 
Root and to Pierpont Morgan, quoting you and heartily backing up your 
attitude. I have not much hope in the matter, but I will do my best. 

I particularly like what you said about John Hay, and every word of it 
was well deserved. He is one of the men whom we shall miss greatly all the 
time, and our memories of him will be green as long as you and I live. But I 
have not quite your feeling about his death, so far as making us melancholy 
is concerned. You have often said that the epitaph on Wolfe was the finest 
thing ever written, and I cordially agree with you. But Wolfe was still young 
and one could mourn his loss. John Hay, however, died within a very few 
years of the period when death comes to all of us as a certainty, and I should 
esteem any man happy who lived till 65 as John Hay has lived, who saw his 
children marry, his grandchildren born, who was happy in his home life, who 
wrote his name clearly in the record of our times, who rendered great and 
durable services to the Nation both as statesman and writer, who held high 
public positions, and died in the harness at the zenith of his fame. When it 
comes our turn to go out into the blackness, I only hope the circumstances 
will be as favorable. 

I should not have chosen Choate in any event. He is not really a worker 
at all, but a brilliant advocate, and he would have been of no real help in the 
State Department, whether in dealing with Santo Domingo, or Venezuela, or 
the Eastern situation, still less as an administrator. You and I felt exactly the 
same way about Root, and to my delight I found that Root was glad to come 
back as Secretary of State. If the opportunity arises I believe he will be the 
greatest Secretary we have ever had, or at any rate as great a Secretary as we 
have ever had. Of course he has not the peculiar literary distinction which 
gave to John Hay’s dispatches their charm; but he is a very great man, and 
what is most important I believe he will get on well with the Senate. I am 
exceedingly anxious to establish relations which will prevent the need of the 
incessant a m endment of treaties. In my judgment incessant exercise of the 
right of amendment is as unwise as the excessive use of the veto power would 
be. It is eminently desirable that the President and the majority leaders in 
Congress shall be in such touch that the President will back whatever legis- 

* This issue continued unsettled until August 29, when Roosevelt and Morgan, after 
a private conference at Oy^er Bay, decided that the financier should accept the 
Cliincse offer of an indemnity of $6,750,000 in return for the cancellation of the 
Canton-Hankow Railroad concession. Sec Numbers 3628 and 3653. 


1279 



lation they put through and will not veto it, even though, as of course must 
be the case, he continually disapproves of things more or less substantial in 
tlie various bills. So it is eminently desirable that the State Department shall 
be in such close touch with the leaders and the Senate committee on foreign 
affairs that they shall be able to agree in substance in advance upon what shall 
be done in treaties, and we shall be spared — and that without regard to 
which side is at fault — the irritation and indeed the humiliation of starting 
to negotiate treaties, of committing ourselves to them in the eyes of foreign 
people, and then of failing to put them through; and what is even more im- 
portant, prevent treaties which are important from the standpoint of national 
policy from getting into such shape that the one country or the other refuses 
to ratify them. I don’t want to start anything the Senate won’t approve. 

I think Edith has written Nannie that Ted passed all his examinations for 
Harvard and got four points extra. It is much to his credit I think; he has 
worked very hard this winter and has succeeded in doing what he set out 
to do. 

There is nothing new in the peace negotiations. I am afraid even Witte 
believes that the Russian position is better than it is and will not face the fact 
that Russia must either now acknowledge that she must pay the penalty of 
severe defeat or else must incur the far greater penalty of irretrievable disas- 
ter. If this is so, there will be no peace at present. 

I am thoroughly enjoying Oyster Bay, and I want to show you the north 
room, which Grant La Farge made. We think it delightful. I have a good 
deal to do, of course, but by showing the utmost rigor and refusing to see 
the multitudes of people who have no real cause for seeing me, I am getting 
a good deal of time to myself. Edith and I row and take picnics, and I play a 
good deal with the boys. Ever yours 


3605 • TO HENRY BEACH NEEDHAM RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, July 19, 1905 

My dear Mr. Needham: ^ Indeed it was a pleasure to see you out here, and I 
only wish I could have talked, with you longer. As for what you are kind 
enough to say, I do not deserve your praise, for I find it pleasant when I 
have been hard at work on some big state question to entirely change the 
current of my thoughts. 

I am fond of tennis, but I am not a good tennis player at all and would not 
care to be taken in tennis costume. I simply play with the children, and 
friends like Garfield and Pinchot, both of whom are far better than I am. 

‘ Heniy Beach Needham, assistant managing editor, McClure's, 1900-1901; staff writer. 
World's Work, 1905-1906. In 1908 Roosevelt appointed Needham special commis- 
sioner to investigate housing and labor conditions in the Canal Zone. In 1910 Need- 
ham became special correspondent for Collier's Weekly on Roosevelfs foreign toor. 

1280 



Indeed, as you know, I am not really good at any games. Perhaps in my time 
I came nearer to being decent as a walker, rider, and rifle shot than in any 
other way, but I was simply an average good man in these three respects. 

My success in game hunting has been due as well as I can make it out to 
three causes: first, common sense and good judgment; second, perseverance, 
wWch is the only way of allowing one to make good one’s own blunders; 
third, the fact that I shot as well at game as at a target. This did not make me 
hit diflicult shots, but it prevented my missing easy shots, which a good target 
shot will often do in the field. Most of my bears, for instance, were killed 
close up, and the shots were not difficult so long as one did not get rattled. 
Now of course the possession and practice of these tiiree qualities did not 
make me by any means as successful a hunter as the men who in addition to 
possessing them were also better shots than I was, or with greater powers of 
endurance, or were more skilled in the detection of signs, etc. But they did 
enable me to kill a good quantity of game and to do it in ways lliat have made 
my observations of real value to the faunal or outdoor naturalist. Besides; I 
knew what I wanted, and was willing to work hard to get it. 

In short, I am not an athlete; I am simply a good, ordinary, out-of-doors 
man. For instance, day before yesterday I took Mrs. Roosevelt a fifteen miles’ 
row around Lloyd’s Neck including a portage. We had our lunch with us — 
and two or three books! Yesterday I rowed off with my boys and some 
cousins and their friends and camped out overnight, and rowed back this 
morning from our camping place some five or six miles down the Sound. I 
took the two smallest boys in my boat. Each of us had a light blanket to sleep 
in, and the boys are sufficiently deluded to believe that the chicken or beef- 
steak I fry in bacon fat on these expeditions has a flavor impossible elsewhere 
to be obtained. Now these expeditions represent just about the kind of things 
I do. Instead of rowing it may be riding, or chopping, or walking, or playing 
tennis, or shooting at a target. But it is always a pastime which any hedthy 
middle-aged man fond of outdoors life, but not in the least an athlete, can 
indulge in if he chooses. 

I think my last sentence covers the whole case — that is, when I say “if 
he chooses.” It has always seemed to me that in life there are two ways of 
achieving success, or, for the matter of that, of achieving what is commonly 
called greatness. One is to do that which can only be done by the man of 
exceptional and extraordinary abilities. Of course this means that only one 
man can do it, and it is a very rare kind of success or of greatness. The other 
is to do that which many men could do, but which as a matter of fact none 
of them actually does. This , is the ordinary kind of success or kind of great- 
ness. Nobody but one of the world’s rare geniuses could have written the 
Gettysburg speech, or the second inaugural, or met as Lincoln met the awful 
crises of the civil w^ar. But most of us cm do the ordinary things, which, how- 
ever, most of us do not do. It is of course unnecessary to say that I have never 
won a success of any kind that did not come within this second category. 

1281 



Anyone that chose could lead the kind of life I have led, and anyone who 
has led that life could if he chose — and by “choosing,” I of course mean 
choosing to exercise the requisite industry, judgment and foresight, none of 
a very marked type — have raised my regiment or served in positions analo- 
gous to those of Police Commissioner, Civil Service Commissioner, and 
Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Any fairly hardy and healthy man could do 
what I did in hunting and ranching if he only really v-dshed to and would 
take the pains and the trouble and at the same time used common sense. 

Now about the photographs. I vaguely recall Jacob Riis having pictures 
of me in his book both of when I was a boy and in college, but I have not the 
slightest idea where any such pictures are now. In my book The Hunting 
Trips of a Kanchmm^ you will see pictures taken from photographs of me 
in hunting and ranching costumes, but here again I cannot find the original 
of these photographs. I send you four photographs which I shall ask you to 
be sure to send back to me. Two of them are when I was colonel of the 
Rough Riders. One is when I was Assistant Secretary of the Navy going on 
board a battleship to inspect it; and one when I was on my ranch one Febru- 
ary or March, twenty years ago. Sincerely yours 


3606 • TO FRANK WAYLAND HIGGINS RoOSevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 24, 1905 

My dear Governor Hig^ns: I see there is talk of a legislative committee, or 
of some governmental committee, of which you can appoint the counsel, to 
investigate the affairs of the Equitable. If this is so, could not Jim Sheffield be 
appointed as counsel? ^ You and I think equally highly of him, and I think we 
both believe that he wants only the chance to distinguish himself. Moreover, 
it would be a real misfortune if any man of bad character or if any man 
whose name was not a guarantee for probity and courage were appointed as 
the counsel of that committee. 

With great regard. Sincerely yours 

^ This was the position to which Senator William W. Armstrong, chairman of the 
Legislative Committee, appointed Charles Evans Hughes. 

Roosevelt’s concern with insurance matters was greater than his correspondence 
suggests. In his annual message of 1904 he had asked Congress to consider extending 
the power of the Bureau of Corporations to cover ‘‘interstate transactions in insur- 
ance ” Congress did not act. After the Equitable difficulties, Roosevelt in July and 
August discussed his plan privately with Paul Morton, the new chairman of Equita- 
ble, Senator Dryden of New Jersey, president of the Prudential Insurance Company, 
and James M. Beck, then special counsel for the Mutual Life Insurance Company of 
New York. Djyden had long shared Roosevelt’s views which the others now also 
supported. Their conversations formed the basis of Roosevelt’s remarlcs on insurance 
in his next annual message (Roosevelt, State Papers, Nat. Ed. XV, 289-*29o) and the 
Administration’s regulatory proposals to the Fifty-ninth Congress. 

1282 



3607 • TO THEODORE PERRY SHONTS 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, July 24, 1905 

My dear Mr. Shonts: The enclosed clipping doubtless contains much that is 
inaccurate, but I would like your especial attention paid to the part that is 
marked. We ought to do whatever can reasonably be done to make Panama 
fairly attractive to the right type of American w’hom we desire to keep down 
there.i 

There is another matter. Would it not be well to issue a monthly bulletin 
detailing what has been done?® There is a growing though unreasonable 
feeling in the American public mind that very little progress has been made. 

I would not care in the least, save for the fact that this will find reflection in 
Congress and may therefore hamper the work. Now, I think that a monthly 
bulletin drawn up by the right type of man would do a great deal to offset 
this feeling. But it is worse than useless to have it unless you have the right 
type of man to do it. What do you think of this? Sincerely yours 

3608 • TO CEQL ARTHUR SPRING RICE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, July 24, 1905 

Dear Cecil: I have received your letter^ and was of course much interested in 
it. Will you give my regards to Lord Lansdowne, and tell him I have appreci- 
ated his references to me in his recent speech? Let me ask that you take 
especial care not to let my letters be left around. I need not say that there is 
nothing that I am ashamed of in them; but I have felt both because of my 
relations with you, and because of my view of what the relations between 
the United States and Great Britain should be, that it was desirable for me 
to write you with extreme frankness, and if through any accident any portion 
of these letters get out it would inevitably cause irritation and possibly pain 
to, for instance, both the Kaiser and the Czar, with both of whom I feel sin- 
cerely friendly and whose wishes I shall always be pleased to advance if I 
can do so without doing injustice to other peoples — in other words, I like 
the Germans and like the Russians and will be glad to help either in any way 
that will not for example be detrimental to say the French or the Japanese. 
Now, oh best beloved Springy, don’t you think you go a little needlessly 

‘Shonts, after a conference with Roosevelt on July 6, had already suggested the 
changes needed to satisfy American laborers on the Isthmus. These included better 
housing, cheaper food, better transportation to and from work, and Jugher wages. 
Later in 1905 a wage increase was authorked, but soon thereafter the abolition of 
civil service rules and the eight-hour day for alien canal workers canceled labor’s 

S iins. For a good account of the labor problem in Panama, alike for American, 
aribbean, and European labor, see Mack, Land Divided, ch. xliv. 

•Not until September 1907 was such a bulletin established. This was the weekly 
Canal Record, published under the direction of J. B. Bishop, then secretary of the 
commission. See Mack Land Divided, pp. 543-544. 

‘ See Spring Rice to Secretary of State, July 10, 1905, Gwynn, Spring Rice, 1 , 474-478. 

1283 



into heroics when you say that “claims of honor must be recognized as the 
first interest of nations and that honor commands England to abstain from 
putting any pressure whatever upon Japan to abstain from action which may 
eventually entail severe sacrifices on England’s part”? When I speak of bring- 
ing pressure to bear on Japan I mean just such pressure as Emperor William 
and the French Government have sought to bring to bear upon the Czar. It 
either is or ought to be unnecessary for me to state that I should put the 
honorable carrying out of plighted faith as above all other considerations, 
national or personal. I most cordially approve of your position in stating that 
England must prevent anything like a hostile combination against Japan. As 
soon as this war broke out I notified Germany and France in the most polite 
and discreet fashion that in the event of a combination against Japan to try 
to do what Russia, Germany and France did to her in 1894 , 1 should promptly 
side with Japan and proceed to whatever length was necessary on her behalf. 
I of course knew that your Government would act in the same way, and 
thought it best that I should have no consultation with your people before 
announcing my own purpose. But I wholly fail to understand the difference 
in position which makes it proper for France, the ally of Russia, to urge 
Russia in her own interest (that is, in Russia’s interest) to make peace, and 
which yet makes it improper for England, the ally of Japan, to urge Japan 
in her own interest (that is, in Japan’s interest) to make peace. My feeling 
is that it is not to Japan’s real interest to spend another year of bloody and 
costly war in securing eastern Siberia, which her people assure me she does 
not want, and then to find that she either has to keep it and get no money 
indemnity, or else exchange it for a money indemnity which, however large, 
would probably not more than pay for the extra year’s expenditure and loss 
of life. If Japan felt that she wanted east Siberia and wanted to drive the 
Russians west of Lake Baikal the position would be different, and I would 
say that it was foolish to try for peace; but the Japanese Government have 
assured me most positively that this is not what they want, and that practi- 
cally the only territorial cession they wish from Russia is Sakhalin, to which 
in my judgment they are absolutely entitled. I think that Lansdowne and 
Balfour (not Chamberlain — his ideals and mine are different) ought to 
know, what however they must keep absolutely secret, namely, that I under- 
took this move to bring about peace negotiations only at the request in writ- 
ing of Japan, made immediately after Togo’s victory. Up to that time I had 
continually advised the Russians to make peace, on the ground that it was 
their interest to accept defeat rather than to persist in turning defeat into 
overwhelming disaster. Sut I took no move toward bringing about peace 
n^otiations imtil I was requested to do so by Japan, and while I purposely 
refused to try to find out the exact terms Japan wanted, I received their 
explidt assurances that they did not want east Siberia as a whole or the acqui- 
sition of Russian territory aside from Sakhalin. I do not know what they wish 
about the dismantling of Vladivostok, or the surrender of the various interned 

1284 



Russian vessels. Of course they expect to succeed to Russia’s rights and pos- 
sessions in Manchuria and to have Korea come within their sphere of influ- 
ence. 

However, most of this talk as to what England ought to do is academic, 
because I think the Japanese have probably made up their minds just about 
what they will accept and what they won’t. 

I was interested in the clipping you sent me from the Teleg>-aph contain- 
ing the special correspondent’s account of affairs in St. Petersburg. I should 
be more impressed by it if I did not have experience at first hand with Euro- 
pean special correspondents in Washington. You will note that much of the 
article is based upon the fact that no advocate of peace was made a Russian 
plenipotentiary, and especially upon the fact that Witte was not thus made 
a plenipotentiary. Well, since then Witte has been made a plenipotentiary, 
which upsets just about one half of the argument of the correspondent in 
question. However, I am quite prepared to accept much of what the cor- 
respondent says as representing the real tone of the amorphous body which 
in Russia stands as the Government (and incidentally when I feel gloomy 
about democracy I am positively refreshed by considering the monstrous 
ineptitude of the ideal absolutism when tried out during the last eighteen 
months). Witte himself has talked like a fool since he was appointed. The 
only possible justification of his interviews is to be found in his hope that 
he may bluff the Japanese; in which he will certainly fail. The correspondent 
you quote says that Russia will really wish to delay and prolong the peace 
negotiations. This is possible, but it is just as possible that she will in panic- 
struck fasliion endeavor to hasten them. She has to my personal knowledge 
occupied both attitudes with great intensity during the last five weeks. At 
one period during these five weeks the Russian Government took the view 
that I must not try to hurry them too much and that there was not any need 
of hurry, and immediately afterwards they turned a somersault and wanted 
an armistice and immediate action about peace and protested against the 
delays for which they were themselves responsible. Apparently they have 
cooled off again somewhat. I made an honest effort to get them an armistice, 
but I am forced to say that from Japan’s standpoint I think that Japan was 
absolutely right in refusing it, and think so now more than ever after Witte’s 
interview. It may be that there will have to be one more crushing defeat of 
the Russian army in Manchuria before the Russians wake up to the fact that 
peace is a necessity. While I most emphatically feel that it is Japan’s interest 
to be moderate in her demands and not to insist up to the point of continuing 
the war upon anything which is not really vital to her interests, yet I feel 
even more strongly that Russia must make peace even on hard terms now, 
under penalty of undergoing disaster which may almost split her empire in 
sunder and which will certainly take her out of the race for leadership for 
half a century to come. 

. There is one thing I am a little puzzled at, and that is why excepting on 

1285 



disinterested grounds the German Emperor should want Russia and Japan to 
make peace; he has done all he could to bring it about. Of course it may be 
that he fears lest a continuation of the war result in the internal break-up of 
Russia, and therefore an impetus to the German revolutionary movement. 
France has a veiy obvious motive in seeing peace made. I am not at liberty 
at present to tell you about some funny inside experiences I had, and I regret 
to say am still having, in connection with the Morocco business. 

In my own line I am having small but irritating experiences in carrying 
out a wise foreign policy. The last time I saw poor John Hay I told him 
that the more I saw of the Czar and the Kaiser the better I liked the United 
States Senate; to which he was evidently inclined to respond that he drew 
no fine distinctions between them. It is evident that the Senate is a very poor 
body- to have as part of the treaty-making power. But of course the business 
of an active politician is not to complain of defects which cannot be changed, 
but to do the best he can in spite of them. Some of the people on the Pacific 
coast under the lead of the San Francisco labor unions apparently think this 
a good time to insult the Japanese. They will not do one thing against them 
while I am President — I won’t let them — but they may create an ugly 
feeling of distrust — and of course they are of exactly the type which posi- 
tively refuses to prepare for the trouble which they are willing to bring 
about. I am having my hands full also in endeavoring to make our people act 
on a rational interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. No such policy as that 
of the Monroe Doctrine can remain fossilized while the nation grows. Either 
it must be abandoned or it must be modified to meet the changing needs of 
national life. I believe with all my heart in the Monroe Doctrine and have, 
for instance, formally notified Germany to that effect. But I also believe that 
we must make it evident on the one hand that we do not intend to use the 
Monroe Doctrine as a pretense for self-aggrandizement at the expense of 
the Latin American republics, and on the other hand that we do not intend 
it to be used as a warrant for letting any of these republics remain as small 
bandit nests of a wicked and inefficient tj’pe. This means that we must in 
good faith try to help them as we are now trying to help Santo Domingo, 
and be ready if the w-’orst comes to the worst to chastise them; as we may 
possibly have to chastise Venezuela, though I hope not. But there are a great 
many excellent people w'ho cannot follow even this short chain of reasoning, 
and a great many people w'ho are not excellent at all and who oppose any- 
thing I do, with the broad, patriotic hope of “putting the administration in a 
hole.” 

John Hay’s death w’as a severe personal loss to me entirely aside from 
his position as a public man. But after all. Springy, if is a good thing to die 
in the harness at the zenith of one’s fame, wdth the consciousness of having 
lived a long, honorable and useful life. After we are dead it will make not 
the slightest difference W'hether men speak well or ill of us. But in the days 
or hours before dying it must be pleasant to feel that you have done your 

1286 



part as a man and have not yet been thrown aside as useless, and that your 
children and children’s children, in short all those that are dearest to you, 
have just cause for pride in your actions^ 

In Elihu Root I think I have the very best man in this country for Secre- 
tary of State. 

With love to Mrs. Spring)% Al'ways yours 

3609 • TO JEAN JULES JUSSERAND RoOSevelt MsS, 

Telegram Oyster Bay, July 25, 1905 

Wish I could see you as I have another cable from our friend, whom I need 
not name,^ I will make no request or representation until having heard from 
you in advance whether or not it will be acceptable. I am asked to state that 
the power in question wishes to meet the desires of M. Rouvier but is greatly 
upset at the nomination to conduct the negotiations of the ex-Governor 
General of Algeria, M. Revoil, who it is alleged was removed by Mr. Combes^ 
because Mr. Combes feared his warlike policy. Moreover it is earnestly re- 
quested that the Morocco conference meet in Morocco. Please treat this 
telegram of mine as entirely confidential and informal. If you desire you can 
see M. Rouvier about it and then let me know with entire frankness whether 
you desire me to transmit any protests or suggestions made to me or whether 
you prefer that I should not do so. Rest assured that I shall absolutely under- 
stand your decision either way and will act on your suggestion. And no^v my 
dear friend for Heaven’s sake do not have the least apprehension of hurting 
my feelings. All I wish is to do what you deem wisest and safest. 

3610 • TO MYRA KELLY RoOSevelt MsS, 

Oyster Bay, July 26, 1905 

My dear Miss Kelly Mrs. Roosevelt and I and most of the children know 
your very amusing and very pathetic accounts of East Side school children 
almost by heart, and I really think you must let me write and thank you for 
them. While I was Police Commissioner I quite often went to the Houston 
Street public school and was immensely interested and impressed by what I 
saw there. I thought there were a good many Miss Baileys there, and the work 
they were doing among their scholars, who were so largely Jew’^s, was very 
much like what your Miss Bailey has done. If you come to Washington be 
sure to let me know, for both Mrs. Roosevelt and I would so like to see you. 

Now, a word of preaching, not to Miss Kelly but to Miss Bailey. The 


' Their “friend” was the Kaiser; see Bishop, Roosevelt, I, 488. 
‘tmile Conibes, Premier of Frmce, 1901-1904. 



1287 



scrape into which Miss Bailey got by following too closely Messrs. Froebel 
and Pestalozzi (and these eminent men like most other human beings diluted 
their good work with bad work) was because of not seeing, and therefore of 
not telling, the plain, wholesome truth. To try to teach her pupils that there 
should never be any appeal to force, when they lived under conditions which 
meant reversion to the primitive cave man if it were not for the continually 
exercised ability of the father of Patrick Brennan, to cope with the Uncle 
«Aby», amounted merely to the effort to give them ideals which would not 
work for one moment when they got outside of the schoolroom; and I think 
it is an abomination to teach people ideals that will not work, because instead 
of understanding as they ought to that it is only false ideals which do not 
work, they in such cases generally jump to the conclusion that no ideals at 
all will work. Teach them that the wrong is not in fighting, but in fighting 
for a wrong cause or without full and adequate cause, and you teach them 
what is true and right and what they can act up to. But teach them that all 
fighting is wrong; that the wars of Washington and Napoleon are of the 
same stamp; that Lincoln and Attila are on the some ethical level; and the 
result is either vicious or nil. If Miss Bailey’s “steady,” the Doctor, would not 
knock down a man who had msulted her I would have a mighty poor opinion 
of him; but if he were brutal to the weak, or a bully, or a tyrant, I would 
have an even worse opinion of him. 

There! I suppose I have been preaching again, when I only meant to write 
a word of thanks and appreciation. Sincerely yours 

3611 'TO CHARUEMAGNE TOWER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 27, 1905 

My dear Mr. Tower: 1 have received your very interesting letter.^ Pray 
assure the Emperor when you see him, and Prince Biilow® also, that I shall 
keep the letter absolutely confidentiaL You say that the Chancellor told you 
“that Mr. Delcasse had formed a plan by which peace was to be made be- 
tween Russia and Japan through the mediation of France and England, and 
that, under it, an arrangement was contemplated by which not only Russia 
and Japan were to obtain portions of China but that France and England were 
also to be indemnified by Chinese territory, as a price of their intervention; 
a course which he said would lead to the destruction of Chinese sovereignty 
and the disruption of the Chinese Empire.” Pray assure the Emperor, either 
directly or through the Chancellor, that I should absolutely refuse to submit 
to such action by any of the Powers, and that I will absolutely support the 
Emperor’s policy for the preservation of the integrity of Chma, the open 
door, and equal rights in China for the commerce of the whole world. 

‘See Tower to Roosevelt, Jofy 13, 1905, Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese 

War, pp. 107-208, 133-135. 

‘Priw Bernhard von Silow, at this tune Imperial Chancellor of Germany. 

1.288 



Also express to the Emperor my great obligation to him for his courtesy, 
my great pleasure at the way in which Germany and the United States are 
working together, and my feeling that this means well for the good of the 
world, for its peace and its progress. Will you also explain to him that of 
course in any such matter as that of this peace negotiation betxveen Russia 
and Japan, or in the Morocco business, I cannot do more than a certain 
amount, because I do not wish to make people think I am interfering too 
much; but say that I am sure he will understand that when at any time I 
hesitate to take some action suggested it is not from lack of desire to do what- 
ever is in my power, but lest I put myself in a position which would lessen 
whatever usefulness I might have in the future. 

With great regard. Sincerely yours 


3612 • TO WILLIAM sowDEN SIMS Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, July 27, 1905 

My dear Commander Sims: In addition to your very interesting letter I have 
one of really extraordinary interest coming direct through the highest naval 
authorities in Japan, accompanied by photographs, sketches, etc. In some 
points this information does not bear out yours. For instance, it is unquestion- 
able that the 8-inch and even the 6-inch guns did very great damage. I was 
already convinced of this from information I had had from other sources, but 
this puts it beyond doubt. I wish to see you here. Cannot you come out and 
take lunch with me on Thursday next at half past one? Sincerely yours 


3613 • TO WILLIAM n Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, July 29, 1905 

Deeply appreciate your telegram and heartily thank you for die great serv- 
ices you are rendering in connection witih Emperor Nicholas. Have just 
heard from France. They insist M. Revoil has been from the first an advocate 
of an understanding with Germany concerning Morocco and was appointed 
because he knew the question fuUy and was very concHiatoiy; so that his 
appointment was regarded as a gfuarantee for an equitable and permanent 
settlement. They strongly object to Tangier as a bad choice, being a hotbed 
of intr^ue, with each legation having its clientele; but evidently desire to 
meet your wishes, and suggest that the conference be inaugurated there but 
that it be continued elsewhere, as at San Sebastian in Spain or at some town 
in Switzerland. They do not mention The Hague, and I do not know whether 
this is inadvertence or whether they prefer San Sebastian or some town in 
Sydtzerland. 



3614 ■ TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 

Personal 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, July 29, 1905 

Dear Will: The enclosed note which Root sent me may amuse you. The 
marked sentence, by the way, seems to indicate not inaccurately the view 
taken by the more hysterical portion of our people concerning Root’s ap- 
pointment. Up to the first of July you were the one person in the popular 
eye. Then you had started for the Philippines and Root suddenly appeared 
on the stage, and the great American public, to use a simile from the nursery, 
dropped its woolly horse and turned with frantic delight to the new cloth 
doll. The more lunatic portion of the press insisted that I had made a bargain 
by which Root was to have the next Presidency. The fact that to make such 
a bargain would show both of us to be not only scoundrels but idiots was 
treated as an unimportant detail. By the time you come back they will prob- 
ably drop Root like dross and take you up as a new returned hero from the 
Orient and they will then vividly portray Root’s bitter — and entirely imag- 
inary — chagrin at my having abandoned him for you. 

But all of this is much too amusing to be even irritating, and Root’s com- 
ing into the Cabinet has already been a real comfort to me and he has already 
helped me in both the Venezuela and Santo Domingo matters, although he 
will not be able to do much work until about the first of October. 

When you receive this the result of the peace negotiations will probably 
be evident, I think it is a tossup whether we have peace or a continuance of 
the war, and I am rather inclined to think it will be the latter because Russia 
seems wholly unable to look facts in the face. I have seen Baron Komura^ 
and am favorably impressed with him. 

There is not much of importance happening here at the moment. In Santo 
Domingo all kinds of elements are conspiring to prevent the modus vivendi 
being carried into effect as a treaty. If it fails, the trouble will lie with those 
prize idiots of the Senate, that is primarily with the Democrats, \vho for 
party reasons wanted to spoil the policy, and secondarily with men Kke 
Spooner, who in spite of his intelligence seems incapable of understanding the 
damage he does by striving for delay, by insisting upon meticulous amend- 
ments which may result in the absolute abandonment of the treaty, and who 
spends several weeks in furnishing arguments to our opponents with which 
to confute himself when he finally comes out on our side. The Senate is a 
very unsatisfactory portion of the treaty-making power. It would be far 
better if Congress were relegated to a power of which it could not be de- 
prived; that is, of a majority vote in both houses refusing to carry out a 
treaty. The necessity for a two-thirds vote in the Senate and the power to 
amend treaties by the Senate together with the Senate’s limitless capacity for 
delay combine to render it a very poor body indeed to compose part of the 

* Baron Jutaro Komura, Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs and envoy to the 

Portsmouth Peace Conference, 


J290 


treaty-making power. However, it does compose it, and our business is not 
to quarrel with the instruments with which we have to work but to do the 
best we can with them and to get the best we can out of them, and I am sure 
that Root will do this in his dealings with the Senate. 

In a letter written to a priest here by Archbishop Harty he says: 

Mr. Sutherland’s plan of placing many of the Filipino students in sectarian 
colleges, has lessened the regard of the people for the American Government. I 
have met much dissatisfaction on this point in the Provinces recently. The Gov- 
ernment is blamed and not Sutherland,- to whom the blame really belongs. When 
you see Mr. Roosevelt bring this matter to his attention. The attitude of Mr. Taft 
in ruling on this matter was excellent, but the retention of Sutherland and his wife 
in that service is a blunder. The matter has been brought before me in a score of 
letters from all parts of the Islands. 

I wish you would see him and talk over this matter with him. Harty has been 
a good fellow and a good friend of ours. Don’t you think Sutherland might 
as well be transferred to something else? 

Give my love to Alice, and my regards to Wright, Smith, Forbes and 
the other officials. I look forward to your report when you return. As yet 
I do not see my way clear to putting Panama under Root, if only for the fact 
that, as Root says, he has no Bureau like the Insular Bureau which is fitted 
to deal with such work. Shonts and Stevens seem to be starting well. There 
has been a tremendous scream over the sickness on the Isthmus, and now we 
have this outbreak in New Orleans, where more men die of yellow fever in 
a week than have died on the entire Isthmus since we acquired the canal 
property. 

The doctors are inclined to think Wood’s trouble pretty serious. They 
are uncertain whether he is so cured that he can return, and have forbidden 
him to leave until the end of September. Wood is crazy to get back to the 
Moros and most reluctant to leave them under the care of anyone except 
Scott.® Would it be possible to keep Scott in charge pending Wood’s return? 

By the way, you will be beset by invitations to speak. I wish you would 
not accept any until you get home. You and I, Root and Moody, are lie 
four men who must be relied upon for setting forth the case of the admin- 
istration, in other words for keeping the public clear on what we are doing, 
and as the year before the Congressional elections will be a very important 
one I would Hke to talk over with you the various policies to be insisted 
upon before you plan out where you will speak. I also want to consult with 
you as to where I shall make the very few speeches I intend to, for after my 
trip in the South next October I wish to cut down sharply in my speech 
making. There are of course special reasons why I wish yovr speeches to be 
well written! Ever yours 

* Joseph Hooker Sutherland, Captain, Chaplain Corps, United States Army. A veteran 

of the Philippine campaign, Sutherland had been stationed in the Philippines and was, 

at this time, attached to the Bureau of Insular Affairs. 

• General Scott was at this time in command of American fore® at Jolo, P, I. 


1291 



{Handi!>ritten] I think your address before the Yale Law School one of 
the best thbgs you have done. 

3 ( 5 1 5 • TO traiTELAw REID Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, July 29, 1905 

Aly dear Mr, Ambassador: Your letter to me was interesting, and your letter 
to Mrs. Roosevelt almost more interesting.^ I do not in the least mind you 
in the exercise of your discretion showing what parts of my letters you deem 
wise and proper to Balfour and Lansdowne — I do not particularly trust 
Chamberlain — somehow I never felt quite sure that he was a gentleman. 
There are some parts of my letters which I know you won’t show! I think 
as regards what Lansdowne said to you the trouble comes in his own state- 
ment that the English are “indisposed to exert any pressure on Japan about 
terms of peace.” If by pressure anything offensive and dictatorial is meant 
this is all right. But it is all wrong if it means that there is no effort to get 
Japan to do what is best both for herself and for England, and that is to 
make peace instead of insisting upon terms which may prolong the war for 
an indefinite period. 

My position is just this. If I were a Japanese statesman I would consider 
which of two courses I would follow: (i) whether I would endeavor to 
drive the Russians completely off the Pacific coast and out of east Siberia 
west to Lake Baikal; (2) whether I would simply drive them out of Man- 
churia and Korea, take Sakhalin from them, and leave them east Siberia 
which in such case would at any time be at the mercy of a forward move- 
ment by Japanese armies gathered in Manchuria and which would therefore 
really serve as a hostage for Russia’s good behavior. There are reasons in 
favor of both these courses, but the Japanese have, as I think on the whole 
wisely, adopted the second course, and when they asked me to undertake the 
effort to bring about peace negotiations they so informed me, and have so 
informed me ever since — that is, they say they do not want east Siberia 
and do not want the "war to continue. This being so it is in my opinion foolish 
for them to break off peace n^otiations on such a question as the amount 
of the indemnity. I am very sure that in a few months’ more war, perhaps in 
a year’s more war, they could take Vladivostok and drive the Russians back 
well toward Lake Baikal. But the war is now costing them over a million 
dollars a day and this means that such action on their part would be accom- 
panied by a frightful cost of blood and money and would in all probability 
so damage and exhaust Russia that she would be wholly unable to pay even 
as much indemnity as she could now, still less to pay enough to make good 
the expenditure of the Japs through the additional year’s war. Under such 
circumstances (and always having in view that the Japanese do not want east 
Siberia and would regard its acquisition as a disadvantage) it seems to me 
*See CJordssos, TTfstrfiwVjRefti, n, 315-317. 


1292 


that it would be wise for England to endeavor to get them to abate any 
demand for an indemnity down to the point when it is obviously Russia’s 
duty to give it. 

However, I do not think it is very important, for I am not at all sure that 
the Japs will be influenced by anyone. I have presented all these considera- 
tions to both Komura and Takahira. Moreover if the Russians play the fool 
to the extent that Witte’s published statements would imply, the Japs will 
have to go on with the war and the Russians will thoroughly deserve the 
additional disasters which they will encounter. The Russians should bear in 
mind that the only alternative open to them is the alternative between accept- 
ing the consequences of serious defeat or inviting further and perhaps over- 
whelming disaster. But upon my word, both in war and in peace, for the 
last two years they have acted in the spirit of the later Byzantine Empire, and 
if they persistently refuse to see any light, all we can do is to shrug our 
shoulders and let diem go on to their fate. 

With warm regards to Mrs. Reid, Sincerely yours 

3616 • TO KENTARO KANEKO RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, July 29, 1905 

My dear Baron Kaneko: Will you show this letter to Baron Komura? I told 
Baron Komura that I had word from France that Witte had said he would 
not pay an indemnity. I have received another cable stating that he said he 
would not pay an indemnity but would consider paying at least part of 
Japan’s expenses in the war. I suggest therefore tihat great care be used about 
the word indemnity and that if possible it be avoided. Of course my informa- 
tion may not be accurate, or Witte may only have been speaking for effect, 
but equally of course if he does not object to reimbursing Japan for her 
expenses in the war it does not make the slightest difference to you whether 
it is called an indemnity or not^ 

With regard. Sincerely yours 

3(517 • TO WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, July 3 1, 1 905 

Your conversation with Count Katsura absolutely correct in every respect. 
Wish you would state to Katsura diat I confirm every word you have said.^ 
Have taken steps about Kai Kah and Wang Ta Hsieh. 

*For Kanefco’s reply, see Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War, pp. 198- 
» 99 - 

* Roosevelt liras confirmed die Taft-Katsnra Agreement whereby die United States 
recognized Japanese hegemony in Korea in return for a promise by Japan to leave 
the Philippines intact. See Griswold, Far Eastern PoUcy, pp. iij-iid; Pringle, Taft, I, 

297 -< 299 . 


1293 



3618 * TO CHARLES JOSEPH BONAPARTE 

Confidential 


Roosevelt Mss, 
Oyster Bay, August i, 1905 

My dear Bonaparte: I think that your view of the Bennington case^ is prob- 
ably correct. At any rate the action you are taking represents all that can be 
done. 

Now about the Paul Jones celebration. Are all the midshipmen away on 
their vacation on September 23rdr If a goodly number of them are off on a 
cruise could not they be ordered back a few days ahead of time? This, how- 
ever, is merely a suggestion made in entire ignorance of what the facts would 
justify or require. If they have their annual leave then it probably would not 
do to interrupt them. When do they come back.^ If it is on the first of Octo- 
ber we might appoint that day as being the date nearest to the anniversary of 
the taking of the Seraph, But do write to General Porter first to find what 
he thinks. I think we could explain to Governor Warfield that this being a 
national celebration we did not think it wise to hold it on a day of purely 
local interest. As a matter of fact, though myself a student of history, I never 
heard of the Peggy Stewart affair until Governor Warfield wrote me about 
it, and I do not believe that outside of Maryland anyone would know what 
it meant or what it was. It certainly has nothing whatever to do with naval 
affairs, and I would like to turn this celebration into something of actual 
benefit to the navy. 

I enclose you a note from Jusserand to which I would like you to give me 
an answer as soon as possible. How would it do to have that French squadron 
here at the time of the Paul Jones celebration, and then I could entertain the 
officers at dinner and do anything else that was necessary? We could then 
send copies of the medal to the prominent officers. Give me your judgment 
on these points. 

Now as to what you say about the panic over the Bennington, and the 
newspaper criticisms. I have been very much impressed since I have been in 
public life by the hysteria of the press. I suppose there is a certain hysterical 
element in our people; probably in all peoples. Certainly this element ap- 
peared in England during the Boer War, and it has appeared again and again 
in Russia during the Japanese war. But it is so evident in our own people 
that to my mind it is one of the most serious dangers to be confronted in 
any great foreign or domestic crisis. It is possible that a real disaster, or the 
imminence of real trouble, might have a sobering effect. Thus, after the 
Maine blew up, the American people began to think war probable, and there 

* The boilers on die gunboat Bennington had exploded on July 19, 1905, killing over 
fifty people. The report of a court of inquiry, ordered by Bonaparte, exonerated the 
captain from any charges of negligence, and recommended that the engineer be tried 
before a court-martial, Bonaparte objected, stating that the ship was in poor condi- 
tion. He ordered both the captain and the engineer brought to trial. Both men were 
acquitted in January 1906. Bonaparte then ordered that the case be returned for re- 
view, but die court upheld the original decision. See Joseph Bucklin Bfehop, Charles 
Joseph Bonaparte, His Ufe and FvbUc Services (New York, 1922), pp. 112-1 14. 

1294 



was a curious lull in the newspaper yelling about Spain. In the West espe- 
cially the people seemed suddenly to make up their minds that if the naval 
committee reported that the hlahie blown up from outside it meant war 
and decided that they would vi^ait without saying anything until that report 
was made. I thought this attitude of quiet and dignified waiting very good. 
On the other hand, as soon as the war broke out there were the most extraor- 
dinary manifestations of panic (which of course means both folly and fear) 
that could well be imagined. K vtxj good fellow, a personal friend of mine, 
the Governor of a great State, publicly announced that he would not allow 
the national guard of the State to leave it, on the ground that they would be 
needed to repel attacks of Spaniards on that State — these attacks being just 
about as likely as an invasion of Hottentots. My New York friends petitioned 
me for monitors or battleships to protect their country houses on the sea- 
coast, to protect Jekyll Island (the Georgia Congressmen joining in this 
request) etc., etc. At one period there was a panic over the alleged bombard- 
ment by a Spanish squadron of the town of Truro, on Cape Cod, a town of 
which I had never heard and of w^hich the Spaniards had certainly never 
heard, which could not have been reached by any fleet which wished to 
bombard it, and of which it is literally true that no officer of any naval service 
who w*as not actually out of his mind would dream of bombarding or molest- 
ing in any w^ay. The people of Boston took their securities out of deposit in 
Boston and filled Worcester full of them, until the vaults of all banks and 
securities companies could hold no more. Senator Hale was in a rather worse 
panic than anyone else. He and Tom Reed bedeviled the Department for a 
warship to protect the city of Portland until finally quieted by our sending 
there some naval militia on board of one of the Civil War monitors, a vessel 
which would have been unable to give protection from any foe more modem 
than about the time of the Spanish armada. However, its arrival gave great 
satisfaction and quieted all the panic. When the army was gathered to sail 
for Santiago the newspapers joined in treating as a traitor any man who 
pointed out any of the very evident shortcomings in its management. Two 
months later when it came back they had all jumped the other way and 
joined in treating as a traitor any man who did not at once acquiesce in and 
repeat any lie as to its misman^ement. The Herald on the eve of the out- 
break of the war published a full map of all our defences, with the number 
and condition of the guns, and so forth, and so forth, an act for which Mr. 
James Gordon Bennett® should have been hung. 

I suppose that there was just about such hysteria at the outbreak of the 

* James Gordon Bennett, man of affairs. As a newspaperman, Bennett edited the New 
York Herald, 1866-1918, founded the Evening Telegram in 1867, and established the 
Paris edition of the New York Herald in 1887. He sent Stanley to find Livingstone in 
1869 and financed a Northwest Passage expedition in 1875, As a capitalist, Bennett 
established the Commerciai Cable Company with John W. Mackay. As a sportsman, 
he introduced polo to Ney^ott, raced his yachts to Europe, and entertamed con- 
stantly on the jLysistrata with the help of a hundred-man crew. 

1295 



Gvil War, but considering that every sane human being knew that the Span- 
iards could not molest this country, the occurrences I have narrated gave me 
a vivid idea of the panic that would befall our people if we were ever 
matched against a serious foe. I think we would get over it and then do very 
effective work, but whoever was in office would have to reckon with this 
panic, with the need of disregarding it, and with the storm of obloquy which 
disregarding it would temporarily arouse. 

So it is with regard to affairs like this Bemiington disaster. Doubtless 
among the contributory causes are the scarcity of first-class machinists, the 
scarcity of officers, and the need of other things for which money must be 
spent. The same papers that are most severe in their criticisms about the dis- 
aster, or at least most of them, will when I ask for added appropriations to 
make good these needs clamor about this being a fresh proof of militarism 
on my part, an evidence of my craze for the “big stick,” my desire to pose as 
a war lord, and the insincerity of my professions about peace. They either 
do not see or do not wish to see a certain incongruity in attacking us for not 
taking measures which we can only take if we get the necessary funds, and 
also in attacking us for demanding the necessary funds. When I was Assist- 
ant Secretary of the Navy we had one or two slight accidents to torpedo 
boats. The newspapers made a shriek about the waste of the public money by 
the damaging of these torpedo boats, about the need of disciplining the offi- 
cers for damaging them, and about the uselessness of building a navy when 
it was evident we did not know how to take care of it. My chief, Mr. Long, 
a singularly upright and high-minded public servant, but not a naval expert 
and not a very bold man, was much impressed by this clamor, and I found 
that steps were being taken which would have effectively prevented our 
ever getting officers who could handle torpedo boats. I got Mr. Long to 
leave the matter to me and issued orders explaining that the only worth of a 
torpedo boat was if it was very well and very darii^ly handled, that such 
handling could only be acquired by practice, and that it was inevitable that 
in the practice there should be a good deal of scratching of paint and occa- 
sionally more serious accidents. Take the case of young Evans whose re- 
moval from the Sylph was recommended to you. Evans' predecessor was a 
lieutenant named Preston, a good fellow, doubtless a respectable officer if 
acting under the eye of someone else. Evans is worth ten of him. Preston 
would never get a court of inquiry or a court-martial requested for him save 
by some most unlikely accident, for the excellent reason that nothing would 
ever make him take chances, and I think he would be about as harmless an 
opponent as any really enterprising foe could pray for. Evans, on the con- 
trary, will doubtless now and then get into scrapes. He is exactly like his 
father, the Admiral. But in an emergency he would do a little better than 
his best, and is the type of man with whom we can be sure the honor of the 
flag will he safe. I would a good deal rather t^e my chance of being blown 
up with Evans than go putteri:^ around the Sound with Preston and have to 

1196 



fight to prevent him putting back whenever a squall arose. There is a tend- 
ency in the navy and in the army alike for the men who stay permanently in 
Washington to think that the best among the field men are those with purely 
negative records, who therefore never do anything bad. Personally I think 
that what the service needs is the men with positive records, who now and 
then make mistakes but who also do the big things; and these are the men 
who are apt not to be credited with what they do that is good and to have 
all their careers judged by tiheir inevitable occasional failures. 

When Captain «Manney» was in charge of the Massachusetts an explosion 
occurred which killed nine men. He landed the dead bodies and instantly 
went out again to target practice. That is the kind of man we want to en- 
courage and stand by. We can be sure that if a fight occurs he won’t be 
rattled because one torpedo strikes his ship. He will keep the pumps going 
and endeavor to sink the opposing ship before his own goes down. 

So while the Bennington disaster furnishes abundant reason for trying to 
remedy any defects in the system thereby exposed, it does not afford the 
least justification for the tendency to get rattled which you have foimd in 
the Department. This tendency merely causes me amusement, hardly even 
irritation, for I saw the same thing happen again and again in the months 
before the Spanish war. Always yours 

3619 ' TO JOHN ELLIS ROOSEVELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, August i, 1905 

Dear John: I greatly wish I could come, but I have to leave for Thursday and 
Friday next week and with these peace negotiations on it means I have got to 
be here in order to do my work on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. The 
automobile proposal tempts me and I would close if it were not for this fact 
which forbids it. I cannot aflrord to take chances, I have been on but two 
automobile rides since I was President. On one of these I was warned, and 
the fact that I was warned (or rather that my chauflfeur was warned) by a 
policeman was twisted and exaggerated in every way and went all over the 
United States, and weeks of correspondence followed. I cannot take the 
chance of having some fool or some malicious person say that I am going 
improperly fast again, and if we had some accident in which some outsider 
was hurt (I would not give a rap about any of us in the machine being hurt) 
no matter how blameless we were I should never hear the end of it. My 
automobiling must wait until I am out of the presidency. Ever yours 

3620 • TO WHixELAw REID Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 3, 1905 

My dear Mr. Ambassador'. I was amused at that quotation from tihe German 
papers. This Professor Schierman, whoever hfe may be, has made just one 

1297 



trifling error. He states that at the request of the German government I made 
the representations of which he speaks to England. It is true that I was re- 
quested so to do. The error consists in omitting to mention the fact that I 
declined. I told Durand that the request had been made of me, and of my 
answer. As a matter of fact I spoke to the French instead, for my relations 
with Jusserand are such that I can always go to him freely, tell him what I 
have been asked to do, and then say that I will either do it or not just as after 
thinking it over he would prefer to have me. All this is, of course, strictly 
confidential. 

In all these matters \vhere I am asked to interfere between two foreign 
nations all I can do is this. If there is a chance to prevent trouble by prevent- 
ing simple misunderstanding, or by myself taking the first step or making 
some suggestion about it when it has become a matter of punctilio with the 
two parties in interest that neither of them should take the first step, then 
I am entirely willing and glad to see if I can be of any value in preventing 
the misunderstanding from becoming acute to the danger point. If, howwer, 
there is a genuine conflict of interest w^hich has made each party resolute to 
carry its point even at the cost of war, there is no use of my interfering, and 
I do not try and never shall try in such case unless I am myself willing in the 
last resort to back up my action by force, I have a horror of the individual 
who bluffs and, w’^hen his bluff is called, does not fight, and have always acted 
upon the cardinal principle of the Western man in the good old days when 
I first struck the cattle country — “Never draw unless you mean to shoot,” 
Sincerely yottrs 

[Handwritten] P.S, Yesterday Durand was here to say that the British 
wished peace between Russia & Japan, but did not feel they could bring pres- 
sure on Japan. I told him just what I WTOte you in my last letter — that if 
they really wished peace, they would advise the Japs, in their own interest, 
to make it, & not to insist on too «heavy terms». He showed me the draft 
copies of the Anglo- Japanese Treaty, which I think a good thing. I do hope 
that Russia will make peace, 

3621 • TO GEORGE BRINTON MCCLELLAN RoOSevelt MsS, 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 4, 1905 

My dear Mayor McClellan: I have been informed that you do not deem it 
wise for the British squadron to come to New York in October, fearing that 
it may cause trouble with certain elements of the population in view of the 
excitement which will probably then exist about the pending election.^ If 
this is your judgment I wish you would let me know, confidentially, and in 
that case without letting any information get out I will have the visit changed 
and get the squadron to go to Newport instead of New York. I can with 

*Thc squadron did finally come to New York but not until after the November 

elections. 


1298 



entire propriety give as a reason for the change the fact that Newport next 
to x\nnapolis is the real naval station of the Government and that it is emi- 
nently fitting the squadron should go there. It was not originally slated to 
go there simply because the antics of the Four Hundred when they get a 
chance to show social attentions to visiting foreigners of high official posi- 
tion are sometimes a little embarrassing to the foreigners and rather humiliat- 
ing to Americans. 

With regard, Sincerely yours 

3622 • TO WALTER WYMAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 4, 1905 

Have received following telegram from Governor Blanchard of Louisiana: 

At a joint meeting of representatives of all commercial bodies of the city of New 
Orleans and other prominent citizens at which were present the Mayor or the city, 
the State and City Health authorities and the president of the Orleans Parish Medi- 
cal Association the following resolution was adopted: 

‘ That this meeting endorse proposition to ask United States Government to 
take control of the yellow fever situation in New Orleans and the Governor of the 
State and Mayor of the City be requested to take immediate steps to carry this 
proposition into effect, further that 

The hearty co-operation of the State and City Government and the State and 
City Health Boards and the Parish Medical Societies and of the merchants and 
people generally be pledged in such action as may be taken by the Government. 

I am requested by the Mayor of the city, the presidents of the State and City 
Boards of Health and by a committee of prominent citizens to transmit the above 
resolution to you and request you to take over on behalf of the Federal Govern- 
ment through the proper channels the yellow fever situation at New Orleans. 
This I now do and urge speedy action on your part. 

F. C. Blanchard, 

Governor of Louisiana. 

Please take every step in your power to meet the situation at New Orleans 
and comply with the request of the Governor and the other authorities and 
notify me what further action is advisable and possible for the Federal au- 
thorities to take. Would like full report from you as to what should be done. 
Please confer with Surgeon Generals of army and navy if in your judgment 
this is wise.^ 

3623 • TO LESLIE MORTIER SHAW RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 4, 1905 

My dear Secretary Shanj): I think you are right about the difficulty being 
fundamental, but when I blue-penciled the speech I did so with that under- 
standing. I am not prepared to say that we will lower duties to increase im- 

^ Walter W3mian, since 1902 Surgeon General of the United States Public Health and 
Marine Hospital Service, complied with these instructions. 


1299 



portations, but neither am I prepared to say that we will not. You say that 
harm is being done at present by my attitude, or by its construction. I think 
a good deal more harm would be done by prematurely taking an attitude 
which we may not be able to sustain.^ I enclose you a list of the bodies that 
have joined in that reciprocity meeting. Now, I think it would be an ad- 
mirable thing if Congress would allow the executive department to make a 
dilFerence of say twenty-five per cent in favor of nations that treat us well 
as against those that do not, and of course this could mean a general lowering 
of all duties as regards the nations in question; so that it would do just exactly 
what you say ought not to be done. Senators Aldrich and Crane were two 
of the very men I had in mind. Both of them have spoken to me favoring a 
cut in duties, and have certainly spoken as if this was to be a cut which would 
increase importations for the purpose of increasing our revenue. 

I have not made up my mind and cannot make up my mind until I see 
the leaders in Congress and find what they are going to do. But to make such 
a speech as that I have blue-penciled would be equivalent to announcing that 
I had made up my mind, and I very emphatically think it unwise to make it. 
When Taft was to speak before the Ohio convention he submitted me the 
rough draft of his speech in which he committed himself unreservedly to a 
big lowering of duties, exactly along the lines to which you object. I blue- 
penciled it. Root agrees with Taft, but I have requested him not to commit 
himself. Moody is inclined to agree with Taft. When there is as wide a 
difference among prominent members of the Cabinet I think that we must be 
mighty sure of our ground before we make any positive statement. I am 
sorry to have to take the meat out of your speech. I entirely agree with all 
you say as to the dangers which accompany tariff revision or any attempt at 
it, but as yet I am not sure whether there are not at least equal dangers in 
avoiding tariff revision. Thus both Lodge and Crane have told me that to 
provide for any increase of revenue without revising the tariff would in their 
judgment make Massachusetts democratic together with Rhode Island and 
Connecticut. They may be all wrong, and I hope they are; but I want to go 
over the entire matter very carefully with all of the Congressional leaders 
before we decide w'hich set of risks to take. There is only one thing I am 
positive about, and that is that to issue bonds to make good a deficit would 
be the very worst possible thing that we could do. I would a great deal 
rather be defeated on the grounds that we had tried to revise the tariff than 
for issuing bonds to make good a deficit We never ought to have taken off 

' Shaw, m his public speeches, had consistendy taken such an attitude. The unyield- 
ing advocate of protection, he had urged government borrowing as preferable to 
tariff reduction or reciprocity, proposed h%her, retaliatory duties against European 
nations, and treated his opponents with a heavy sarcasm unbecoming a Cabinet 
officer. The criticism of his actions by such conservative newspapers as the Journal 
of Canmetce lent substance to persistent rumors of his pending retirement from die 
Cabinet. 


IJOO 



all the war taxes. But Hanna, Aldrich and the others were resolute about it, 
and McKinley had committed himself to it. It may be that a reimposition of 
fifty cents instead of a dollar on the beer business will enable us to raise 
enough revenue; but of course in such case we have to count just how much 
dissatisfaction will be felt among those who think the tariff ought to be 
revised and how much the Germans, that is, the brewers, will resent our 
action. The whole thing is a matter of expediency, not a matter of principle, 
for there is not the slightest moral difference as among the different rates of 
duty or in comparing the tariff and internal revenue as means for raising 
taxes. Therefore it seems to me peculiarly desirable that before definitely 
committing ourselves on something which may make or mar the republican 
parly (and especially as in the temper of the public mind it may be that 
whichever way we decide we shall be very roughly criticized) we should go 
over the matter with extreme care and come to a definite agreement with the 
leaders in Congress. Sincerely yours 

P. S. Since writing the abpve I have received Miss Wilson’s note. I guess 
these remarks will have to go. I have not the heart to suggest any change! 
But I am not prepared to say definitely that Congress will not have to pro- 
vide for an increased revenue by tiie tariff on increased importations. Neither 
am I prepared to say that it ■will do so. My attitude at present is merely that 
I do not wish to commit myself one way or the other until I find what action 
is necessary from the standpoint of our revenue and our industry and what 
form of this action is feasible, having in view the feelings of the majority. 

Good luck! 


3624 ’ TO ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 14, 1905 

My dear Secretary Hitchcock: Will you look through the enclosed letter of 
Mr. C. E. S. Wood, a gentleman of high character, a Democrat but not a 
politician, a man who can be trusted in every way? I have much sympathy 
with what he says in the last half of the letter about Oregon politics. You of 
course need not read the first half where he speaks of the candidates for the 
Judgeship.^ It is very important that we should not get into any improper 
position by seeming to go to extremes in backup Heney. You doubtless re- 
member the trouble that came in connection with Bristow’s letting his zeal 
finally run away -with his discretion. Heney will do us a like turn as sure as 

* The appomonent of a United Statw district ju^e for Or^on, a contintiing problem 
for the President (see Roosevelt to Fulton, Sept, n, 1905, in Vol. V of this work), 
was not resol'?ed until Novonber when Roosevelt dhose Otarles E. VFolverton upon 
the recommendation of Heney. 


1301 



fate if we get to following him. He is not a man to consult about appoint- 
ments at all, directly or indirectly, for the future. It has of course been in- 
evitable to consult him more or less in the past. 

I enclose a letter from Senator Fulton also. How much can I tell him of 
the reason why we are against his man whom he so eulogizes? 

I hope you have been having a good holiday. Sincerely yours 

3625 • TO THEODORE PERRY SHONTS RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 15, 1905 

My dear Mr. Shonts: I am greatly interested in your statement of August 
1 2th. Of course some of it gives me concern, especially the account of the 
mismanagement of the work^ before you took charge and the evident doubt 
both you and Mr. Magoon have as to the elBGciency of Dr. Gorgas.^ As I 
have written to Magoon, I am inclined to think that I shall appoint a com- 
mittee of three experts on hygiene, either civilians or else the Surgeons Gen- 
eral of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps, to go down to Panama, look into 
the matters presided over by Dr. Gorgas, and report to me thereon. We can- 
not ajfford to take any chances in so vital a matter. I should like to consult 
with you about this. 

With great regard, Sincerely yours 


3626 • TO JOSEPH HODGES CHOATE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 16, 1905 

My dear Mr. Choate: The Morocco Conference bids fair to be very impor- 
tant, and many delicate matters will come up, for while I want to stand by 
France, I want at the same time to strive to keep on fairly good terms with 
Germany. We have no interest in the matter, save the interest of trying to 
keep matters on an even keel in Europe. Of course your appointment would 
make the conference memorable and would give the United States great 
weight in it. Can you go? If you can accept I shall feel that you are rendering 
a service to the country.^ 

^ Shonts had criticized the first Isthmian Canal Commission on several counts. Com- 
plaining that its members were too intent on making “dirt fiy,” he maintained that 
they had failed to make adequate preparations for construction, neglected the dock- 
ing and housing facilities at Colon, mismanaged the railway, and antagonized labor by 
pa3?Tng wages irregularly. These charges he made public on returning to the United 
States from Panama on August 14. 

® Shonts and Magoon, not yet convinced by the mosquito theory of yellow fever and 
impatient with me progress of Gorgas’ work, were agitating for the doctor’s dis- 
missal. Again Dr. Hamilton Wright was suggested for Gorgas* post. Reassured of 
Gorgas’ shility by Dr. Welch, Roosevelt refused to make the change. 

^ It was later decided that Choate would head the American delegation at the second 
Hague Conference and that Heniy White would represent the United States at the 
Algeciras Conference. 


1302 


I have had a very queer time in connection with this Morocco Confer- 
ence, and finally drew up in outline the shape in which France and Germany 
came together; and rather extraordinary to relate, I have received the cordial 
thanks of both the French and German governments for what I did — which 
has of course been kept absolutely out of the newspapers. 

With regards to Mrs. Choate, believe me. Sincerely ycnrrs 

[Handn'ritteji] You do not need to be told how important this confer- 
ence is to Europe. 

3627 • TO J.\MES HUL.ME C.\XFIELD RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 16, 1905 

Aly dear Canfield: I am much obliged to you for your letter and for the 
volume, Captain CraigA 

You may be interested in knowing that it was my son Kermit who first 
called my attention to Robinson’s poems. He took a great fancy to them and 
ga\'e a copy to his mother and another copy to me. Then he found out that 
Robinson was having a hard time and was at w'ork on the subway in Nexv 
York, and Kermit and John Lodge (Senator Lodge’s son) both began to press 
me to do something for him. And finally — tell it not in civil-service-reform 
Gath, nor whisper it in the streets of merit-system Askelon — I hunted him 
up, found he was having a very hard time, and put him in the Treasury 
Department. I think he will do his work all right, but I am free to say that 
he was put in less with a \dew to the good of the government sendee than 
with a view to helping American letters. Sincerely yenm 


3628 • TO JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 17, 1905 

My dear Mr. Morgan: After some shilly-shallying and many pleas of igno- 
rance, the Qiinese government is at last accepting the responsibility for the 
action of the ’Viceroy and Minister. I have cabled Rockhill to make an 
emphatic protest. It seems to me that in the interest of American commerce 
in the Orient it is of consequence for you not to give up your concession. Of 
course I cannot advise you to do anything to your financial hurt. But it seems 
to me that no harm can come fay delaying action and having this Government 
insist that China shall carry out its side of the agreement regarding the con- 
cession. I am prepared to make a resolute stand and insist that this American 
company be given its rights. Can your company delay action for a few 
weeks longer? If so, I’ll call a halt, in emphatic terms, to the Chinese Govern- 
ment. Sincerely yours 

’ Edwin Arlii^oa Robinsoni, Captain Craig (Bo^n, >902), a vduine of poetry. 

1303 



3629 • TO WALTER 'V\TELLMAN RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal and private Oyster Bay, August 17, 1905 

Aly dear Mr, Wellmaii: Yours is the first note that I have received in favor 
of calling the extra session. In the first place let me brush aside as of absolutely 
no consequence the comments of the idiots who would say that not to call 
it would mean that I had abandoned rate legislation. They could not say it 
for more than two weeks and a half, because my regular message would show 
that I made the rate matter the chief point of attack. Besides, I shall dwell on 
it continually in my speeches on my southern trip, just prior to Congress 
coming together. 

Now the reasons that are tending to influence me not to have a special 
session are (i) that it is absolutely useless and would only be held for moral 
effect and (2) that the Congressmen are against it. It would be too short to 
enable any work to be done, and inasmuch as we have the long session ahead, 
the extra week could be put in then. Not a thing would be gained by having 
the extra session, save the moral effect.^ As yet I am inclined to doubt 
whether the moral effect we would gain would affect the sullenness of Con- 
gress at being called together, when every member of either House who has 
spoken to me has protested against it, and when, save for the moral effect, 
the arguments are all on their side. For instance, some of the leaders of the 
House are against it because they do not want trouble over the mileage, 
which would undoubtedly take place if there was an extra session. Moreover, 
they say that the House would not work, that it would simply adjourn. If 
the regular session adjourned without having acted I should at once call 
them together again, and I would then be engaged in a fight in which the 
right was clearly on my side. But I have grave doubts whether a row over 
what is really utterly unimportant is worth while. I have not definitely made 
up my mind. Sincerely yowrs 

3630 - TO THEODORE PERRY SHONTS RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 17, 1905 

My dear Mr. Shonts: I would like you to consider seriously whether we will 
not have to have a campaign of publicity in connection with the canal work. 
I have information that powerful secret influences are at work to try to 
organize opposition to the canal, to pick flaws in the management, to exag- 
gerate every little trouble, to invent troubles that do not exist, and to take 
advantage of the fact that of course there will be accidents and delays to 
raise such a howl as will embarrass us. Under these circumstances I am very 
strongly inclined to think that a thoroughly upright, capable editor of the 

^ Many of the proponents of an extra session were tariff revisionists who hoped that, 
by disposing of the rate problem at an extra session, Congress would be free to reduce 
the tariff at the regular session. Roosevelt’s decbion not to caE an extra session was, 
therefore, widely interpreted as a victory for the standpatters. 


1304 


best type would be of invaluable service. Of course he would have to be 
appointed as corresponding secretary, or something of that kind. Now the 
man of all others for this purpose is Mr. J. B. Bishop, of whom I have spoken 
to you. He is a very high-grade man, and he could only come at a good salary 
— I should say about $io,ooo. But he would be of invaluable assistance. 1 
wish you woiild consider this. I think it is very important. We may want to 
get our case put in the very best possible shape before Congress. Always 
yours 

[Handwritteni In commenting upon the shortcomings of the old com- 
mission, in public, we must be careful; for in the popular mind there will be 
a tendency to lump all that has been ill done or well done together, and hold 
us — you and me — responsible for everj'thing. We w'ant to show that a 
good start has actually been made; of course not as good as it should have 
been. 

3631 • TO HENRY CABOT LODGE RoOSCVelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 19, 1905 

Dear Cabot: In the first place let me thank you for your excellent suggestion 
about Choate.^ I wrote him at once and to my delight he accepted. I wish that 
when he comes down here for the night it were possible for me to get you 
down too, so that we might go over the whole situation with him together. 
Would this be a possible thing? 

Now about the Newfoundland fisheries. The case is not a simple one. 
There is no use in hiding from ourselves the fact that the course followed in 
connection with the unfortunate effort to negotiate the treaty has given deep 
offense to Newfoundland, and most naturally. If the circumstances had been 
reversed, this country in its turn would have been deeply angered. There is 
no use now in trying to apportion the responsibility for the mistakes in the 
negotiation of the treaty and in its treatment by the Senate. The essential fact 
is that in view of Gloucester’s attitude, which rendered it absolutely impossi- 
ble to negotiate any treaty which Newfoundland would accept, it was most 
unwise to enter into the negotiations at all, and ail of us who advised or 
acquiesed in those negotiations being begun, share the responsibility. If we 
had never gone into the negotiations at all this trouble would not have arisen, 
and the prime fault was going into them. No consultation with Gloucester, 
no change in the course of procedure either by the administration or in the 
Senate, would have availed anything, because the facts were that our fisher- 
men would not accept any treaty which we could negotiate, and therefore 
there should have been no attempt made to negotiate the treaty at all. Under 
such circumstances it is of course mere elementary common sense for us to 
try to show such patience and forbearance as possible until the exasperation 

* Lodge had suggested that Roosevelt send Choate to the Algeciias Conference. See 

Lodge, n, 171-173. 


1305 



caused by our xtry unfortunate action has worn off. We have to pay the 
penalty for our unwisdom and not commit any further act of unwisdom 
under the irritation caused by the foolishness with which the Newfound- 
landers have met our folly. 

The State Department advised me that inasmuch as we had not been in the 
habit of having a warship on the Newfoundland coast, to send one now would 
be a provocative to trouble. I am inclined to think they were right. I spoke 
of the matter to Crane, who agreed that it was unwise to send a warship and 
that the best thing to do was to let things get along as quietly as possible; but 
he felt as strongly as I did that the country at large, whether rightly or 
wrongly, was not pleased with the showing made by Gloucester, and that we 
should avoid all appearance of bullying or of inviting trouble. If trouble 
comes it is far better that it would come under circumstances which prevent 
any blame for exciting it from attaching to us. 

I have asked the State Department to make a full report to me on the 
treaty, and when I get it I will let you know. Sincerely yours 


3632 • TO HERMANN SPECK VON STERNBERG ROOSevelt AISS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 21, 1905 

The President thanks you for your two cables.^ The President has just sent 
to Mr. Meyer the following cable: 

Please see His Majesty personally and deliver the following message from me. 

I earnestly ask Your Majesty to believe that in what I am about to say and to 
advise I speak as the earnest well-wisher of Russia and give you the advice I should 
give were I a Russian patriot and statesman. The Japanese have as I understand it 
abandoned their demands for the interned ships and the limitation of the Russian 
naval power in the Pacific, which conditions I felt were improper for Russia to 
yield to. Moreover I find to my surprise and pleasure that the Japanese are willing 
to restore the northern half of Sakhalin to Russia, Russia of course in such case to 
pay a substantial sum for this surrender of territory by the Japanese and for the 
return of the Russian prisoners. It seems to me that if peace can be obtained sub- 
stantially on these terms it will be both just and honorable, and that it would be a 
dreadful calamity to have the w^ar continued when peace can be thus obtained. 
Of the twelve points which the conferees have been discussing, on eight they have 
come to a substantial agreement. Two which were offensive to Russia the Japanese 
will as I understand it withdraw. The remaining two can be met by an agreement 
in principle that the Japanese shall restore or retrocede to Russia the northern 
half of Sakhalin, while Russia of course pays an adequate sum for this retrocession 
and for the Russian prisoners. If this agreement can be made the question as to the 
exact amount can be a subject of negotiation. Let me repeat how earnestly I feel 
that it is for Russia’s interest to conclude peace on substantially these terms. No 
one can foretell the result of the continuance of the war and I have no doubt that 
it is to Japan’s advantage to conclude peace. But in my judgment it is infinitely 
more to the advantage of Russia. If peace is not made now and war is continued it 

* See Sternberg to Roosevelt, August iB, 1905, Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japa* 


ijod 


may well be that, though the financial strain upon Japan would be severe, yet in 
the end Russia would be shorn of those east Siberian provinces which have been 
won for her by the heroism of her sons during the last three centuries. The pro- 
posed peace leaves the ancient Russian boundaries absolutely intact. The only 
change in territory will be that Japan will get that part of Sakhalin which was hers 
up to thirty years ago. As Sakhalin is an island it is, humanly speaking, impossible 
that the Russians should reconquer it in view of the disaster to their navy; and to 
keep the northern half of it is a guarantee for the security of Vladivostok and 
eastern Siberia for Russia. It seems to me that every consideration of national self- 
inter^t, of militarj^* expediency and of broad humanity makes it eminently wise 
and right for Russia to conclude peace substantially along these lines, and it is my 
hope and prayer that \our Majesrv’’ may take this view. 

The President feels that if His Majest)^ would be willing to advise the 
Czar to make peace on the principle contained in the cable herein given he 
would be rendering a great service to mankind and would be effectively 
guarding against the very dangers mentioned in your telegrams. If the negoti- 
ators can come together on the principle above mentioned so that there only 
remains to be discussed the amount to be paid for the retrocession of northern 
Sakhalin and for the hundred thousand prisoners, peace will be practically 
assured. The President very strongly feels that Japan in her own interest 
should make peace, asking only a small amount of money, but he feels even 
more strongly that it is still more to the interest of Russia to make peace and 
that the proposed arrangement offers the way out. The President got Japan 
to abandon the two most objectionable articles which it proposed, as well as 
one other which he persuaded Japan not to submit at all, and he hopes, al- 
though of course he cannot be sure, that he can secure the acquiescence of 
Japan to settling for a moderate sum of money if only it is possible to get the 
negotiators to agree in principle to the terms of peace as mentioned above. 
The President hopes this will be communicated immediately to the Emperor. 

3633 • TO JEAN JULES JUSSERAND RoOSCVelt Mss. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 21, 1905 

Have just sent the following cable to the Czar: 

I earnestly ask Your Majesty to believe that in what I am about to say and 
to advise I speak as the earnest well-wisher of Russia and give you the advice I 
should give were I a Russian patriot and statesman. The Japanese have as 1 under- 
stand it abandoned their demands for the interned ships and the limitation of the 
Russian naval power in the Pacific, which conditions I felt were improper for 
Russia to yield to. Moreover I find to my surprise and pleasure that the Japanese 
are willing to restore the northern half of Sakhalin to Russia, Russia of course in 
such case to pay a substantial sum for this surrender of territory by the Japanese 
and for the return of the Russian prisoners. It seems to me that if peace can be 
obtained substantially on these terms it will be both just and honorable, and that 
it would be a dreadful calamity to have the war continued when peace can be thus 
obtained. Of the twelve points which the conferees have been discussing, on eight 
they have come to a substantial a^eement. Two which were offensive to Russia 


1307 



, the Japanese will as I understand it withdraw. The remaining two can be met by 
an agreement in principle that the Japanese shall restore or retrocede to Russia the 
northern half of Sakhalin, while Russia of course pays an adequate sum for this 
retrocession and for the Russian prisoners. If this agreement can be made the ques- 
tion as to the exact amount can be a subject of negotiation. Let me repeat how 
earnestly I feel that it is for Russia’s interest to conclude peace on substantially 
these terms. No one can foretell the result of the continuance of the war and I 
have no doubt that it is to Japan’s advantage to conclude peace. But in my judg- 
ment it is infinitely more to the advantage of Russia. If peace is not made now and 
war is continued it may well be that, though the financial strain upon Japan would 
be severe, yet in the end Russia would be shorn of those east Siberian provinces 
which have been won for her by the heroism of her sons during the last three 
centuries. The proposed peace leaves the ancient Russian boundaries absolutely 
intact. The only change in territory will be that Japan will get that part of Sakha- 
lin which was hers up to thirty years ago. As Sakhalin is an island it is, humanly 
speaking, impossible that the Russians should reconquer it in view of the disaster 
to their navy; and to keep the northern half of it is a guarantee for the security 
of Vladivostok and eastern Siberia for Russia. It seems to me that every considera- 
tion of national self-interest, of military expediency and of broad humanity makes 
it eminently wise and right for Russia to conclude peace substantially along these 
lines, and it is my hope and prayer that Your Majesty may take this view. 

I succeeded in persuading the Japanese to abandon the two articles I 
deemed untenable, and now if the peace negotiations can be concluded by 
the recognition of the principle outlined in the above cable, leaving to sub- 
sequent negotiations the exact settlement of the amount, I believe we can 
count upon peace being obtained. If the two sides once get down to discuss- 
ing singly the amount of money to be paid for the retrocession of half of 
Sakhalin and for the Russian prisoners, I do not believe that hostilities will be 
likely to be resumed, although of course it is impossible to foretell anything 
with certainty. I most earnestly hope that the French Government can see its 
way clear to immediately urging the Czar to make peace by accepting the 
principle of the terms ou^ned above. I shall do all I can to get the Japanese to 
be moderate about the money, although here again I of course can make no 
guaranty. I shall tell them, and have told them, that it is for their interest to 
make peace no matter how little money they get. But in my judgment it is 
infinitely more for Russia’s interest to make peace lest terrible disaster come 
to her, and I hope that your government will try to persuade the Czar to look 
at the affair in this light. Immediate action Is important. 


3634 • TO KENTARO KANEKO RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August az, 1905 

My dear Baron Kaneko: Thatik you for those newspapers and letters. I am so 
glad that the Baroness and her daughters met my daughter. 

I think I ought to tell you that I hear on all sides a good deal of complaint 

1308 


expressed among the friends of Japan as to the possibility of Japan’s continu- 
ing the war for a large indemnity. A prominent member of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations, a strong pro- Japanese man, has just written me: 

It does not seem to me as if Japan could possibly afford to continue the war 
merely for a money indemnity. I should not blame her if she broke off on the 
issue of obtaining the island of Sakhalin. But if she renews the fighting merely to 
get money, she will not get the money and she will turn sympathy from her in 
this country and ekewhere very rapidly. I am bound to say I do not think her 
case for indemnity a good one. She holds no Russian territory except Sakhalin, and 
that she wants to keep. 

I think your government ought to understand that there udll be at least 
a very considerable sentiment in America among men who have hitherto been 
favorable to the Japanese, along these lines. The willingness to retrocede the 
northern half of Sakhalin gives a chance to get some money in addition to 
that which is justly due for the Russian prisoners; but I do not think that any- 
thing like the amount advanced by Japan as what she wants — that is, six 
hundred millions — should be asked or could possibly be obtained. You know 
how strongly I have advised the Russians to make peace. I equally strongly 
advise Japan not to continue the fight for a money indemnity. If she does, 
then I believe that there will be a considerable shifting of public opinion 
against her. I do not believe that this public opinion will have any very 
tangible effect, but sdll it should not be entirely disregarded. Moreover, I do 
not believe that the Japanese nation would achieve its ends if it continued the 
war simply on the question of the indemnity, I think that Rusaa will refuse 
to pay and that the general sentiment of the civilized world will back her in 
refusing to pay the great amount asked, or anything like such an amount. Of 
course if she will pay, then I have nothing to say. But if she will not pay, then 
you would find that after making war for another year, even though you 
were successful in obtaining East Siberia, you would have spent four or five 
htmdred million dollars additional to what has already been spent, you would 
have spilled an immense amount of blood, and though you would have 
obtained East Siberia, you would have obtained something which you do not 
want, and Russia would be in no condition to give you any money at all. She 
certainly could not give you enough money to make up for the extra amount 
you would have spent. Of course my judgment may be at fault in this matter; 
but this is my judgment, speaking conscientiously from the standpoint of the 
interest of Japan as I see it. Moreover, I feel of course that every interest of 
civilization and humanity forbids the continuance of this war merely for a 
large indemnity, 

I have not yet heard from the cable I sent yesterday, but am expectti^ to 
hear this evening or tomorrow. I sent copies of it to the German and French 
government, asking their cO-operation in getting the Russian government to 
accede to the proposition. 

This letter is of course strictly confidential, but I should be glad to have 

1309 



you cable it to your home government, and hope you can do so. If cabled at 
all, it should be done at once. Sincerely yours 

3635 • TO WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL RockloUl MsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 22, 1905 

My dear Mr. Minister: I have all along been intending to make that recom- 
mendation very strongly in my message. I only hesitate on account of the 
action of the Chinese government, or its inaction, in the matter of the boycott 
and in the matter of this Hankow railway concession. I may do it anyhow, 
but I wish you would in the strongest w'ay impress upon the Chinese Govern- 
ment that the chance of my getting favorable action by Congress will be 
greatly interfered with by the failure of the Chinese to do justice themselves 
in such important matters as the boycott and the Hankow concession. In the 
boycott matter I wish you would see our consuls at Shanghai and elsewhere 
and make a full report to me on the whole subject, sending me a synopsis by 
cable. Meet the men at Shanghai whom the San Francisco Chamber of Com- 
merce want you to meet; but of course you cannot join them with you in the 
investigation. I intend to do the Chinese justice and am taking a far stiffer tone 
with my own people than any President has ever yet taken, both about im- 
migration, about this indemnity, and so forth. In return it is absolutely neces- 
sary for you to take a stiff tone with the Chinese where they are clearly doing 
wrong. Unless I misread them entirely they despise weakness even more than 
they prize justice, and we must make it evident both that we intend to do 
\vhat is right and that we do not intend for a moment to suffer what is wrong. 
Sincerely yours 

3636 • TO HENRY MORTIMER DURAND RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 23, 1905 

My dear Mr, Ainbassador: In my judgment every true friend of Japan should 
teU it as I have already told it, that the opinion of the civilized world will not 
support it in continuing the war merely for the purpose of extorting money 
from Russia. Of the tw’^elve points submitted by Japan to Russia their pleni- 
potentiaries have in substance agreed about eight. Two others which were on 
their face foolish, have been abandoned by the Japanese, There remain the 
questions of Sakhalin and the indemnity. Sakhalin is now practically Japa- 
nese and the Japanese could be entirely right in continuing the war if Russia 
refused to give it up, for this would amount simply to a foolish attempt by 
Russia to reconquer it. But inasmuch as Japan wishes to hold everything she 
has taken it is difiicult to see what possible claim she has for a heavy indem- 
nity, She announces that she does not wish east Siberia, apparently for the 
reason that it would be a white elephant on her hands. Yet if she continues 
the war all she can possibly get is east Siberia, and this after an expenditure 

1310 


which will probably amount to at least five or six hundred millions of dollars 
together with countless lives, with undoubted national exhaustion and with 
the feeling of the civilized world turning against her; not to speak of the 
possibility of rev^erses, which, though in my judgment not great, must yet be 
taken into account. It seems to me that the greatest act of friendship w'hich 
the friends of Japan can at this time show her is to do as I have already done, 
and urge her in her own interest not to follow a course which might do her 
great damage, and can do her no real benefit. If the Russians persist in refusing 
reasonable terms and make it evident to the world that the war is continued 
because of their o^^•n blind obstinacy and stupidity, then Japan will not be 
hurt but on the contrary u ill have general sympathy and will have to do the 
best that she can. But if Japan shows to the world that she is fighting simply 
to get money I think the effect will be bad upon her in ever)' way, and that, 
moreover, there is a fair chance that in the end she wdll find she has lost more, 
instead of getting any. I wish your people could get my views. Sincerely 
ymrs 

3637 • TO HERBERT HENRY DAVIS PEIRCE RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 23, 1905 

Please communicate with Witte from me as follows: 

I thank him for his letter, but it does not seem to me that he can have 
understood my message which I asked him to transmit to the Czar. He says 
that the proposals «w'ere» in reality under cover of another form a payment 
to Japan of the greater part if not of the w'hole of her expenses of the war. 
Nothing that I said in my letter will bear such a construction. Having in view 
what Mr. Witte and Baron Rosen^ have told me of the importance of 
Sakhalin from the military standpoint to Russia, together with the fact that 
Sakhalin is in Japanese possession and in all human probability cannot possi- 
bly be recovered by Russia in view of the destruction of her navy, I sup- 
posed that Russia would like to regain thte northern part, the ancient Russian 
territory. If this were so then my advice was that Russia should accept in 
principle the conclusion of peace on the basis of the eight points® upon which 
all the envoys have in effect already agreed, upon the abandonment by Japan 
of the two points to which Russia would not agree, and upon the retrocession 
to Russia of the northern half of Sakhalin, the amount to be paid for this and 
for the care of the prisoners to be determined by further n^otiation. To de- 
cline to try to make peace on these terms it seems to me is to invite terrible 
disaster to Russia, and I should hate to be responsible for the possibility of 
such disaster when the alternative is an absolutely just and honorable peace 
along the lines above indicated. Of course if the further negotiations as to the 

* Barcm Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador to the United States and envoy to the 

Portsmouth Couferaice. 

‘See DenUett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War, p, 245. 


13 1 1 



price to be paid for the northern half of Sakhalin and for the Russian prison- 
ers proved abortive, then another and wholly different proposition would 
come up. But at the moment my suggestion is wholly apart from any question 
as to the amount to be paid, which is to be determined hereafter. All that is 
now necessary is to state that the terms are concluded excepting the question 
of Sakhalin and a money payment and «that» as regards these it will be agreed 
that the northern half of Sakhalin is to be returned to Russia and that the 
amount to be paid in return by Russia for this northern half of Sakhalin and 
for the prisoners is to be a matter for further negotiation and settlement. The 
President feels that His Majesty should himself receive this telegram so .that 
there may be no possible question of misapprehension. 

3638 • TO GEORGE vox LENGERKE MEYER RoOSevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 23, 1905 

Make clear to His Majesty that if my suggestion is adopted then the whole 
question of what reasonable amount is to be paid for the retrocession of 
northern Sakhalin and for the return of the Russian prisoners will remain 
a subject for further negotiations, so that the acceptance in principle of the 
terms I have suggested would not commit the Russian Government to any 
particular sum of money and above all would not in any way commit Russia 
to pay any amount which would be exorbitant or humiliating. Please send 
this supplementary cable to His Majesty at once and further explain that I of 
course cannot be sure Japan will act on my suggestions, but that I know she 
ought to, and that if Russia accedes to them I shall try my best to get Japan 
to accede to them also. 

3639 • TO KENTARO B^tNEKO RoOSevelt AIsS. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 23, 1905 

Aiy dear Baron Kaneko: In supplement to what I wrote you yesterday, for 
the consideration of His Majesty the Japanese Emperor’s envoys, let me add 
this: 

It seems to me that it is to the interest of the great empire of Nippon now 
to make peace, for two reasons: i, self-interest; 2, the interest of the world, 
to which she owes a certain duty. Remember, I do not speak of continuing 
the war rather than give up Sakhalin, which I think would be right; but of 
continuing the war in order to get a great sum of money from Russia, which 
I think would be wrong. Of course you may succeed in getting it; but in my 
judgment even this success would be too dearly paid for; and if you failed to 
get the money, no additional humiliations and losses inflicted on Russia would 
repay Japan for the additional expenditure in blood, in mon^, in national 
e::^ustion. 

I, It is Japan’s interest now to close the war. She has won the control of 

1312 


Korea and Manchuria; she has doubled her own fleet in destroying that of 
Russia; she has Port Arthur, Dalny, the Manchurian railroad, she has Sakhalin. 
It is not worth her while to continue the war for money, when so to continue 
it would probably eat up more money than she could at the end get back 
from Russia. She W'ill be wise now to close the war in triumph, and to take 
her seat as a leading member at the council table of the nations. 

2. Ethically it seems to me that Japan owes a duty to the world at this 
crisis. The civilized world looks to her to make peace; the nations believe in 
her; let her show her leadership in matters ethical no less than in matters mili- 
tary. The appeal is made to her in the name of all that is lofty and noble; and 
to this appeal I hope she will not be deaf. 

With profound regard, Sincerely yours 


3640 • TO HENRY WHITE Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 23, 1905 

My dear White: I was glad to get your letter and the interesting one from 
your boy. James^ had been telling me about the Fez matter. I shall send Choate 
to that conference. I want to keep on good terms with Germany, and if pos- 
sible to prevent a rupture between Germany and France. But sympathies 
have at bottom been with France and I suppose will continue so. Still I shall 
try to hold an even keel. 

I am in the last tihroes of trying to get the Russians and Japanese to make 
peace. The Russians are the w'orst, because they stand up with Chinese or 
B)?zantine folly and insist, as Witte has just written me, that Russia will not 
admit itself vanquished — making it all I can do not to tell them some straght- 
forward truths in uncomplimentary language. On the other hand, the Japa- 
nese have no business to continue the war merely for the sake of getting 
money and they will defeat their own ends if they do so. The English 
government has been foolishly reluctant to advise Japan to be reasonable, 
and in this respect has not shown w’ell compared to the attitude of the Ger- 
man and French governments in being willing to advise Russia. I have not 
much hope of a favorable result, but I will do what I can. 

Tell Jack that was an interesting letter of his. Sincerely yours 

364 1 "TO LAWRENCE O. MURRAY RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 25, 1905 

Dear Murray: I return those reports. It seems to me that your suggestion for 
a commission to ascertain exact conditions of ocean steer^e travel and make 
a full report to you, with draft of a passei^er act, is an excellent one. 

Can you suggest to me the names of persons whom you think it would be 

* Henty James. 


13*3 


well to have on such a commission? I shall want to talk over the whole matter 
with you before going into it.^ Sincerely yours 

3642 • TO GEORGE VON LENGERKE MEYER RoOSevelt MsS, 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 25, 1905 

My second cable was forwarded after the arrival of your first.^ Japan has 
now on deposit in United States about fifty million dollars of the last war 
loan. I do not know’ whether she has more. Please tell His Majesty that I dis- 
like intruding any advice on him again, but for fear of misapprehension I 
venture again to have these statements made to him. I of course would not 
have him act against his conscience, but I earnestly hope his conscience will 
guide him so as to prevent the continuance of a war w^hen this continuance 
may involve Russia in a greater calamity than has ever befallen it since it first 
rose to power in both Europe and Asia. I see it publicly announced today by 
Count Lamsdorff that Russia will neither pay money nor surrender territory. 
I beg His Majesty to consider that such an announcement means absolutely 
nothing when Sakhalin is already in the hands of the Japanese. If on such a 
theory the w’ar is persevered in no one can foretell the result, but the military 
representatives of the Pow-ers most friendly to Russia assure me that the 
continuance of the war will probably mean the loss not merely of Sakhalin 
but of eastern Siberia, and if after a year of struggle this proves true then any 
peace w’hich came could only come on terms which w’ould indicate a real 
calamity. Most certainly I think it will be a bad thing for Japan to go on with 
the war, but I think it w^ill be a far w’orse thing for Russia. There is now a 
fair chance of getting peace on honorable terms, and it seems to me that it 
wiE be a dreadful thing for Russia and for all the civilized world if the chance 
is thrown away. My advices are that the plenipotentiaries at Portsmouth have 
come to a substantial agreement on every point except the money question 
and the question of Sakhalin. Let it now be announced that as regards these 
two points peace shall be made on the basis of the retrocession of the northern 
half of Sakhalin to Russia on payment of a sum of redemption money by 
Russia, the amount of this redemption money and the amount to be paid for 
the Russian prisoners to be settled by further negotiations. This does not 

^ The report of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor for 1905 called attention to the 
increase in immigration. Commissioner General Sargent specifically recommended 
that the number of immigrants per vessel should be limited in ratio to the tonnage 
of the vessel. This* he fciv, would result in a more careful selection of immigrants at 
foreign pons and would improve steerage conditions. Sargent also requested Congress 
to consider the reports of special investigators of the department which charged 
various steamship companies with encouraging^ the immigration of undesirables. 
Roosevelt repeated these recommendations in ms annual message of December 1905* 
The President further suggested that there be an international conference on immi- 
gration, 

^See Meyer to Roosevelt, August zj, 1905, Dennett, Roosevelt and the Russo-Japa- 
nese War^ pp* 270--Z71, and also Meyer to Roosevelt, August 24, 1905, p. . 



commit the Russian Government as to what sum shall be paid, leaving it open 
to further negotiation. If it is impossible for Russia and Japan to come to an 
agreement on this sum they might possibly call in the advice of say some high 
French or German official appointed by or with the consent of Russia and 
some English official appointed bv or with the consent of Japan and hat^e 
these men then report to the negotiators their advice, which might or might 
not be binding upon the negotiators. This it seems to me would he an entirely 
honorable way of settling the difficulty. I cannot of course guarantee that 
Japan will agree to this proposal, but if His Majesty agrees to it I will 
endeavor to get the Japanese Government to do so likewise. I earnestly hope 
that this cable of mine can receive His Majesty’s attention before the envoys 
meet tomorrow, and I cannot too strongly say that I feel that peace now* 
may prevent untold calamities in the future. Let me repeat that in this pro- 
posal I suggest that neither Russia nor Japan do anything but face accom- 
plished facts and that I do not specify or attempt to specify what amount 
should be paid, leaving the whole question of the amount to be paid in re- 
demption money for the northern half of Sakhalin to be settled by further 
negotiation. I fear that if these terms are rejected it may be possible that 
Japan will give up any idea of making peace or of ever getting money and that 
she will decide to take and to keep Vladivostok and Harbin and the whole 
Manchurian railway and this of course would mean that she would take east 
Siberia. Such a loss to Russia would in my judgment be a disaster of porten- 
tous size, and I eamestiy desire to save Russia from such a risk. If peace is 
made on the terms I have mentioned Russia is left at the end of this war 
substantially unharmed, the national honor and interest saved, and the results 
of what Russians have done in Asia since the days of Ivan the Terrible un- 
impaired. But if peace is now rejected and if Japan decides that she will give 
up any idea of obtaining any redemption money or any other sum no matter 
how small the military situation is such that there is at least a good chance 
and in the estimate of most outside observers a strong probability that though 
Japan will have to make heavy sacrifices she wdll yet rake Harbin, Vladivostok 
and east Siberia, and if this is once done the probabilities are overwhelming 
that she could never be dislodged. I cannot too strongly state my conviction 
that while peace in accordance with the suggestions above outlined is ear- 
nestly to be desired from the standpoint of the whole world and from the 
standpoints of both combatants, yet that far above all it is chiefly to Russia s 
interest and perhaps to her vital interest that it should come in this way and 
at this time. 

3643 • TO HERBERT HENRY DAVIS PEIRCE RoOSeVelt MsS. 

Tel^ram Oyster Bay, August 25, 1905 

See Witte at once from me and put Mr. Maurice Low’s statement before him, 
asking him if Mr. Low speaks with authority. Say if he authorizes this I shall 

*315 



do my best to get Komura to agree to a limit betw'een two and three hundred 
millions and believe I can do so. Let there be no delay about this. It may be 
vitally important.^ 


3644 • TO KERMIT ROOSE\'ELT RoOSevelt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, August 25, 1905 

Dear Kenmt: We were delighted at the receipt of your note this momii^. 
Evidently you and the trunk had some touch-and-go experiences, but I am 
very glad you both got through. I have been mildly irritated at the usual idiot 
statements of the New York Herald and other yellow papers about conversa- 
tions of yours which of course never took place. Incidentally these statements 
mentioned that Captain Bullock was the only man vwth whom I ever went 
hunting in the West! However, all of this is merely a bubble and it will go 
downstream very, very quickly. 

Since you left, life has gone on just as usual here. General and Adrs. 
Leonard Wood spent a night and a day here, and I took a ten-mile tramp with 
him. I rowed cunning Mother around Lloyd’s Neck and we stopped for 
luncheon at Shark Point. Mr. Phil Stewart and Dr. Lambert spent a night 
here, Quentin greeting the former with most cordial friendship, and in ex- 
planation stating that he always liked to get acquainted with everybody. I 
take Hall to chop, and he plays teimis with Phil and Oliver, and rides with 
Phil and Quentin. The Plunger has come to the Bay and I am going out on 
it this afternoon — or rather down on it. N.B. I have just been down, for 50 
minutes; it was very interesting. 

Last night I listened to Mother reading the Lances of Lintoood to die two 
little boys and then hearing them their prayers. Then I went into Archie’s 
room, where they both showed me all their china animals, and I read them 
Laura E. Richards’ poems, including “How does the President take his tea?” 
They christened themselves Punkeydoodle and Jollapin, from the chorus of 
this, and immediately afterwards I played with them on Archie’s bed. First 
I would toss Punkeydoodle (Quentin) on Jollapin (Archie) and tickle Jolla- 
pin while Punkeydoodle sprawled and wriggled on top of him, and then 
reverse them and keep Punkeydoodle down by heaving Jollapin on him, 
while they both kicked and struggled until my shirtfront looked very much 
the worse for wear. You doubtless remember yourself how bad it was for me, 
when I was dressed for diimer, to play with all of you scamps when you were 
little. 

I am having my hair turned gray by dealing with the Russian and Japa- 

‘Low, covering the Portsmouth Conference for the British National Review, had 
reported that Witte had suggested that Russia might be willing to pay an indemnity 
for half of Sakhalin. Witte, however, denied to Peirce that he had made such, a sug- 
gestion. See Dennett; Roosevelt and the Russo-Japanese War, p. 25711. 

13x6 


nese peace negotiators. The Japanese ask too much, but the Russians are ten 
times worse than the Japs because they are so stupid and won’t tell the truth. 
Give my warm regards to Captain and Mrs. Bullock. Your loving father 
{Hand'written^ The other day a reporter asked Quentin something about 
me; to which that affable and canny young gentleman responded “Yes, I see 
him sometimes; but I know nothing'of his familv life!” 


3645 • TO HERBERT HENRY DAVIS PEIRCE RoOsevelt MsS. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 27, 1905 

Did you make absolutely clear to Witte that you were merely repeating what 
Maurice Low said was Witte’s proposal, and would only have repeated it 
because we did not feel at liberty to refuse to take notice of so direct a state- 
ment? You had better inform Low that Witte flatly repudiated the alleged 
statement. 


3646 • TO WILLIAM n Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 27, 1905 

Peace can be obtained on the following terms: Russia to pay no indemnity 
whatever and to receive back north half of Sakhalin for which it is to pay to 
Japan whatever amount a mixed commission may determine. This is my 
proposition to which the Japanese have assented reluctantly and only under 
strong pressure from me. The plan is for each of the contending parties to 
name an equal number of members of the commission and for them them- 
selves to name the odd member. The Japanese assert that Witte has in princi- 
ple agreed that Russia should pay something to get back the north half of 
Sakhalin and indeed he intimated to me that they might buy it back at a 
reasonable figure, something on the scale of that for which Alaska was sold 
to the United States. 

These terms which strike me as extremely moderate I have not presented 
in this form to the Russian Emperor. I feel that you have more influence with 
him than either I or anyone else can have. As the situation is exceedingly 
strained and the relations between the plentipotentiaries critical to a degree, 
immediate action is necessary. Can you not take the initiative by presenting 
these terms at once to him? Your success in the matter will make the entire 
civilized world your debtor. This proposition virtually relegates all the 
unsettled issues of the war to the arbitration of a mixed commission as out- 
lined above, and I am' unable to see how Russia can refuse your request if in 
your wisdom you see fit to make it. 


1317 


3647 * TO THE CI\1L SERVICE COMMISSION RooSCVelt Mss, 

Oyster Bay, August 28, 1905 

Gentlemen: I have just received a letter from Mr. Stevens, the engineer in 
charge on the Isthmus of Panama, and from Mr. Shonts, the Chairman of the 
Commission, running in part as follows: 

With regard to our white labor, which is being sent from the States. Some- 
thing must be done immediately to correct the abuses under which we are, and 
have been for some time, I judge, suffering. I refer to the character of the men 
who are being sent down here, largely, I understand, from selections approved by 
the Civil Service Commission. I do not believe that ten per cent of the men who 
pass these examinations have any qualifications whatever, pertaining to the jobs 
they are selected for. My office for the last few days has been hardly free a minute 
from crowds of these men who come down as track foremen and other positions, 
all looking for positions as clerks, and a number of them on examination, have 
proved that they are absolutely unacquainted with, or had any experience for the 
positions for which they have been engaged, and the matter has got so bad, that 
I have cabled Washington to stop entirely sending any more of these men, and in 
fact, have asked Washington what disposition they want to make of some they 
have sent, as I cannot use them here. 

This brings up the larger question which we discussed several times, and 
which I am absolutely of the opinion that you must grapple with; that is, get the 
appointment of employees for the Canal Commission out of the hands of the Qvil 
Service. 

I do not know, of course, what the facts were which influenced the decision 
that these men should be under the Civil Service. I am in s>nnpathy with the Civil 
Service as far as long, permanent positions are concerned, with the Post Office, 
Treasury and other Departments of the kind, that will be running probably in a 
hundred years from now. There is, of course, justification for appointment by 
merit and tenure of office accordingly, but in a proposition like tlus, where these 
positions can endure at the most, only for a few years, I do not think there is any 
reason why it should be placed under Civil Service Rules. If this work must be 
conducted along Governmental lines, as it is now organized, then there is every 
reason why it should be taken out of Civil Service Rules, and if it cannot be done 
any other way, I think you should at once try and have it done as we discussed, 
by personal appeal to the President to have the order rescinded. I am, and expect 
to be, held largely responsible for the success of the work, but I am free to say, 
that mider present conditions, it is a very dubious project to go up against. From 
practical experience, you know, as a construction man, that the problem of se- 
curing the very best men for the separate positions is a delicate one, and one upon 
which too much importance cannot be placed. 

Repeatedly, in fact, hardly a day passes by, but what, in response to our re- 
quest here that certain men be appointed for certain places; these recommendations 
being made only on account of their known fitness, — comes a response that such 
a request is not approved by the Civil Service Commission, and that they propose 
to send men of their own selection. Ultimately these men get here, and as noted 
above, the only thing I know of to do with them, is to send them back in a large 
number of ca^s. They have neither training nor education for which they are 
appointed. Besides the very large expense and the disastrous effect on the morale of 
the men, it is totally disorganizing the work, leaving us short of the right kind 
of men and flooding us with absolutely undesirable people, 

1318 



With the Civil Service out of the way, I would propose to establish, probably 
at Chicago, New York, and New Orleans, men with whom I am acquainted and 
can trust, as labor agents, and deal with them directly. 1 am certain that I could 
improve the character of our service in a short time, five hundred per cent. In 
fact, it is so wretched now, that it is almost impossible to get the right kind of 
work. 

There are three stumbling blocks in the way of the successful prosecution of 
this big project, and outside of those incident "to the Tropics, — that is, climate 
and healthiness, are in the order of importance, as named below’: 

First: Civil Service. 

Second: Eight-hour law, and 

Third; The restrictions and consequent delay in placing orders for material 

All of these I understand could be done aw’ay with by placing the work 
under the direction and control of the Panama Railroad. However^ if this sugges- 
tion is not feasible, then by all means let us get rid of the Civil Service from the 
start. I feel very strongly on this point, and the longer I remain here, and since 
your return, and I have been able to dig into things, it is the wretched service that 
will cost millions of dollars and an indefinite amount of time. 

In view of these statements it is obvious that something must be done at 
once. I know you hold my view that the object of the Civil Service law is to 
better the service and prevent appointments for political or personal reasons. 
When, as in this case, it becomes evident that the introduction of the system 
under the peculiar conditions of work on the Isthmus has amounted to a 
calamity, it is obvious that an immediate and drastic change must be made. 
Mr. Shonts will call upon you, and I have authorized him to tell you that any 
suggestions which he makes are to be complied with by the Commission and 
to be treated as a direction by me.^ Shicerely yours 

3648 - TO juTARo KOMURA Roosevelt Mss. 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 28, 1905 

My dear Baron Komar a: I have had as you know a number of interview’s with 
Baron Kaneko since your arrival in this country. These have always been 
held at his request and on the assumption that he was acting for you, this 
having been my understanding of what you said in our conversation when 
you were out here at my house and when the matter of keeping me informed 
of what was being done at Portsmouth arose. Moreover, he has frequently 
transmitted to me copies of your telegrams, evidently written to be thus 
shown me. For instance, such telegrams of yours were enclosed in his notes 
sent to me yesterday and the day before yesterday, August 26th and Z7th. I 
have therefore assumed that I could safely accept whatever he told me as 
beit^ warranted by his understanding with you. To my astonishment a 
telegram was received by the Associated Press from Portsmouth last night, 
purporting to contain statements from Minister Takahira to the effect that 
Baron Kaneko was not authorized to see me, and containing, at least by im- 

Civil service rules for Isthmian labor were rescinded in January T906. 


13x9 



plication, an expression of surprise that I should have treated him as having 
any such authorization. The manager of the Associated Press refused to 
zllow this dispatch to go out, and I take it for granted that it was false and that 
Mr. Takahira had given utterance to no such expression. But in view of its 
receipt I retracted a cable I had prepared to send His Majesty the German 
Emperor if Baron Kaneko approved, this cable having been prepared by me 
after consultation with Mx, Stone, ^ who had himself seen Baron Kaneko as 
well as Baron Bussche of the German Embassy,^ and who understood it was 
along the line you desired. It runs as follows: 

Peace can be obtained on the following terms; Russia to pay no indemnity 
whatever and to receive back north half of Sakhalin for which it is to pay to 
Japan -whatever amount a mixed commission may determine. This is my proposi- 
tion to which the Japanese have assented reluctantly and only under strong pres- 
sure from me. The plan is for each of the contending parties to name an equal 
number of members of the commission and for them diemselves to name the odd 
member. The Japanese assert that Witte has in principle agreed that Russia should 
pay something to get back the north half of Sakhalin and indeed he intimated to 
me that they might buy it back at a reasonable figure, something on the scale of 
that for which Alaska was sold to the United States. 

These terms which strike me as extremely moderate I have not presented in 
this form to the Russian Emperor. I feel that you have more influence with him 
than either I or anyone else can have. As the situation is exceedingly strained and 
the relations between the plenipotentiaries critical to a degree, immediate action 
is necessary. Can you not take the initiative by presenting these terms at once to 
him? Your success in the matter will make the entire civilized world your debtor. 
This proposition virtually relegates all the unsettled issues of the war to the arbi- 
tration of a mixed commission as outlined above, and I am unable to see how 
Russia can refuse your request if in your wisdom you see fit to make it. 

At the end Baron Bussche stated to the Kaiser that if the Czar could be 
persuaded to come to these terms I would at once publicly give him the 
credit for what had been accomplished and try in every way to show that 
whatever of credit might attach to bringing the negotiation to a successful 
conclusion should come to him in the most public and emphatic manner. This 
was added at my suggestion, for I need not tell you, my dear Baron, that my 
sole purpose has been to try to bring about peace, and I am absolutely indif- 
ferent as to anything that is said about me in connection with the matter. 

But of course under these circumstances I shall not send the cable unless I 
am definitely assured by you that this cable has your approval. Moreover, in 
view of the statement credited to Minister Takahira, I do not feel that Baron 
Kaneko should communicate with me any longer unless I am assured by you 

^Melville Elijah Stone, founder of the Chicago Daily News^ 1875; general manager 
of the Associated Press, 1893-1921. During the Russo-Japanese War, Stone persuaded 
Czar Nicholas to remove the censorship on press dispatches to this county. He had 
informed Roosevelt of Russia’s intent to wimdraw from the conference if the Japa- 
nese demands for an indemnity continued. 

*Baron Hilm^ Bussche, charge d’affaires of the German Embassy in the United 
States. 


1320 


that it is your desire that he should do so and that he speaks with authoriza- 
tion from you. Sincerely yours 

P. S. I have recently sent three cables to the Czar, as follows, each being 
read to and approved by Baron Kaneko before it was sent. 

Oyster Bay, N, Y., August 21, 1905. 

Meyer, 

American Ambassador, 

St. Petersburg. 

Please see His Majesty personally immediately and deliver following message 
from me: 

“I earnestly ask Your Majesty to believe that in what I am about to say and to 
advise I speak as the earnest well-wisher of Russia and give you the advice I should 
give were I a Russian patriot and statesman. The Japanese have as I understand it 
abandoned their deman^ for the interned ships and the limitation of the Russian 
naval power in the Pacific, tvhich conditions I felt were improper for Russia to 
yield to. Moreover I find to my surprise and pleasure that the Japanese are willing 
to restore the northern half of Sakhalin to Russia, Russia of course in such case 
to pay a substantial sum for this surrender of territoiy by the Japanese and for the 
return of Russian prisoners. It seems to me that if peace can be obtained substan- 
tially on these terms it will be both just and honorable, and that it would be a 
dreadful calamity to have the war continued when peace can be thus obtained. 
Of the twelve points which the plenipotentiaries have been discussing, on eight 
they have come to a substantial agreement. Two which were offensive to Russia 
the Japanese will as I understand it withdraw. The remaining two can be met by 
an agreement in principle that the Japanese shall restore or retrocede to Russia 
the northern half of Sakhalin, while Russia of course pays an adequate sum for 
this retrocession and for the Russian prisoners. If this agreement can be made the 
question as to the exact amount can be a subject of negotiation. Let me repeat 
how earnestly I feel that it is for Russia’s interest to conclude peace on substan- 
tially these terms. No one can foretell the result of the continuance of the war 
and I have no doubt that it is to Japan’s advantage to conclude peace. But in my 
judgment it is infinitely more to the advantage of Russia. If peace is not made now 
and war is continued it may well be that, though the financial strain upon Japan 
would be severe, yet in the end Russia would be shorn of those east Siberian prov- 
inces which have been won for her by the heroism of her sons during the last 
three centuries. The proposed peace leaves the ancient Russian boundaries abso- 
lutely intact. The only change in territory will be that Japan will get that part of 
Sakhalin which was hers up to thirty years ago. As SaHialin is an island it is, hu- 
manly speaking, impossible that the Russians should reconquer it in view of the 
disaster to their navy; and to keep the northern half of it is a guarantee for the 
security of Vladivostok and eastern Siberia for Russia. It seems to me that every 
consideration of national self-interest, of military expediency and of broad human- 
ity makes it eminently wise and right for Russia to conclude peace substantially 
along those lines, and it is my hope and prayer that Your Majesty may take this 
view.” 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Oyster Bay, N. Y., August 23, 1:905. 

Meyer, St. Petersburg. , 

Make clear to His Majesty that if my suggestion is adopted then tiie whole 
question of what reasonable amount is to he paid for the retrocession of northern 

1321 



Sakhalin and for the return of the Russian prisoners will remain a subject for 
further negotiations, so that the acceptance in principle of the terms I have sug- 
gested w'ould not commit the Russian Government to any particular sum of 
money and above all would not in any way commit Russia to pay any amount 
w^hich would be exorbitant or humiliating. Please send this supplementary cable to 
His Majesty at once and further explain that I of course cannot be sure Japan will 
act on my suggestions, but that I know she ought to, and that if Russia accedes to 
them I shall try my best to get Japan to accede to them also. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Oyster Bay, N. Y., August 25, 1905. 

Meyer, St, Petersburg. 

My second cable was forwarded after the arrival of your first. Japan has now 
on deposit in United States about fifty million dollars of the last war loan. I do 
not know whether she has more. Please tell His Majesty that I dislike intruding 
any advice on him again, but for fear of misapprehension I venture again to have 
these statements made to him. I of course would not have him act against his con- 
science, but I earnestly hope his conscience will guide him so as to prevent the 
continuance of a war when this continuance may involve Russia in a greater 
calamity than has ever befallen it since it first rose to power in both Europe and 
Asia. I see it publicly announced today by Count Lamsdorff that Russia will nei- 
ther pay money nor surrender territory. I beg His Majesty to consider that such 
an announcement means absolutely nothing when Sakhalin is already in the hands 
of the Japanese. If on such a theory the war is persevered in no one can foretell 
the result, but the military representatives of the Powers most friendly to Russia 
assure me that the continuance of the war will probably mean the loss not merely 
of Sakhalin but of eastern Siberia, and if after a year of struggle this proves true 
then any peace which came could only come on terms which would indicate a 
real calamity. Most certainly I think it will be a bad thing for Japan to go on with 
the war, but I think it will be a far worse thing for Russia. There is now a fair 
chance of getting peace on honorable terms, and it seems to me that it will be a 
dreadful thing for Russia and for all the civilized world if the chance is thrown 
away. My advices are that the plenipotentiaries at Portsmouth have come to a 
substantial agreement on every point except the money question and the question 
of Sakhalin. Let it now be announced that as regards these two points peace shall 
be made on the basis of the retrocession of the northern half of Sakhalin to Russia 
on payment of a sum of redemption money by Russia, the amount of this redemp- 
tion money and the amount to be paid for the Russian prisoners to be settled by 
further negotiations. This does not commit the Russian Government as to what 
sum shaE be paid, leaving it open to further negotiation. If it is impossible for 
Russia and Japan to come to an agreement on tUs sum they might possibly call 
in the advice of say some high French or German oIEcial appointed by or with 
the consent of Russia and some English official appointed by or with the consent 
of Japan and have these men then report to the negotiators their advice, which 
might or might not be binding upon the negotiators. This it seems to me would 
be an entirely honorable way of settling the difficulty, I cannot of course guaran- 
tee that Japan wiE agree to this proposal, but if His Majesty agrees to it I wiE 
endeavor to get the Japanese Government to do so Ekewise. I earnestly hope that 
this cable of mine can receive His Majesty’s attention before the envoys meet 
tomorrow, and I ^not too strongly say that I feel that peace now may prevent 
untold calanutles in the future. Let me repeat that in this proposal I suggest that 
neither Rusm nor Japan do anything but face accomplished facts and that I do 





not specify or attempt to specify what amount should be paid, leaving the whole 
question of the amount to be paid as redemption money for the northern half of 
Sakhalin to be settled by further negotiation. I fear that if these terms are rejected 
it may be possible that Japan will give up any idea of making peace or of ever 
getting money and that she will decide to take and to keep Vladivostok and 
Harbin and the whole Manchurian railway and this of course would mean that 
she would take east Siberia. Such a loss to Russia would in my judgment be a 
disaster of portentous size, and I earnestly desire to save Russia from such a risk. 
If peace is made on the terms I have mentioned Russia is left at the end of this 
war substantially unharmed, the national honor and interest saved, and the results 
of what Russians have done in Asia since the days of Ivan the Terrible unim- 
paired. But if peace is now rejected and if Japan decides that she will give up any 
idea of obtaining any redemption money or any other sum no matter how small 
the military situation is such that there is at least a good chance and in the esti- 
mate of most outside observers a strong probability that though Japan will have 
to make heavy sacrifices she will yet take Harbin, Vladivostok and east Siberia, 
and if this is once done the probabilities are overwhelming that she could never 
be dislodged. I cannot too strongly state my conviction that while peace in ac- 
cordance with the suggestions above outlined is earnestly to be desired from the 
standpoint of the whole world and from the standpoints of both combatants, yet 
that far above all it is chiefly to Russia’s interest and perhaps to her vital interest 
that it should come in this way and at this time. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

The Czar has answered each by declining my suggestion, and asserting 
that he would neither cede any territory nor pay any indemnity under no 
matter what form. 

3649 - TO HiLMAR BusscHE Roosevelt Mss, 

Confidential Oyster Bay, August 28, 1905 

Dear Baron Bussche: As Mr. Stone informs me that Mr. Takahira states that 
Baron Kaneko was not authorized to state that the Japanese would abide by 
the result of the arbitral commission suggested, I of course withdraw the 
message which I asked you kindly to cable His Majesty. You are welcome to 
inform His Majesty what steps I had proposed to take. Sincerely yours 

3650 • TO CHARLES JOSEPH BONAPARTE RoOSevelt MsS, 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 28, 1905 

My dear Bonaparte: I am not in the least surprised at what you tell me about 
Commander Young. I have grown to feel that he is not very much of a fellow. 
He gets intoxicated quite often and on one, occasion came into my office in 
that condition while I was President. 

Now may I first of all make one suggestion about politics and then one 
about the Navy Department? 

First, about politics. It is stated that you are going to speak in the munici- 
pal campaign at Philadelphia. I hope tiiis is not so, I heartily sympathize with 


1323 



the Mayor, and if I were a private citizen I should be actively supporting 
him, as I take it for granted you would. But you and I have all we can well 
attend to in national affairs, and I do not think that the amount of good that 
you could do by speaking in Philadelphia would compensate for the bitter 
fight you would probably cause between the administration and certainly 
one, and probably both, of the United States Senators from Pennsylvania. 
Moreover, it would mean that we should be asked to interfere in every similar 
case in the union. For instance, I am inclined to think that here in New York 
this fall if Jerome were nominated I should support him though there is much 
about him I dislike and disapprove of. But it might well be that the contact 
will take such shape that for me to support him would force a break with both 
the New York Senators. Yet if you took part in the Philadelphia campaign, 
which would of course be accepted as the administration taking part, it w'ould 
be almost impossible for the administration to refuse to take part also in the 
New York campaign. So it would be in many other cities. Probably the 
rumor that you are to take part in the Philadelphia campaign has no founda- 
tion in fact. 

As to the second matter, I have become greatly interested in submarine 
boats. They are in no sense substitutes for above-water torpedo boats, not to 
speak of battleships, cruisers, and the like, but they may on certain occasions 
supplement other craft, and they should be developed. Now there are excel- 
lent old-stj'le naval officers of the kind who drift into positions at Washing- 
ton who absolutely decline to recognize this fact and who hamper the 
development of the submarine boat in every way. One of the ways they have 
done it has been by the absurd and worse than absurd ruling that the ofiicers 
and men engaged in the very hazardous, delicate, difficult and responsible 
work of experimenting with these submarine boats are not to be considered 
as on sea duty. I felt positively indignant when I found that the men on the 
Phmger, who incur a certain risk every time they go down in her and who 
have to be trained to the highest point as well as to show iron nerve in order 
to be of any use in their positions, are penalized for being on the Plunger 
instead of being in some much less responsible and much less dangerous posi- 
tion on a cruise in a big ship.^ I find that the officers, for instance, have no 
quarters on board and yet none on shore, and the Auditor for the Navy De- 
partment has refused to allow commutation for such quarters while the Navy 
Department has refused to allow the men such quarters, servants or mess 
ouffits. Of course this is monstrous. There should be a cook, steward and 
mess outfit allowed for each submarine vessel, and where possible — in almost 
every case it would be possible — quarters should be allowed for the officers. 
The regulations should provide that the services of officers attached to sub- 
marines should be considered as service on ships on the cruise. The case of 
the enlisted men, in whom I am even more interested, should be met by the 
embodiment in the regulations of certain changes as follows: 

‘ On August 25 Roosevdt had dived in the U.S.S. Plunger. 


1324 



Ratings for Submarine Men 

(a) That enlisted men serving on submarines under acting appointments 
as Chief Petty OiEcers, having finished their one-year probation and having 
been found professionally, mentally and morally qualified by a proper board 
of officers from ships other than those on which they are serving, shall receive 
permanent appointments in their ratings irrespective of service on cruising 
vessels. 

(b) Enlisted men serving in submarines may be advanced in rating with- 
out regard to the compliment of the vessel. 

Pay for Submarine Men 

(a) That enlisted men regularly detailed for instruction in submarine 
boats but not having qualified shall receive five dollars per month in addition 
to the pay of their rating. 

(b) Enlisted men serving with submarine boats and having been reported 
by their commanding officers to the Navy Department as qualified for sub- 
marine torpedo-boat work, shall receive ten dollars per month in addition to 
the pay of their rating. 

(c) Enlisted men serving with submarine torpedo boats having been 
reported by their commanding officers to the Navy Department as qualified 
for submarine torpedo-boat work shall receive one dollar in addition to their 
pay for each day during any part of which they shall have been submerged 
in a submarine boat while underway 

Another matter I shall caE your attention to, and that is the delay in re- 
pairing vessels, such delay being caused usually by delay in furnishing 
material. How would it do to have a report made on the cases of the follow- 
ing: Iris, Glacier, Buffalo, Uncos, Yankee, htdiana, Luzon, Cuba and the 
torpedo boats at Norfolk? Sincerely yours 

[Handwritten] Remember that w^henever you can conveniently come 
here for a night I am anxious to have you. 


3651 * TO JOSEPH BucKLiN BISHOP Roosevelt Mss. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 28, 1905 


Dear Bishop: I was as pleased as Punch when Shouts told me you were to be 
appointed. I am sure you will find him to be a good man to work with, and 
I need not tell you how overjoyed I am to have you connected \dth my 
administration, my dear feUow. Have the statement you suggest made ready 
to be published at the same time that the appointment is announced. 

Now just one small matter. Have you got any friend who could go to 


*Bv an executive order in November 1905, Roosevelt provided for the e^ pay for 
enfisted peisonnel. Naval regulations were altered in accor^ce to other 
recommradations, vridi the approval of the Judge Advocate General, m May rw- 


1325 



Senator Platt and try to soften his heart toward you? Unless this is done I 
suppose he will try to make some trouble. I do not suppose he will do much 
beyond writing me one or two frantic letters, but if we can by proper means 
minimize the antagonism of a Senator, it is always a good thing to do. How 
would it do for you to consult Cadwalader^ about this and see if there is not 
some man who can write to Platt on the subject? Of course he cannot inter- 
fere with your appointment, but it is always possible that it will cause a little 
trouble in some way in the Senate. 

I think of all the men in this country you are the one best fitted for the 
position, and it gives me a great sense of comfort to have you connected with 
the work of the canal. 

With love to Mrs. Bishop, believe me, Always yours 

3652 • TO HERBERT HENRY DAVIS PEIRCE RoOSCVelt MsS, 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 29, 1905 

Tell Baron Komura that I am overjoyed at the news^ and that I most heartily 
congratulate Japan on its wisdom and magnanimity; that I do not deem it 
best to say anything in public at this moment for fear of causing complica- 
tions, but after the treaty has been definitely signed I shall see Baron Komura 
and make public such statement as he approves expressing the great debt that 
the civilized world is under to Japan for its magnanimity in its hour of tri- 
umph. Keep this telegram absolutely secret of course. 

3653 * TO mLLIAM WOOD^TLLE ROCKHILL RoOSevelt MsS. 

Personal Oyster Bay, August 29, 1905 

My dear Rockhill: Thank you for that interesting clipping about the Japa- 
nese Navy, which may be of service* The only point about which there seems 
to be any doubt in naval circles is as to whether the battleship of the future 
shall have nothing but tw’^elve-inch and three-inch guns, or whether there 
shall be an intermediate battery of eight- or seven-inch guns. 

I enclose a clipping about the boycott. I am very much dissatisfied with 
the Chinese attitude. 

The Hankow railway people have made up their minds that as the Chinese 
Government themselves have been acting with such duplicity and evidently 
intend to take away their franchises, the risk is too great for them to go on. 
I cannot blame them, for I do not know enough about the situation to be able 
to guarantee to hold them harmless in case trouble comes with China. But I 
am in very great doubt how far to go in returning the indemnity to China. 

' John Lambert Cadwalader, respected elder statesman of the New York bar, Hamil- 
ton Fish’s Assistant Secretary of State, 1874-1876. See Appendix III, Volume II, this 
work. 

Mapan had accepted Kussk’s terms, agreeing to forego an indemnity and to divide 
Salmalin, 


However, bad as the Chinese are, no human beings, black, yellow or white, 
could be quite as untruthful, as insincere, as arrogant — in short as untrust- 
worthy in every way — as the Russians under their present svstem. I was pro- 
Japanese before, but after my experience with the peace commissioners I am 
far stronger pro-Japanese than ever. Faithfully yours 

3654 • TO NICHOLAS 11 Roosevelt Mss. 

Telegram Oyster Bay, August 31, 1905 

I thank you heartily for your message. I congratulate you upon the outcome 
and I share the feelings of all other sincere well-wishers to peace in my grati- 
tude for what has been accomplished. I earnestly hope for every blessing upon 
you and your great country. 

3655 • TO GEORGE CLEMENT PERKINS RoOSeVclt MsS. 

Oyster Bay, August 31, 1905 

My dear Senator Perkins: Referring to your telegram of the 30th instant, it is 
not possible for Secretary Taft to do as you advise. I have been taking everj' 
step possible in the matter already. Let me point our that the commercial 
organizations and Pacific coast merchants can do most to prevent this boycott 
by helping me, through you and other friends, to secure rational action by 
Congress in legislation and treaties affecting Chinese merchants, professional 
men, students, travelers and the like, so as to secure to them exactly the same 
treatment in the United States as would be given to similar people of other 
nationalities. The Chinese laboring man, skilled or unskilled — that is, the 
Chinese coolie — can be kept out. We are all agreed upon this; but the Chi- 
nese mercantile or professional man, the Chinese student and traveler, must 
have his rights scrupulously guarded and must be given every facility to visit 
and work in the United States. Moreover, I need hardly point out to you the 
wicked folly of such movements as that which was started against the Japa- 
nese in San Francisco. Of course any such movement will amount to nothing, 
but the mere agitation of the question is as silly as it is iniquitous, and will 
prepare the way for much worse trouble than any that has arisen in connec- 
tion with this boycott by the Chinese. Everything that it is possible to do is 
being done now about the boycott, and udll be done. I have recently had a 
communication from the Board of Trade of San Francisco, in which they are 
so unwise as to allege that the Japanese were behind the boycott, without 
giving a particle of proof for what I think is a preposterously absurd suggra- 
tion. Of course the only effect of making a suggestion of tWs kind with no 
proof to back it up is to make it very difficult for me to act because I cannot 
put on the official files or take any notice of communications containing such 
a proposaL Minister Rockhill and our consuls will do all that can be done, and 
the National Government will go as far as it possibly can in backing them up. 


1327 • 



In return I have a right to expect that the Pacific coast representatives will aid 
me in undoing the injustice in our treaties and legislation as regards the Chi- 
nese, which has probably been the whole, and certainly the main, cause of the 
present boycott* 

This letter is of course private. 

I am much interested in Mr. Hall’s pamphlet. Very truly yours 

3656 * TO DOUGLAS ROBINSON RoOS&Velt MsS, 

Oyster Bay, August 31, 1905 

Dear Douglas: That was an awfully nice letter of yours, old fellow, and I 
deeply thank you for it. But don’t you be misled by the fact that just at the 
moment men are speaking well of me. They will speak ill soon enough. As 
Mr. Loeb remarked to me today, sometime soon I shall have to spank some 
little brigand of a South American republic, and then all the well-meaning 
idiots will turn and shriek that this is inconsistent with what I did with the 
peace conference, whereas it will be exactly in line with it, in reality. Of 
course I am very much pleased at the outcome. I tried as far as it was humanly 
possible to get the chances my way, and looked the ground over very care- 
fully before I took action. Nevertheless I w^as taking big chances and I knew 
it, and I am very glad things came out as they did. I can honestly say, how- 
ever, that my personal feelings in the matter have seemed to be of very, very 
small account compared to the great need of trying to do something which 
it seemed to me the interests of the whole world demanded to have done. 

With best love to Corinne, Ever yours 

3657 • TO JOHN CALLAN o’lAUGHLIN RoOSeVClt MsS. 

Strictly personal Oyster Bay, August 31, 1905 

My dear O^Lmighlin: I have got to see you soon to teU you many things. The 
Russians did not know that I was writing just as vigorously to the Tokyo 
Government as to their own. It is astonishing how well the Japanese keep 
secrets. I think the Japanese Government has acted most wisely. My own 
view is that the Russians could well have afforded to go further in the way 
of concessions than they did in order to gain peace, but if they would not do 
so it was to Japan’s interest to make peace anyhow. She has come out of this 
with great credit. I have never been able to make myself afraid of the “yellow 
peril,” just as I have never been able to join with the people who were scared 
to death over the Russian peril, I do riot want to be a mere optimist and I can- 
not expect that Russia and Japan will not both of them make very many mis- 
takes and be guilty of very many shortcomings in the future, just as likewise 
will be true of the United States and every other nation; but I earnestly hope 
^d believe that this peace marks the beginning of a steady upward movement 
for both nations. Sincerely yours 


, 1328 



3658 • TO NELSON WILMARTH ALDRICH 


Roosevelt Mss. 
Oyster Bay, August 31, 1905 

My dear Seytator Aldrich: Just after you left yesterday I received the en- 
closed letter from the German Ambassador, which, together with the letter 
of the Secretary of the Treasury which called it out, I send to you. May I 
not ask that at the earliest possible moment you give me an answer with your 
views, and if possible Senator Allison’s views toor Would it not be possible 
to send some representative over to negotiate with the Germans in November, 
as they suggest? I think it will be a mistake if W'e do not try to come to an 
agreement with them. They want to have us meet in Berlin. I can see no 
possible objection.^ Pray let me know' about this at once. Sincerely yours 

^ German protectionists had long opposed the German-American most-favored-nation 
agreement which, they believed, permitted American agricultural products too-easy 
access to German markets. Yielding to their pressure, the German Reichstag in 
February had approved a new tariff law, effective in March 1906, which terminated 
Germany’s commercial agreements. A series of new agreements between Germany 
and her neighbors made it clear that the protective legislation was directed in large 
part against the United States. Secretary Shaw in May recommended that the United 
States retaliate. Sharing this view, Lodge, with the support of Aldrich, Allison, Bur- 
rows, Hansbrough, and Spooner, all ardent protectionists, proposed that Congress 
investigate the feasibility of establishing maximum-minimum schedules, the higher 
duties to affect products of nations discriminating against the United States (New 
York Tribune^ May 8, 1905). 

Attempting to avoid a tariff war, Sternberg informally suggested that the two 
nations negotiate a new commercial treaty. Roosevelt welcomed this idea. As his 
correspondence for several months indicates, he considered sending an expert or a 
commission of experts to Germany to begin negotiations, but concluding that the 
Senate would refuse to ratify any treaty concerning the tariff, he abandoned this 
plan. In November, however, Sternberg again proposed an adjustment, this time 
formally. Roosevelt and Root then suggested modifications to the proposal that 
formed the basis for a mutually satisfactory executive agreement. By this agreement 
Germany extended to the United States the concessions embodied in her commercial 
treaties with the continental nations. In return the United States changed certain 
customs procedures to which Germany had objected and reduced Dingley rates on 
various German luxury products, including wines, brandies, and works of art. A 
year later Roosevelt sent a tariff commission to Germany to look into a comprehen- 
sive commercial treaty. Although congressional hostility prevented Roosevelt from 
attempting to complete these negotiations, the earlier executive agreement was ex- 
tended and, in 1907, formally signed. For a detailed account of these negotiations and 
the issues involved in both countries, see Jeannette Keim, Forty Years of German^ 
American Folkical Relations (Philaddphia, 1919), pp* paff. For “ie text of the agree- 
ment, see Foreign Relations^ 1907, pp. 477ff, 


1329 




Appendix 




APPENDIX I 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND THE LEGISLATI\^ PROCESS: 
TARIFF REVISION AND RAILROAD REGULATION, 1904-1906 ^ 

By John M. Blum 

For even the strongest Presidents, the American Constitution and party 
system present imposing impediments to accomplishment. An executive pro- 
posal to take effect must first win the consensus of party leaders who, reflect- 
ing conflicting regional and economic demands, frequently have little in 
common other than the desire to gain and retain office. It must then run the 
gamut of committee hearings and congressional debates during which a clever 
chairman, or an adroit parliamentarian, or a powerful presiding officer can 
delay and divert, sometimes defeat, the consensus of his party. The success- 
ful President, bent on accomplishment, is therefore sensitive alike to political 
and parliamentary realities. Such a man was Theodore Roosevelt. Prepared 
always, in so far as it w'as possible, to influence his party by mobilizing public 
opinion, Roosevelt as President nevertheless seldom pressed his program 
beyond the limits he carefully calculated as practicable. As he so often 
explained, he labored for realizable ideals. 

At no time was Roosevelt more intent on achievement, more attuned to 
opinion, or more conscious of the nice relationships within his party than in 
November 1904 when he had at last become President in his own right. 
“Stunned by the overwhelming victory” he had won, anticipating large 
achievements, he turned at once to fashion a program for Congress. Within 
the next month, he decided to concentrate his power on a comprehensive 
new law to regulate the railroads. To translate this decision into legislation, 
Roosevelt first created a controlled environment within his party and then 
adapted his views to parliamentary conditions. During the second stage of 
this process the Republican leaders of the Senate, after long and angry debate, 
in 1906 reshaped the Hepburn Bill. As finally passed, that bill extended the 

*This essay« prepared originaUy for the Lexmgton Group meetup at the Mississippi 
Valley Historic^ Association Convention in April 1951, ramifies the thesis proposed 
in No. 3548, note i. The bibliography on which the essay is based is listed in that 
note. Quotations in the essay are from letters published in this volume, from the 
National Edition of The Works of Theodore Roosevelt^ and from the scrapbooks 
of newspaper clippings in the Roosevelt Collection in the Harvard College Library, 
An appendix to Volume VI of this work will treat in detail the relations of the 
Pread^t and the Senate during the final debates over the Hepburn Bill in 1905--1906- 

^333 



definition of transportation, empowered the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion on complaint of a shipper to declare a rate unreasonable and to sub- 
stitute a maximum reasonable rate, authorized the I.C.C. to inspect all rail- 
road records and to prescribe the method by which they were to be kept, 
and attempted to divorce transportation from other lines of business. The 
legislative history of the Hepburn Act is a relatively familiar story. Less 
familiar, but equally important, was the first stage of the process during 
which Roosevelt managed to commit the Republicans to railroad regulation 
and twice to get through the House a bill that embodied his policy. 

This first negotiation necessitated the sacrifice of Roosevelt’s announced 
intention to direct a revision of the tarilf. It depended, how-'cver, on the con- 
tinuing threat of tariff revision. The manner by which Roosevelt used tariff 
revision to advance railroad regulation and the reasons for which he subordi- 
nated the one issue to the other have meaning both as a revelatory instance 
of executive leadership and as an important indication of the central purpose 
of Roosevelt’s political action. 

Only two days after the election of 1904 Roosevelt informed Nicholas 
Murray Butler that he had “already begun the effort to secure a bill to revise 
and reduce the tariff.” The President well understood the dimensions of this 
task. In his first term he had almost lost to the Republican standpatters his 
prolonged fight for reciprocity with Cuba. Yet even as his second term began 
he raised the whole tariff issue, because, he suggested in a heated moment, 
“we beat the Democrats on the issue that protection was robbery, and that 
when necessary we would amend or revise Ae tariff ourselves.” This explana- 
tion, as Roosevelt knew, did violence to the facts. If the Republicans had any 
effective national issue in the campaign of 1904 other than Theodore Roose- 
velt and the Square Deal, it was certainly not tariff revision. The President 
had accepted a platform that complacently praised Dingleyism; he had 
strongly endorsed the principle of protection, chastised his Secretary of War 
for favoring tariff reduction in a campaign speech, and denounced the Demo- 
crats for their insistence that protection was robbery. 

In his more candid and quiet moments, Roosevelt explained his position 
with less hyperbole and more effect. “I am convinced,” he wrote Senator 
Orville H. Platt, “that there is, among the good Republicans and among the 
masses of independent Democrats who supported us. . . . , a very strong 
feeling in favor of what I prefer to call an amendment rather than a revision 
of the tariff laws.” “My own judgment,” Roosevelt confessed, “is that it is 
dangerous to undertake to do anything, but that it is fatal not to under- 
take it.” 

This assessment of political sentiment had some validity. The Republican 
differences on the tariff were major and real. A few, such as William Howard 
Taft, Butier, Governors Albert Cummins of Iowa, Samuel Van Sant of 
Minnesota, and Robert La FoUette of Wisconsin, Congressman Gillett, and 
, Eugene N. Foss of Massachusetts favored a careful, general reduction of 


1334 



schedules. Others, for the most part representing Minnesota and Massachu- 
setts shoe, woolens, and flour manufacturers, advocated reciprocity' agree- 
ments, particularly with Canada, under u hich their constituents would bene- 
fit by cheaper raw materials and larger expoit markets. These revisionists 
contended that the party' had promised the voters adjustment, though not 
abandonment, of the protective system. Failing this, they warned, the Demo- 
crats, as they had in Massachusetts in 1904, would profitably' exploit the 
tariff issue. They urged Roosevelt, therefore, to summon an extra session of 
Congress to deal with the tariff, preferably in the spring of 1905. Most 
Republican leaders, however, opposing any' changes in the tariff and jealously 
guarding the principle of protection, asserted that the election returns evi- 
denced popular satisfaction with the Dingley' rates. These standpatters in- 
cluded such influential congressmen as Speaker Cannon, Dalzcll, Grosvenor, 
and Hepburn in the House and Elkins, Flalc, O. H. Platt, and Proctor in the 
Senate. Allied with them were James H. Tawney, the Republican whip, 
Sereno E. Payne, chairman of the House Way's and Means Committee, and 
Nelson Aldrich and Spooner, veteran masters of the Senate, who, quietly 
resisting either immediate change or a commitment to an extra session, were 
nevertheless willing to have a joint congressional committee investigate the 
tariff. Such an investigation, they' knew, would probably lead to nothing. 

Sympathetic to the revisionists, Roosevelt also recognized their strength, 
but he lacked their conviction and, conscious of the greater strength of their 
opposition, he feared the divisive hostilities and probable futility that char- 
acteristically attended tariff debates. For him the tariff was a matter of expe- 
diency. Never willing to risk a division of his party' that would endanger 
his favored measures on an issue about which he did not feel strongly, Roose- 
velt, in spite of his occasional hyperbole, approached revision with consum- 
mate caution. Yet because of the articulate minority support for revision, 
Roosevelt seized upon tariff discussions as a useful weapon. The prospect of 
revision, even of a tariff debate, alarmed the standpatters sufficiently to pro- 
vide an effective disciplinary tool. For Presidential co-operation on the tariff, 
they were ultimately willing to reach an understanding with Roosevelt, per- 
haps even to strike a bargain, on railroad regulation. 

To that end Roosevelt maneuvered skillfully. His problem was to talk 
of tariff revision firmly enough to frighten the Old Guard but gently enough 
not to alienate them. If in the process of . negotiation and legislation he coiffd 
arrange tariff modifications, the achievement would be welcome, but he 
considered it always incidental. From the very beginning the form of his 
tariff negotiations suggested that they were less an objective than a device. 
Roosevelt did not demand; he consulted. “When I see you,” he informed 
Tawney on November 10, the same day he wrote Buder, “I -want to take 
up the question of the tariff. ... It seems to me that our party ought to re- 
vise the tariff now, but of course I do not want to say anything about it 
unless the leaders of the House approve, because I realize thoroughly that the 


1335 



matter is primarily one for you all in the House.” A week later he added that 
an “extra session even if it was not held until the first of September [1905], 
would be most desirable,” for, he feared, “if we wait until the regular session, 
. . . the Democrats will talk the matter over for a year and then w'e shall be 
swamped at the Congressional elections.” Yet he acknowledged to O. H. 
Platt that “there should be only a few and moderate changes”; and even as 
he labeled protection “robbery,” he assured the president of the American 
Iron and Steel Institute that he intended “of course, to abide by the general 
judgment of the party.” Meanwhile Loeb, Roosevelt’s personal secretary^ had 
annoimced on November 19 that the President’s forthcoming state of the 
Union message would not mention the tariff. 

Clearly Roosevelt never considered the tariff w'orth a fight. Three w'eeks 
after telling Butler he had begun his “effort to secure” a revision, he con- 
fessed privately that the issue w'as practically dead. “The trouble,” he ex- 
plained, “is that there are large parts of the country which want no tariff 
revision, and of course their representatives are hostile to any agitation of 
the subject. They say, with entire truth, that neither in the platform nor in 
any communication of mine is there any promise whatever that there shall be 
tariff revision. They also say, with equal truth, that the tariff changes should 
not be great, and that those clamoring for tariff changes are certainly to be 
disappointed at whatever is done, and that therefore there will be but little 
attendant gain to offset the unsettlement of business conditions. ... I am 
going to make every effort to get something of what I desire. . . . , but I 
shall not split with my party on the matter.” Having shed all pretense that 
the party had a mandate for revision, Roosevelt several days later, agdn 
privately, admitted that he had no intention of tackling the tariff in the 
immediate future. “At present,” he wrote Butler, “. . . . there is a strong 
majority against [amendment or reduction]. . . . The minority .... is en- 
tirely split up as to the articles on w'hich the amendment should come. . . . 
There is practically no time for the members who wish action to come to- 
gether and agree during this very busy short session. . . . This means that 
unless circumstances change in the next sixty days it will be ... . worse 
than idle to call the extra session early.” 

It was not that Roosevelt had retreated. He had never really attacked. 
But before making his candid admissions to Butler, he had, wath less candor, 
begun to bargain. Just before leaving Illinois for Washington, that arch-priest 
of protection. Speaker Cannon, had received from Roosevelt a disturbing 
draft, dated November 30, of a special message on the tariff that the President 
proposed sending to Coi^ress. “While it is above all things desirable that the 
present tariff law should be kept in its essence unchanged,” the draft read, 
“there may well be certain points as to which it can be amended. There may 
be some schedules that .... should be changed. ... If it were possible to 
provide for reciprocity by a maximum and minimum scale to be appEed in 
the discretion of the Executive, this should be done. ... In any event some 



of the schedules should now be examined. ... If the Senate Committee on 
Finance and the members of the present House Committee on Ways and 
Means could be made a joint commission immediately to take up the question 
of the tariff and to report at a special session of Congress to be held as early 
as possible, the need of the situation would be fully met.” If these modest 
proposals could not alarm the Speaker, they were certain at least to worry 
him. Carefully Roosevelt mitigated even worry, observing that he sent the 
draft “merely for the sake of having something which can be worked out, 
after you have consulted the men fresh from the people.” 

Roosevelt timed the dispatch of the draft nicely. The Speaker was not to 
be allowed to forget that the tariff issue remained, even though the annual 
message, opening the last session of the Fiftj'-eighth Congress, said nothing 
of revision. He could not be allowed to forget, for that message voiced 
aggressively Roosevelt’s demand for railroad regulation. “The government,” 
Roosevelt instructed Congress, “must in increasing degree supervise and 
regulate the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce; and 
such increased supervision is the only alternative to an increase of the present 
evils on the one hand or a still more radical policy on the other. In my judg- 
ment, the most important legislative act now needed as regards the regulation 
of corporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce Commission 
the power to revise rates and regulations, the revised rate to at once go into 
effect, and stay in effect unless and until the court of review reverses it” 

With these words Roosevelt set off the battle over railroad regulation. 
On this issue the party was as divided as on the tariff. And the division, to 
Roosevelt’s advantage, followed similar personal and sectional lines. The 
advocates of revision and reciprocity w’ere also the proponents of regulation. 
La Follette, Cummins, and Van Sant among others, spoke for western 
agrarians and grain dealers; E. N. Foss, for Massachusetts manufacturers, who 
for like reasons wanted federal review of freight rates which had been, from 
their point of view, increasingly discriminatory. On die other hand, Cannon, 
Hale, O. H. Platt, and Aldrich, among others, speaking either for or with the 
big business interests, had long resisted any departures from nineteenth- 
century laissez-faire. Two other adamant protectionists, Hepburn and Elkins, 
whose names grace the transportation legislation of the early century, had 
nevertheless been and continued to be, at the most, cautious — even reluctant 
— gradualists in their views of the relation of the government and the rail- 
roads. 

For the railroad program, to which there was strong Republican opposi- 
tion, Roosevelt had genuine concern. He consulted Congress less and de- 
manded more. The revelations of the beef trust investigation, the information 
in the possession of the I.C.C. and the Bureau of Corporations, the consensus 
of such trusted, conservative advisers as Paul Morton, Elihu Root, Philander 
C. Knox, Taft, and William H. Moody, had brought him to the conclusion 
that it was “unwise and unsafe from every standpoint .... to fail to give 

1337 ' 



the Interstate Commerce Commission additional power of an effective kind 
in regulating . . . rates.” To study this problem, he asserted, was “the great- 
est single service any member of . . . Congress .... could perform.” “I 
am firmly convinced,” he told an opponent, “that the Interstate Commerce 
Commission should have greatly increased powers.” This, he believed, w’as 
an essential ingredient for his basic determination “that the Government 
should effectively shape the policy [of the] .... Square Deal.” 

Thus fervently committed, but confronting a powerful opposition, Roose- 
velt capitalized on the divisions in Congress produced by regional and eco- 
nomic self-interest. The low-tariff, antirailroad group was to have one 
reform; the high-tariff, prorailroad group to hold one redoubt. Saving what 
he considered vital by sacrificing what he considered marginal, Roosevelt for 
the sake of railroad regulation jettisoned the draft of the special message on 
the tariff that had worried Cannon. Albert Cummins recalled in 1925 that 
Aldrich and Cannon forced Roosevelt to delete a tariff section in his annual 
message by threatening otherwise to defeat his railroad program. Platt and 
others held that the President had removed such a section from the version of 
the message sent to the press. Their accounts were incorrect. There is no 
evidence that the annual message ever contained a statement on the tariff. 
As early as November 19, Loeb said it did not. The manner in which Roose- 
velt broached tariff revision in his correspondence and in the draft of his 
special message indicates that he did not have to be forced to abandon it, 
that he was at all times prepared to forsake it. In short, Cannon and Aldrich 
capitulated in a situation which Roosevelt had contrived. 

Roosevelt did sacrifice his special message, a decision toward w^hich 
Cannon, by his own account, exercised his influence. At that time, early in 
December, the Speaker, and perhaps also Aldrich, may have struck a bargain 
on railroad regulation. The circumstantial evidence that there was some bar- 
gain or understanding is overwhelming. The alignments of economic self- 
interest provided fertile ground which Roosevelt had cultivated for such an 
understanding. The diminuendo in Roosevelt’s private letters to Butler on 
tariff reviaon suggests that the President had settled his course in early 
December. Roosevelt’s tariff conferences continued through the first week 
of January when, again according to Cannon’s account, he told the congres- 
sional leaders that revision would await the election of his successor. Cannon 
exaggerated, but shortly after that conference Roosevelt defined his position 
to Lyman Abbott. “I am having anything but a harmonious time about the 
teriff and interstate commerce. . . . ,” he wrote. "On the interstate com- 
merce business, which I regard as a matter of principle, I shall fight. On the 
tariff, which I regard as a matter of expediency, I shall endeavor to get the 
best results I can, but I shall not break with my party.” And for the time 
being, with regard to the tariff. Cannon and the party were one. Two days 
after he wrote Abbott, Roosevelt wrote Cannon: “Stop in here as soon as you 
can. I care very little for what the newspapers get in the way of passing 

1338 



sensationalism; but I do not want the people of the country to get the idea 
that there will be any split or clash between you and me on the tariff or 
anything else.” 

Roosevelt permitted no clash. He made no recommendation for specific 
or general revisions. Although he encouraged efforts for reciprocity arrange- 
ments with Canada and Newfoundland, he gave those efforts only desultory 
support in his dealings with Congress. A tariff reduction on Philippine prod- 
ucts he urged as a function of colonial policy, but even there, never aggres- 
sive, he met defeat. At the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue, Cannon gave 
railroad legislation a clear track. The Speaker, it has been argued, by previous 
agreement witli Aldrich saw to it that no bill passed until so kte in the 
session that the Senate could not act. Actually Cannon had no need for such 
a scheme. The hearings of the House Committee on Interstate Commerce as 
much as the debates on the floor delayed approval of the Esch-Cummins 
Bill. In committee Hepburn, then close to Cannon, with uncharacteristic 
selflessness forsook the prestige of authorship to facilitate the Administration’s 
program. When the Esch-Cummins Bill did finally come to a vote, it passed 
with a decisive majority of 309. Had it passed earlier, judging by the course 
of the Hepburn Bill at the following session, it would have failed to get 
through the Senate before adjournment. And during tlie following sessions 
Cannon again presented no obstacles to railway regulation. Aldrich, on the 
other hand, fought Roosevelt hard. If the senator was partner to an under- 
standing, bitterness intensified conviction in Roosevelt’s angry attacks on the 
Old Guard. 

In the months following the e.vpiration of the Fifty-eighth Congress, 
Rooset'elt continued to rely on the threat of tarifiE revision. During that Con- 
gress the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce began to hold hearings 
that continued through most of May 1905. Railroad executives, mobilized by 
Samuel Spencer, the chief of J. P. Morgan s railw'ay division, and encouraged 
by Chairman Elkins and other ^’mpathetic senators, used these hearings as 
a sounding board for opposition to Roosevelt. Outside of the committee 
room the railroads underwrote an expensive publicity campaign in which 
various business organizations, including the National Association of Manu- 
facturers, came to their aid. With increasing fervor they rehearsed the dan- 
gerous folly of the President’s proposab. As this propaganda received wide 
dissemination in the pres, the enemies of regulation seemed to be gaming an 
upper hand. 

Yet Roosevelt in this period displayed a measured optimism. Perhaps he 
suspected that the railroads would, as they did, overreach themselves. Doubt- 
less he foresaw that investigations of the Standard Oil Company and the beef 
trust then under way would furnish much evidence to sustain him. Surely he 
had confidence that his speeches and those of Taft and his other advisers 
would counteract the railroad propaganda. The President was continually on 
the hustings In the winter at the Philadelphia Union League Club, in the 


1339 



summer before the Texas Legislature, the Iroquois Qub of Qiicago and the 
assembly at Chautauqua, Roosevelt took his case to the people. To discipline 
irresponsible wealth, he asserted again and again that “at the present moment 
the greatest need is for an increase in the power of the National Government 
to keep the great highways of commerce open alike to all on reasonable and 
equitable terms.” To accomplish this, he insisted, “the representatives of the 
Nation .... should lodge in some executive body the power to establish a 
maximum rate, the power to have that rate go into effect practically imme- 
diately, and the power to see that the provisions of the law apply in full to 
the companies owning private cars just as much as to the railroads them- 
selves.” 

But Roosevelt did not confine his energies to the podium. In May he 
reminded the Old Guard that the tariff could still be an issue. To emphasize 
the tariff-railroad understanding that the battle of propaganda might other- 
wise have obscured, Roosevelt thrust at the standpatters’ most sensitive spot. 
O. H. Platt had admitted the previous fall that the “strongest argument” for 
revision was that American manufacturers sold goods in foreign markets for 
less than they received at home. This condition, Platt then pointed out, while 
perhaps inequitable, was irremediable, for “no revision of the tariff which still 
left a protective margin could prevent” it. To challenge the differential in the 
export and domestic prices of protected commodities was to challenge the 
whole principle of protection. This was precisely what Roosevelt did. 

On May i6, 1905, while the railroad propaganda was at its peak, an 
announcement that the Isthmian Canal Commission had decided to purchase 
supplies for the construction of the canal in foreign markets immediately 
staggered the standpatters. They were further shocked when Roosevelt flatly 
assumed all responsibility for the adoption of this “cheapest-market” policy. 
The New York Times called die announcement the “doom of Dingleyism.” 
James M. Swank, the steel industry’s prophet of protection, and Congress- 
man Grosvcnor, one of his reliable echoes, shared the view of the New York 
Tress that the cheapest-market policy, repudiating the high-tariff mandate of 
1904, W'as “a faithless service of outrs^e.” David L. Parry, president of the 
National Association of Manufacturers, and Wilbur F. Wakeman, secretary 
of the American Protective Tariff Association, tersely labeled Roosevelt’s 
action “un-American.” 

liCss emotional observers noted that Roosevelt probably intended not to 
abandon protection but to call the attention of Congress to the whole subject 
of tariff adjustment. Th^ were correct, for after succeeding admirably in 
just that, the President was satisfied. Three days after the announcement was 
made. Cannon and Dalzell conferred with Taft, who then rescinded the 
cheapest-market order, referring to the next Congress the question of canal 
purchases. Responsible, according to his own statement, for the order, Roose- 
vdt must also have been responsible for the reversal. 

The dramatic episode of the canal purchases served as Roosevelt^s most 


1340 



forceful but not as his final reminder to the standpatters that the tariff 
remained a potential issue. In August, White House “leaks” inspired news- 
paper reports that the President contemplated calling an extra session of 
Congress to consider tariff revision. If he did not plant these rumors, Roose- 
velt at least used them. To his Secretary of the Treasur)', an uncompromising 
protectionist, he wrote in the tone he had long used: “I entirely agree with 
all you say as to the dangers which accompany tariff revision or any at- 
tempt at it, but as yet I am not sure whether there are not at least equal 
dangers in avoiding [it]. ... I want to go over the entire matter very care- 
fully with all of the Coi^ressional leaders before we decide which set of risks 
to take.” Roosevelt quickly decided. It was scarcely necessary for him to 
consult his congressional leaders — they had understood each other for 
months. In mid-August, Taft, then in the Philippines, released a message 
from the President that there would be no extra session of Congress. The 
regular session, Roosevelt had already implied at Chautauqua and stated in 
private, would be, in so far as he could control it, devoted to rate regulation. 

In December 1905, the Fifty-ninth Congress convened. During the fall, 
the campaigns in Alassachusetts and Iowa had kept the tariff issue alive while 
Roosevelt, in the South, had focused on the railways. The President’s annual 
message, silent, as it had been in 1904, on the tariff, made railroad regulation 
the central objective of the Administration. In the long struggle that ensued, 
the tariff once more provided a lever. In the House, a combination of Demo- 
crats and Administration Republicans passed a bill reducing the rates on 
Philippine products. Intended as an instrument of colonial policy, the measure 
was nevertheless considered by standpat Republicans to breach the principle 
of protection. Administration leaders in the Senate by their lassitude per- 
mitted it to die in committee while, like Roosevelt, they concentrated their 
energy and their power on the Hepburn Bill For this division of labor no 
explicit bargain need have been made, for all matters pertaining to the tariff 
continued in 1906 to be, as they had been since 1904, useful whips rather than 
real targets. 

Roosevelt at the beginning of his elective term had deliberately raised 
two major political issues. Within eighteen months he had won a decisive 
triumph, for the Hepburn Law advanced significantly the degree of control 
by a federal administrative agency over transportation. By 1906 Roosevelt 
had abandoned all effort for tariff revision, yet essentially he abandoned only 
a bargaining instrument. At no time in his long public career did tariff 
revision much concern him. For eighteen months, however, he employed 
adroitly the specter of tariff agitation. On the other hand, throughout his 
career he was increasingly concerned with the government’s relation to 
industry. In his work on that problem the Hepburn Act was an important 
achievement, worth the manip^tion it entailed. 

By defining tariff revision as a matter of expediency and railroad regula- 
tion as a matter of principle, Roosevelt established his own position. His life, 


134 * 


he felt, was a quest for the moral What he meant by morality \^^as not always 
clear, but the concept had obvious components. In some cases, that which was 
moral was that which could be accomplished. Given two paper trusts to bust, 
Roosevelt had attacked the less offensive but legally vulnerable pool and 
ignored the more oppressive but legally secure holding company. By this 
criterion, railroad regulation was in 1904 more moral than tariff revision, for 
public and political opinion on the railways divided on non-partisan lines and 
the Republican psixty was less committed to the Elkins Act as a line of 
defense than to the Dingley Act, That which was moral was also often that 
\^’hich was popular. In making a crucial test of the Sherman Act, Roosevelt 
had prosecuted neither the largest nor the most monopolistic holding com- 
pany. He had chosen, rather, a railroad merger that had been born of a 
discreditable stockmarkct battle, that consisted of units long unpopular with 
shippers in the areas in which they ran, that had already been challenged by 
state authorities. Unlike Justice Holmes, Roosevelt wanted to bring the voice 
of the people to bear on decisions. Showered as they were in 1904 by private 
and official disclosures of the iniquities of rebates, the evils of Armour, the 
machinations of Standard Oil, most of the people, particularly middle-class 
people, were less interested in the tariff than in direct controls of big busi- 
ness, especially the railways. 

But Roosevelt’s morality was not simply opportunistic. He felt that the 
central issue of his time pivoted on the control of business because this con- 
trol determined conduct, and morality was for him a matter of conduct. He 
feared not the size but the policies of big business. He cared not about profits 
but about the manner of earning profits. This was the essence of the Square 
Deal Roosevelt fought for the Hepburn Act because it was designed to con- 
trol process. By his standard, tariff schedules — static matters — were as 
unimportant as an administrative agency overseeing day-by-day business 
arrangements was essential. 

These dimensions of morality — practicability, popularity, and particu- 
larly preoccupation with process — characterized Roosevelt’s emergent pro- 
gressivism. They permitted him to yield, when necessary, on details in order 
to advance his favored measures. They also persuaded him for reasons of 
policy as well as of tactics to arrange the understanding on tariff revision and 
railroad regulation that prepared the way for perhaps the most significant 
legislation of his Presidency. 





APPENDIX II 


CHRONOLOGY 

January i, 1901 — August 31, 1905 


X901 

JANUARY 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 0 >*ster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Departure for T\^est 

8 Afternoon arrival in Chicago. De- 
parture for Colorado Springs 

9 jEn route Colorado Springs 

10 Colorado Springs 

11 Evening arrival in Meeker, Colo. 

12 Meeker, Colo. At John Goff’s ranch 

13 Departure for Keystone ranch, Colo. 

14 Keystone ranch 

15-31 Keystone ranch and hunting trips 

FEBRUARY 

1-14 Keystone ranch and hunting trips 

15 Return to Meeker 

16 Departure for Rifle, Colo^ on wagon 

17 Colorado Springs 

18 Colorado Springs. Public reception 

19 Departure for East 

20 En route East 

21 Chicago 

22 Arrival NYC after stop at Albany 

23 NYC. Visit with E. A. Philbin. Night 
at Oyster Bay 

24 Oyster Bay 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 03^ter Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

MARCH 

“Need of Trained Observation” published 
in Outing 

“Reform Throi^h Social Work” published 
in MeClure*s 


1 Oyster Bay 

2 Departure "for Washington 

3 Washington. Call at White House. 
Lunch with the Cowles’, Lodges, Sen. 
Kean. Dinner given by Depew 

4 Washington 

5 Washington. Presided over Senate 

6 Washington. Presided over Senate 

7 Washington. Presided over Senate 

8 Washington. Presided over Senate 

9 Washington. Adjournment of special 
Senate session 

10 Washington 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington 

13 Washington 

14 Washington. Return to 03J^ter Bay 
with stop in NYC 

15 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 037ster Bay 

19 Oyster Bay 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay 

22 Oyster Bay. 2nd Battery NGSNY 
dinner in ? 5 yC 

23 NYC. Breakfast with J. P. Clarke, 
N. M. Buffer. Lotos Club dinner for 
Odell. Speech at Legal Aid Society 
banquet 

24 NYC 

25 Oyster Bay and NYC. Military tour- 
nament at Madison Square Garden 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay 

31 Oyster Bay 

APRIL 

I Oyster Bay. Dinner with Frederick 
Holls in Yonkers, N. Y. 


^43 



2 Oyster Bay and NYC. Conference 
with Riis at the Robinsons’ 

3 OysttT Bay 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay 

9 Oyster Bay and NYC. Lunch with 
Bishop 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay 

12 Oyster Bay 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay 

15 Oyster Bay 

1 6 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

1 8 Oyster Bay and NYC. Lunch with 
Glider, Butler, Matthews, Rainsford 
at the Robinsons’. Speech at News- 
boys’ Lodging House 

19 Oyster Bay 

20 C^ter Bay 

21 Oyster Bay 

22 Oyster Bay 

23 Oyster Bay 

24 Oyster Bay. Conferment of Third De- 
gree by Masonic Lodge 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay and NYC. Departure for 
Boston. Guest of George Lyman 

30 Boston. Speech and reception at Har- 
vard Umversity. Lunch with Dean 
Briggs. Evening speech at Home Mar- 
ket Club dinner in Mechanics Hall 

MAY 

1 Boston. Breakfast with Endicott Pea- 
body and Francis Cabot Lowell at 
Somerset Club. Departure for Groton 

2 Groton. Return to NYC. Night at the 
Robinsons’ 

3 >nrc 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay 

9 Oyster Bay 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay and NYC. Conference 
with Marcus Braun 

12 Oyster Bay 


13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay 

15 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay. Laying of church corner- 
stone in East Norwich, L. L 

19 Departure for Buffalo 

20 Buffalo. Speech on “The Two Amer- 
icas” at opening of Pan American 
Exposition 

21 Buffalo. With Hanna at Merchants* 
Exchange Reception 

22 Buffalo 

23 Buffalo. Visit to Indian camp. De- 
parture for Geneseo, N. Y. 

24 Geneseo. Guest of W. A. Wads\vorth 

25 Geneseo 

26 Geneseo 

27 Geneseo 

28 Return to Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay. Dedication of sanatorium 
in Bedford, N. Y. 

31 Oyster Bay 

JUNE 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay. Speech at Huntington, 

7 Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay 

9 Oyster Bay 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay. Speech at Sagamore Hill 
to Long Island Bible Society 

12 Oyster Bay 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 NYC 

15 NYC 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay 

19 03rster Bay 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay 

22 Oyster Bay 

23 Oyster Bay 

24 Oyster Bay 

25 Oyster Bay, Departure for Boston 

26 Cambridge, Harvard Commencement, 
Lunch with Lodge, Lowell. Speech at 
Harvard dass dmner 


1344 



27 Oyster Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay. Discussion of “Applied 
Decency in Public Life” with Har- 
vard, Yale students 

30 Oyster Bay 

JULY 

1 Orange, N. J, 

2 Orange, N. J. 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay 

9 Oyster Bay and NYC. Lunch with 
T. C. Platt at Lawyers* Club 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay 

12 Oyster Bay 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay 

1 5 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay and NYC 

18 Oyster Bay 

19 Oyster Bay and NYC 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay 

22 Departure on yacht from Babylon, 
N. Y., with R. H. Post 

23 On board yacht. Stop at Fire Island 

24 On board yacht 

25 On board yacht 

26 Return to Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay and NYC 

30 Evening dg>arture for Chicago 

31 Chicago. Visit with Gov. Yates, Fair- 
banks. Lunch with Paul Morton at 
Union League Qub. Departure for 
Colorado Springs 

AUGUST 

1 En route Colorado Springs witib stop 
at Kansas City 

2 Colorado Springs. Speech on “Man- 
hood and Statehood^* at 25th Anni- 
versary of Statehood celebration 

3 Colorado Springs, Reception 

4 Colorado Springs 

5 Colorado Springs. Hunting trip with 
P. B. Stewart 

6 Hunting trip 


7 Hunting trip 

8 Hunting trip 

9 Victor and Cripple Creek, Colo. Visit 
to mines 

10 Colorado Springs. Laying of Y,M.C.A. 
cornerstone 

11 Colorado Springs 

12 Colorado Springs. Departure for fish- 
ing trip to White River with P, B. 
Stewart and others 

13 Fishing trip 

14 Departure for East. Speech at Hutch- 
inson, Kan. 

15 En route East 

1 6 NYC. Alice in Roosevelt Hospital 

17 NYC and Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay and NYC 

19 Oyster Bay and NYC 

20 Oyster Bay, Conference with Holls on 
Russia 

21 Oyster Bay and NYC 

22 Oyster Bay and NYC. Quentin in 
Roosevelt Hospital 

23 Oyster Bay and NYC 

24 Oyster Bay and NYC 

25 Oj’ster Bay and NYC 

z6 Oyster Bay and NYC 

27 Oyster Bay and NYC 

28 Oyster Bay and NYC 

29 Departure for Springfield, III. Stop at 
Chicago 

30 Springfield. Reception and dinner at 
Camp Lincoln. Return to Chicago 

31 Chicago. Inspection of naval militia. 
Visit with Bethea, Graeme Stewart 


SEPTEMBER 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 


6 


7 

8 

9 

10 

11 


Chicago 

Minneapolis. Speech on “National Du- 
ties” at opening of state fair 
.Minneapolis. Departure for Vermont 
Arrival in Rutland, Vt. 

Rutland. Visit to mill, marble quar- 
ries with Sen. Proctor. Speech on 
“Brotherhood and the Heroic Virtues” 
Isle la Motte, Vt. Speech at annual 
outing of Fish and Game League. 
McKinley shot. Departure for Buffalo 
Buffalo 

Buffalo. With Hanna at home of Ans- 

iey Wilcox 

Buffalo 


Buffalo. Return to Oyster Bay 
Oyster Bay and Saratoga, N. Y. Visit 
with E. T. Brackett, A. B. Parker. De- 
parture for Tahawus Club in Adiron- 
dacks 


1345 



12 Adirondacks. Hunting trip 

13 Adirondacks. Death of McKinley, De- 
parture for Buifalo via North Creek, 
Albany, and Saratoga, N. Y. 

14 Buffalo. Oath of office at home of 
Ansley Wilcox 

15 Buffalo. McKinley burial service. Con- 
ferences with Root, Knox, Odell, 
Littauer 

16 Departure for Washington 

17 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with HoUs, Kohlsaat, Cleve- 
land, T. C. Platt, Odell, Crane. De- 
parture for Canton, Ohio 

18 Canton. McKinley’s funeral 

19 Return to Washington 

20 Washington. Conferences with Long, 
Hay, Root, Wood. Cabinet meeting. 
Lunch with Hay and discussion of 
reciprocity treaties. Meeting with 
Sens, CuUom, Proctor 

21 Washington. Conferences with Wood, 
C. D. Wright, Hermann; Reps. Liv- 
ingston, Dayton; Sens, Elkins, Scott. 
“Governor William H. Taft” pub- 
lished in Outlook 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Installation at White 
House. Official callers including Gage, 
C. E. Smith, Sens. Penrose, Pritchard, 
Cockrell 

24 Washington 

25 Washmgton 

26 Washmgton 

27 Washington 

28 Washington 

29 Washin^on 

30 Washington. Conferences with Adm. 
Schley, Sens. Proctor, Mitchell, For- 
aker 

OCTOBER 

“With the Cougar Hounds” published in 

Scribner^s 

1 Washington 

2 Washmgton 

3 Washii^on 

4 Washmgton 

5 Washington, Dinner with Rep. Dist. 
Leader McDougall Hawkes 

6 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt on NYC appointments 

7 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt 

' 8 Washington, Conference with H. C. 
Payne on southern appointments. Press 
statement on the Philippines 


9 Washington. Msits with Sens. Mason, 
Cullom. Lunch w’ith Sec’y Mead of 
NYC .Merchants Assn. 

10 Washington. Conference with Sens. 
Cullom, Mason on Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty 

11 Washington. Visit with R. L. Howze 

12 Washington. Conference with Knox 
on Pacific Commercial Cable Co. con- 
tracts 

13 Washington 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Dinner with Wayne 
MaeVeagh, Judge E. D. White 

16 Washington. Dinner wdth Booker T. 
Washington 

17 Washington 

18 Washington 

19 Washington. Conferences with T. C. 
Platt, Gage. Appointment of W. D. 
Foulke as Civil Service Commissioner 

20 Washmgton. Conference with T. C. 
Piatt, Odell 

21 Washington. Departure for Farming- 
ton, Conn. 

22 Farmington. Lunch with Sens. Haw- 
ley, O. H. Platt at Cowles’. Dinner 
with Gov. McLean 

23 New Haven, Conn. Doctor of Laws 
degree at Yale Bi-Centenary celebra- 
tion. Reception and banquet 

24 Return to Washington. 

25 Washington. Conferences with Sens. 
Pritchard, Wolcott, Rep. Moody. Cab- 
inet meeting. J. C. Greenway at WTiite 
House 

26 Washington 

27 Washington. Working on message to 
Congress 

28 Washington. Callers include members 
of U. S. Court of Claims. Lunch with 
Aldrich 

29 Washington 

30 Washington 

31 Washmgton. Interviews with Arch- 
bishops Ireland and Riordan. Lunch 
with W. B. Cutting 

NOVEMBER 

X Washington. Dinner with Hay, J. J, 

Hm 

2 Washington. Conference with Sen. 
Wolcott 

3 Washmgton 

4 Departure for Oyster Bay to vote 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Washington. Conference with Choate. 


1346 



Lunch with Hay, Choate, M. T. Her- 
rick, Maj. Webb Hayes 

7 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt on New York appointments 

8 'W^ashington. Dinner with Hanna, J. 
G. Alilbum 

9 Washington. Conference with J. G. 
Capers on federal patronage. Confer- 
ence with Sen. Burrows on financial 
legislation. Callers include Lord 
Pauncefote, Quay. 

10 Washington 

11 Washington. Conferences with R. C. 
Morris, delegation from National Busi- 
ness League 

12 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with E. A. Bond, Sen. McMillan, Lit- 
tauer. Dinner wdth Paul Dana, G. C. 
Lodge, Charles Gleed 

13 Washington. Conference with Quigg. 
Conference with Isidor Straus on 
Canadian reciprocity. Dinner with 
Lodge, Spooner 

14 Washington. Lunch with J, T. Mc- 
Donough, J. C- Davis, J. N. Partridge. 
Dinner with Lodge, August Belmont, 
Lyman Abbott 

15 Washington. Lunch with Hopkins, 
Lorimer. Dinner with Lodge. Low at 
White House 

16 Washington. Conferences with Stran- 
ahan, Isthmian Canal Commission. 
Cabinet dinner. Appointment of Her- 
bert Peirce as 3rd Assistant Secretary 
of State 

17 Washington. Lunch with J. W. Brock. 
Callers include E. A. Hitchcock, Win- 
ston Churchills. Dinner with Lodge, 
Peirce, J. H. Sears, Cowles’ 

x8 Washington. Conference with Root, 
Speaker Henderson on annual message. 
Callers include Irish Parliamentary 
leaders, Bishop Satterlee, von Holle- 
ben 

19 Washington. Lunch with Robert 
Bridges. Reception for Italian ambas- 
sador. Dinner with Roots, Lodges, 
F. P, Dunne 

20 Washington. Lunch with Woodruffs, 
Cowles’, Abner McKinley 

21 Washington. Conference with AUison, 
Gov, Hunt 

22 Washington. Cabinet meetii^. Lunch 
with Archbishop Corrigan. Cruise on 
Sylpfj to Norfolk, Va. Dinner at 
Quantico 

23 On board Sylph 

24 Washington 


25 Washington. Sees Cuban delegation 
ursine tariff reductions. Lunch with 
Aldrich 

26 Washington. Evening musicale wnth 
Redfield Proctor, Lodge, Leupp and 
others 

27 Washington 

28 Washington. Dinner with Lodge, 
Capt. Davis, Brooks Adams 

29 Washington. Conference with Wood 
on Cuban reciprocity. Cabinet meet- 
ing 

30 Philadelphia. Army-Navy football 
game with Long, Root, Cortelyou, 
and others 

DECEMBER 

"Camera Shots at Wild Animals” pub- 

Hshed in World's Work 

1 Washington 

2 Washington. Dinner with the Woods, 
Rockhili, the Cowles’. Conference 
with O. H. Platt 

3 Washin^on. Message to Congress- 
Dinner including Henderson, Affison, 
O. H. Platt, Hanna, Elkins 

4 Washington. Lunch with Low, De- 
pew, Spooner, Frye, Root, Hay, Knox, 
Choate, and others 

5 Washington 

6 Washington 

7 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Wood 

8 Washington. N. M. Butler at White 
House. Conference with H. C. Payne 

9 M^ashington. Conference with Wood. 
Lunch with Holis, H. S. New. White 
House reception 

10 Washington. Dinner with Gen. 
Young, J. R. Proctor, Mrs. Wolcott, 
Mrs. Hobson. Approval of amend- 
ments to Civil Service Reform Bill 

1 1 Washington. Conference with Sen. 
Burrows, beet sugar industry represen- 
tatives, and lawyers concerning Cuban 
reciprocity. Conference with Hender- 
son, Payne, Dalzell on current legis- 
lation 

12 Washington. Callers include Admirak 
Bradford, Bowles, Crowninshield, and 
Sens. Alikon, Scott, Bard, Perkins- Re- 
view of annual police, fire department 
parade. Lunch with Kennan 

13 Washington. Cabinet meedng- Confer- 
ence with Hanna 

14 Washington. Conferences with Lodge, 
Hanna, Spooner, Choate 


1347 



1 5 Washington 

1 6 Washington 

17 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with T. C. Platt, Spooner. 
Appointment of H. C. Payne as Post- 
master General 

18 Washington. Sees delegation from 
American Asiatic Society. Lunch with 
Root, Carnegie, W. N. Cohen, J. R. 
Sheffield 

19 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Burton, Beveridge, Foralcer, Kearns, 
Dalzeil, Joy, Driscoll. Adjournment of 
Congress 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with Gage, Hanna, Penrose 

21 Washington. Conference with Miles 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Conferences with Lodge, 
Hanna, F. E. Warren, Joy. Lunch 
with Sir Horace Plunkett 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting. R. Fer- 
guson at White House. Callers include 
Chief Justice Fuller. Appointment of 
L. M. Shaw as Secretary of the Treas- 
ury 

25 Washington 

26 Washington. Dinner with Root, Qark, 
Admiral Evans, Col, Randolph 

27 Washington. Lunch with Hay, Root, 
Knox 

28 Washington. Callers include Sens. 
Mason, Cullom; Clarence Bowen, C. 
F. Adams, MacVeagh 

29 Washington 

30 W^ashington. Conference with Lodge, 
Spooner 

31 Washington 

1902 

JANUARY 

X Washington. Reception 

2 Washington 

3 Washington 

4 Washington. Lunch with L. M. Shaw. 
Conferences with Hanna, Dewey 

5 Washington 

6 Washington. Conferences with Adm. 
Schley, Sens. Proctor, Foraker, Teller, 
Money, Millard. Dinner with Cowles’, 
Rixey, Redfield Proctors 

7 Washington. Diplomatic reception 

8 Washington. Conferences with T. C. 
Pla^ Adm. Walker, Edouard Lampre. 
Visitors include Sen. Penrose, ex-Gov, 
Blacky Rep. Sulzer* Cabinet dinner for 
Gage 


9 Washington. Lunch with Knox, Wil- 
son, and various labor representatives 
including F. P. Sargent, E. E. Clark, 
P. H. Morrisey. Diplomatic dinner 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with Burrows, O. H. Platt. 
Dinner wdth Hay and Brooks Adams 

11 Washington. Visitors include Quay, 
Foulke, Burton, Foraker, Nelson, Hen- 
derson. Dinner at Roots’ 

12 Washington 

13 Washington. Conferences with Gage, 
Crane, Choate. Lunch with Horatio 

14 Washington. Judicial reception 

15 Washington 

16 Washington. Supreme Court dinner 

17 Washington 

18 Washington. Conference with Michi- 
gan beet sugar delegation. Conference 
with Isthmian Canal Commission 

19 Washington 

20 Washington. Isthmian Canal Company 
report sent to Congress 

21 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Clay, Allison, Spooner, For- 
aker. Dinner with Depew, Payne, 
MacVeagh, and others 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Congressional reception 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

25 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt. Gridiron Club dinner 

26 Washington 

27 Washington. Boone and Crockett 
Club dinner 

28 Washington 

29 Washington. Lunch with Paul Mor- 
ton. Callers include Pinchot. Dinner 
at Hays’ with Root, Taft, Carnegie, 
A. S. Hewitt 

30 Washington. Conference with Taft. 
Army-Navy reception 

31 Washington. Executive order forbid- 
ding officeholders to attempt to influ- 
ence legislation. Cabinet meeting on 
Cuban reciprocity 


FEBRUARY 

1 Washin^on. Callers include Hender- 
son, D^ell , 

2 Washington 

3 Washington. Conference with Comdr, 
Wainwright, Adms. Evans, Taylor, 
Capt, Clark on Schley case. Confer- 
ence with Foulke 


4 Washmgton. Conference with Long, 
Babcock, on Cuban reciprocity. Con- 
ference with Adm. Watson, E. P. 
Hanna on Schley case. Cabinet meet- 
ing. Callers include delegation from 
National Industrial Association 

5 Washington. Lunch with Root 

6 Washington. Hay-Whitney wedding. 
R. H. Davis at \Vhite House. Dinner 
for Taft 

7 Washmgton. Lunch with Adm. Evans. 
Cabinet meeting on civil service clas- 
sifications 

8 Washmgton. Conference with Hem- 
enway. Departure for Groton 

9 Groton. At W. H. Gardners’ 

10 Groton 

1 1 Groton 

12 Groton. Visit with Rev. C. H. Park- 
hurst 

13 Groton. Return to Washington 

14 Washington. Conference with Reps. 
Joy, Barthoidt. Cabinet meeting 

15 Washington. Dinner at Root’s. Ap- 
proval of Urgent Deficiency Appro- 
priation Bin 

16 Washington 

17 Washington. Conferences with Shaw, 
Rep. G. E. Foss on Schley case, and 
Sen. Elkins on interstate commerce 
legislation. Conference with Gen. 
A^files 

18 W’ashington. Cabinet meeting 

19 Washington, Publication of Schley 
report. Conference with Merriam 

20 Washington. Callers include Knox, 
J. J. Hill, Board of Trade delegates 

21 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with G. W. Perkins concerning 
railroad combinations 

22 Washington. Conference with Reps, 
Grosvenor, Dalzell, Russell on Cuban 
tariff reduction. CaDers include J. P, 
Morgan, William Rockefeller, H. E. 
Howland, L. C- Ledyard, A. J. Cas- 
satt 

23 Washington 

24 Washington. Prince Henry’s arrival at 
White House. Official dinner 

2$ NYC. Launching of the Meteor by 
Alice. Lunch on Hohem^allem. Return 
to Washington 

2d Washington. Callers include Payne, 
B. T. Wa^tungtot:^ Long 

27 Wastogton. McKinley memorial serv- 
ices in Congress. Lunch wirfi Payne, 
Hanna, Fairbanks, C. E. Smith, Judge 
Day. Dinner for Prince Henry 


28 Washington. Dinner at German Em- 
bassy 

MARCH 

1 Washmgton. Callers include Foulke, 
W. J, Calhoun, Hay, Rockhiil 

2 W'ashington 

3 Washington. Callers include Charles- 
ton Exposition delegation 

4 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Cuba 
and Permanent Census Bureau Bill. 
Lunch with Knox 

5 Washington. Conference with Hen- 
derson, Cannon, Payne about Cuban 
reciprocity" and Payne Reciprocity Bill 

6 V’ashington. Approval of Permanent 
Census Act after conference with 
Knox, Merriam, Foulke, Redfield 
Proctor. Conference with members of 
California and Michigan delegations 
on tariff reduction. Conference with 
Root 

7 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with T. C. Piatt on Brooklyn 
patronage 

8 Washmgton. Conference with Hen- 
derson, Payne. Approval of Philippine 
Tariff Bill' 

9 Washington 

10 Washington. Conference with Payne, 
Grosvenor on Cuba. Dinner for Odell 

r I Washington 

12 Washin^on. Conference with Moody, 
Callers include Milbum 

13 Washington. Conference with L. M. 
Shaw, Payne 

14 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Payne, Dakell on Cuban 
tariff 

15 Washington 

16 Washington 

17 Washington. Callers include Colom- 
bian Minister Concha 

iS Washington. Dinner with Storers. 
Robinsons at the White House 

19 Washington. Conference with O, H* 
Plate on Indian Territory affairs 

20 Washington. Lunch with J, G. Schur- 
man. Conference with Root 

21 Washington, Cabinet meeting on re- 
moval of Gen. Miles. Callers Include 
Nelson, Burton, Foraker, Mercer, Dal- 
zell, E. J. Hill 

22 Washmgton, Conference with Wood, 
Root on removal of troops in Qiba. 
Conference on Missouri appointments 
witir Quay, Joy, Barthoidt 


1349 



23 Washington. Conference with Payne, 
Root on Cuba 

24 Washington. Conference with Root, 
Gen. Wood, Palma, Tawney, Morris, 
Smith on reciprocity 

25 Washington. Conference with Palma. 
Cabinet meeting on Cuba 

26 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt, Aldrich 

27 Washington. Conference with Frank 
Morrison on proposed Eight-Hour 
Law and Chinese Exclusion Act 

28 Washington. Cabinet meeting on U. S. 
withdrawal from Cuba. Callers include 
Ridder and Hanna 

29 Washington. Conference with western 
congressmen on irrigation bills 

30 Washington 

31 Washington. Dinner with James W. 
Roosevelt 


APRIL 

1 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with Hay, Beveridge, Knox 

2 Washington. Conference with Irriga- 
tion Commission. Dinner for Strana- 

haa 

3 Washington. White House musicale 

4 Washington. Visit with Perkins, Hanna 

5 Washington 

6 Washington 

7 Washington. Dej^arture for Charles- 
ton, S- C. Exposition. Stop at Char- 
lottesville 

8 Charleston. Visit to Charleston harbor 
on Algonquin, Reception 

9 Charleston, Parade, speech. Depar- 
ture for Summerville, S. C. 

10 Summerville, Return to Washington 
wdth stops at Chester, S. C., Branch- 
ville and Charlotte, N. C. 

11 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

12 Washington. Dinner with Cassatt, 
Knox. Approval of bill repealing war 
revenue taxes 

13 Washington 

14 Washington. Callers include Helen 
Keller, Alexander Graham Bell. Con- 
ference with Allison, Dolliver on Iowa 
appointments 

15 Washington. Cabinet meeting on In- 
dian Territory appointments, Gen. 
Chafee to investigate Philippine atroc- 
ity stories 

id Washington 

17 Washington. Conference with Sens, 


Allison, McComas, Hale, Hoar. Callers 
include Riis 

18 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Depar- 
ture for NYC 

19 NYC. Breakfast with Butlers. Visit 
with Robinsons, Emlen Roosevelt, Mc- 
Kim. Installation of Butler as president 
of Columbia Universiu% Dinner for 
Butler at Sherry’s. Depanure for 
Washington 

20 Washington. Conference with W. C. 
Sanger 

21 Washington. Callers include Gros- 
venor, Beveridge, Warren, Kearns. 
Dinner with Taft 

22 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Littauer 

23 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt on circuit Judgeship. Conference 
with Stranahan on customs service 

24 Washington 

25 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Co- 
lombian and Nicaraguan canal routes. 
Callers include Gen. Corbin, Sanger 

26 Washington 

27 Washington 

28 Washington. Approval of Legislative 
Appropriation Act 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting on ille- 
gal fencing of public land. Approval 
of Chinese Exclusion Bill. Moody con- 
firmed as Secretaty of the Navy 

30 Washington. Conference with Hanna, 
Payne 


MAY 

“The Blacktail of the Columbia” pub- 
lished in Outing 

1 Washington, Conference with Hitch- 
cock, Hermann on monopoly of pub- 
lic land 

2 Annapolis, Md. Speech and presenta- 
tion of diplomas at Naval Academy 
graduation. Return to Washington. 

3 Washington. Cabinet meeting on ille- 
gal fencing 

4 Washington 

5 Washington, Nomination of F. P. Sar- 
gent as Commissioner General of Im- 
migration 

6 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Payne, Henderson, Kittredge, 
Reps. Daniel, Boutell, Mondell 

7 Washington 

8 Washington. Callers include Maryland 
congressional delegation 


^350 


9 \\’'ashington. Cabinet meeting. Samp- 
son funeral 

10 Washington. Conference with Hanna 
on Rathbone case. Callers Include 
English textile commission 

1 1 \\^ashington 

12 Washington. Message to Congress re- 
questing aid for Martinique earth- 
quake. Conference with Root 

13 Washington 

14 Washington. Callers include T. C. 
Platt, Hanna, Penrose, Foraker. Trip 
to Tenleytown to lay McKinley Mem- 
orial College cornerstone 

1 5 \\’'ashington 

16 Washington 

17 Washington, Speech at Arlington Na- 
tional Cemetciy 

18 Washington 

19 Washington 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Eve- 
ning speeches on Cuba in NYC at 
Carnegie Hall and Central Presby- 
terian Church 

21 Washington. Callers include Quay, 
Spooner, Beveridge, Clapp, Redfield 
Proctor, Foraker, Joy. Conference 
with Littauer on Court of Claims va- 
cancy. Unveiling of Spanish-American 
War monument at Arlington National 
Cemetery 

22 Washington. Dinner in honor of Ro- 
chambeau. Conference with Sens, 
Quarles, Cockrell, Stewart, and Rep. 
Lacey on Indian appropriations 

23 Washington. Annapolis, Md. Day on 
French cruiser Gaulois. Dinner in 
W^ashington at French Embassy 

24 Washington. Unveiling of Rocham- 
beau statue 

25 Washington 

26 Washington 

27 Washington 

28 Washington. Callers include Gen. 
Wood 

29 Washington 

30 Washington. Memorial Day address 
on Philippine policy at Arlington Na- 
tional Cemetery 

31 Washington 


JUNE 

1 Washington 

2 Washington. Conferences with Red- 
field Proctor, Nelson, Gamble, Kit- 
tredge, O. H. Platt, Hanna, DalzelL 


Allison, Spooner, Aldrich, Payne, Bab- 
cock, Hull, Overstreet on duban re- 
ciprocity 

3 Washington. Cabinet meeting on pro- 
posed naval maneuvers and consular 
scrv’ice needs. Lunch with Aldrich 

4 ^Vashington. Callers include Van Sant 

5 M'ashingron. Speech at convention of 
National Association of Military Sur- 
geons. Callers include delegation from 
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers 

6 W^ashington. Cabinet meeting on Pub- 
lic Buildings Bill. Callers include C. S. 
Francis 

7 Washington. Conference with Root on 
Army appointments 

8 Washinpon. Conference with Wright 
on anthracite coal strike 

9 M'ashington. Dinner including Aid- 
rich, Allison, Spooner, O. H. Platt, 
Foraker, Gen. W’ood 

ro Washington. Cabinet meeting. Dinner 
with Kmox, Payne, .Moody, Hanna. 
Departure for West Point, N. Y. 

11 West Point. Speech 

12 West Point. Afternoon return to 
Washington. Discussion with T. C. 
Platt of Gen. Wood’s use of Cuban 
funds for circulation of reciprocity 
literature 

13 Washington. Special message to Con- 
gress asking immediate reciprocity 
legislation. Conference with Hepburn 
on Department of Commerce Bill 

14 Washington. Breakfast at Hanna’s with 
Root, Payne. Conference with Hep- 
bum 

15 Washington 

16 Washington. Conference with B, T. 
Washington on southern appoint- 
ments. Reception for Cuban Minister 
Quesada 

17 Washington. Approval of Newlands 
Bill 

18 Washington. Gen. Wood at Wliitte 
House 

19 Washington 

20 Washington 

21 Washington. Conference with Hep- 
bum on canal matters 

22 Washington. Evening conference with 
Morgan on canal matters 

23 WasWgton. Conference with Rep. 
Mudd on Maryland factional differ- 
ences. Discussion of canal legislation 
with Morgan 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include T. G Platt, McComas, Bev- 


135 ^ 



eridge, Spooner, Blackburn, Burton, 
Scott. Departure for Boston and Cam- 
bridge 

25 Cambridge, Doctor of Laws degree at 
Harvard commencement. Speech on 
achievements of Root, Taft, Gen. 
Wood at alumni banquet. Departure 
for New London, Conn. 

26 New London. Harvard-Yale race. Re- 
turn to Washington 

27 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Phil- 
ippine friars’ lands. Dinner with Lodge 

28 Washington. Conference with Adm. 
Walker on canal bill 

29 Washington. Breakfast and dinner 
with Hanna 

30 Washington. Conference with Adm. 
Walker, Approval of Isthmian Canal 
Bill 


JULY 

1 Washington. Approval of bills includ- 
ing PhiEppine Civil Government Bill 
and Naval Appropriation Bill. Ad- 
journment of Congress. Cabinet meet- 
mg on enforcement of Isthmian Canal 
Bm. Laying of church cornerstone 

2 Washington. Conference with Root on 
Philippine amnesty proclamation. 
Lunch with Hay, Knox, Payne, 
Hanna, Allison 

3 Washington. Departure for Pittsburgh 
with ICnox 

4 Pittsburgh, Speech at Scheniey Park. 
Lunch with H. C. Frick. Dinner for 
Knox at Scheniey Hotel. Departure 
for Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Montague 
White 

9 Oyster Bay 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 03?ster Bay. Visitors include Strana- 
han, W, o. Parsons, Sen. McLaurin. 
Conference on Philippine friars’ lands 
with Father Malone 

12 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root, 
Father Donovan on friars* lands 

13 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root on 
fnars* lands. Discussion of Isthmian 
canal project with Spooner and Root 

14 Oyster pay. Inspection of Mpflonoer 
with Root, Dr. Lambert. Visit with 
C. F. McKim 


15 Oyster Bay. Dinner wuth St. Clair 
McKelway 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay. Lunch with R. B. Haw- 
ley, Col Bingham. Conference with 
Hawley on Cuban reciprocity 

18 Oyster Bay. Picnic with family 

19 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Low, Kean, 
Elsberg, Crimmins and others 

20 Oyster Bay 

2X Oyster Bay. Conference with Hep- 
burn on canal and successor to Tiche- 
nor as general appraiser of NYC. Call- 
ers include H. S. Bliss 

22 Oyster Bay. Conference on state elec- 
tions with F. S. Gibbs 

23 Oyster Bay. Callers include Butler, 
G. E. Graham. Conference with J. G. 
Schurman on trusts and Philippine 
tariff 

24 Sea Girt, N. J. Speech at 2nd regiment 
encampment grounds. Reception by 
Gov. Murphy 

25 Oyster Bay. Visitors include Meyer, 
Albert Shaw 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay. Callers include Moody 

28 Oyster Bay, Visit with Col. Hood. 
Lunch on Mayflower 

29 Oyster Bay. J. R, Sheffield, Garfield 
at Sagamore Hill 

30 Oyster Bay. Conference vdth T. C. 
Platt, G. W. Dunn on New York state 
politics 

31 Oyster Bay 

AUGUST 

1 Oyster Bay. At work on tariff revision 

2 Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Interview with Arch- 
bishop Ry^an on friars* lands. Lunch 

with Whitelaw Reids, Abp. Ryan, 

G. Pinchot, E. T. Ger^s. Discussion 
of Pinchot’s proposed visit to the Phil- 
ippines 

5 Oyster Bay. Cruise on Sylph to Gar- 
diner’s Bay 

6 Gardiner’s Bay. Target practice on 
Mayflower 

7 Oyster Bay. Callers include O, H. 
Platt, Sherman, Littauer, Overstreet. 
Discussion of western cattle lands with 
P. B. Stewart 

8 Oyster Bay. Conference with Knox on 
Pacific Commercial Cable Co. contract 

9 Oyster Bay 


135^ 


TO Oyster Bay 

n Oyster Bay. Lunch with Prince Tsai 
Chen of China, Pierce, Burrows. Ap- 
pointment of O. W. Holmes to the 
Supreme Court 

12 Oyster Bay 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay. Conference with Odell 

rj Oyster Bay. Callers include Gens. Cor- 
bin, Young, H. L. Nelson, Riis, R. 
Morris, Albert Shaw 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay. Conference with Rixey 

18 Oyster Bay. Conference with Hull, 

Babcock, Overstreet on state cam- 

paigns 

19 Oyster Bay 

20 Oyster Bay. Callers include Albert 
Shaw, Holls 

2 1 Oyster Bay. Conference with Sen. 
Pritchard on North Carolina Court of 
Claims vacancy 

22 Oyster Bay. Trip to New Haven on 
Sylph. Departure for Hartford. Speech 
on insular policy at Hartford Coli- 
seum. Night at home of J. T. Robin- 
son 

23 Speeches at Willimantic, Baltic, Plain- 
field, Conn. Reception at Providence 
and «>eech on trusts. Night at Chanlers’ 
in Newport 

24 Newport to Boston with stops at Fall 
River, Taunton, and Myricks, Mass. 
Night with Lodges at Nahant 

25 Nahant. Speeches in Nahant library 
and Lynn, Mass., city hall. Speech on 
trusts at Symphony Hall, Boston. Din- 
ner with Crane, Lodge, Hoar, and 
others 

26 Speeches in Lowell, Mass., praising 
cx-Gov. Alien of Porto Rico; in Law- 
rence on the Philippines; in Haverhill 
on the Navy. Speeches also in Dover, 
N. H.; Old Orchard, Portland, and 
Augusta, Me. Guest of Gov. Hill in 
Augusta 

27 Augusta to Waterville, Speeches in 
Bangor, Ellsworth, Me. 

28 Speeches in Nashua, Manchester, Con- 
cord, The Weirs, and Newbury, N, H. 
Night at the Hays’ in Newbury 

29 Newport, N. H. Boar hunt with Sen. 
Proctor, Corbin 

30 Trip with Winston Churchill to Wind- 
sor, Vt. Evening at L. M. Shaw’s 
home near Lake Champlain 

31 Near Burlington, Vt Dinner at Dr, 

Webb% 


SEPTEMBER 

1 Stops at Vergennes, .Middlebury, Bran- 
don, Proctor, Rutland, Bellows Falls, 
Chester, Brattleboro, Vt, Ex’ening at 
Northfield, Mass., with Moody 

2 Stops at Millers Falls, Athof, Mass, 
Speech at Fitchburg on crusts. Stops 
at Springfield, M'orcester, Dalton, 
Mass. 

3 Carriage accident in Pittsfield, Mass. 
Stops at Stockbridge, Great Barring- 
ton; New Milford, and Bridgeport, 
Conn. Return to Oyster Bay on Sylph 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Departure for Chattanooga, Tenn. 

6 En route Tennessee. Speech at Wheel- 
ing, W. Va., on trusts 

7 Chattanooga- Review of 7th cavalry. 
Visit to battlefield 

8 Chattanooga. Speech at convention of 
Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. 
Departure for Knox\"ille 

9 Speeches at Ashviile and Greensboro, 
N. C. 

10 Return to Oyster Bay 

n Oyster Bay. Visit with L. B. Swift 

12 Oyster Bay. Lunch with J. S. Clark- 
son, J. T- McDonough 

13 Oyster Bay. Callers include Pajme, Al- 
bert Shaw, Arthur Lee. “Big Corpora- 
tions Commonly Called Trusts” pub- 
lished in Outlook 

14 Oyster Bay 

15 Oyster Bay. Reception for Nassau 
County 

16 Oyster Bay. Conference with Hanna, 
Aldrich, Allison, Spooner, Lodge on 
congressional campaign policies, tariff 
revision, trusts 

17 Oyster Bay, Visitors include Gen. Jo- 
seph Wheeler 

18 Oyster Bay, Callers include Lyman 
Abbott, Henry White. Conference on 
trusts with J. W. Jenks 

19 Departure for West 

20 Cincinnati. Speech on tarifi, trusts 

21 Detroit. Lunch with Gen. Alger 

22 Detroit. Speech on Cuban reciprocity, 
Philippines 

23 Logansport, Ind. Speech advocating 
creation of tariff commission. Opera- 
tion on knee in Indianapolis, Evening 
return to Washington 

24 Arrival in Washington 

25 Washington. Callers include Takahira, 
Moody, L. M, Shaw, Wilson, Hitch- 
cock 


1353 


26 Washington 

27 Washington. Visits with L. IM. Shaw, 
Wilson 

28 Washington. Second operation on 
knee 

29 Washington. Callers include Crane, 
Payne, Root, Dalzell 

30 Washington. Two conferences with 
Knox, Moody, Payne, Crane on fed- 
eral action in coal strike 

OCTOBER 

1 Washington 

2 Washington 

3 Washington. Conference on coal strike 
with Mitchell, Cortelyou, Wilcox, 
Wright, Truesdale, Baer, and others 

4 Washington. Conference with Knox, 
Wright on coal strike 

5 Washington. Coal strike conference 
with Knox, Root, Moody, Payne, and 
Wright 

6 Washington. Conference with F. P. 
Sargent on coal strike 

7 Washington. Statement proposing coal 
strike investigation. Conference with 
Albert Shaw, Abbott 

8 Washington. Conferences with Root, 
Knox 

9 Washington. Coal strike conferences 
with Root, Knox 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting on coal 
strike 

1 1 Washington. Continued conferences 
with Cabinet members, Wright, and 
Sargent 

12 Washington. Coal strike conferences 
continue. Callers include Root, Quay, 
Jenks 

13 Washington. Conference with Gen. 
Schofield on military operation of 
mines. Evening conference with J. P. 
Morgan, R. S. Bacon, Root 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Conferences vdth Mitch- 
ell, Wright, Sargent. Dinner at Hay's. 
Evening conference with Bacon, 
G. W. Perkms 

id Washington. Appointment of coal 
strike aftiitration commission 

17 Washington. Conference with Wright, 
J. M. Wilson, E. E. Parker. Lunch 
with Hay, Root 

18 Washington. Executive order warning 
oflSceholders to obey law concerning 
political contributions 

19 Washington 


20 Washington. Callers include Root, 
Hitchcock, Knox, Takahira. Dinner at 
Hay’s 

21 Washington. End of coal strike 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Lunch with Root. Din- 
ner at Payne’s 

24 Washington. Meeting with coal strike 
arbitration commission 

25 Washington. Conference with Knox- 
on Panama Canal title and purchase 

26 Washington 

27 Washington. Birthday. Callers include 
Hungarian Club of New York dele- 
gation 

28 XVashington 

29 Washington. Visit with B. 1 . Wheeler 

30 Washington 

31 Washington and Manassas, Va. Arrival 
at Manassas with Root, Cortelyou. 
Guest of Rixey 

NOVEMBER 

“The Presidency” published in Youth's 

Companion 

1 Alanassas 

2 Manassas. Trip to Cedar Mountain 
battlefield. Return to Washington 

3 Washington. Afternoon departure for 
NYC and Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Philadelphia. Speech. Return to Wash- 
ington 

6 Washington 

7 Washington. Cabinet meeting on an- 
nual message. Discussion of Colombian 
negotiations with Hay 

8 Washington. Callers include Hay, 
Knox, Babcock, Lorimer 

9 Washington. At work on annual mes- 
sage . 

10 Washington. Conference with CuUom 
and others concerning Isle of Pines. 
Callers include Gen. Wood, E. F. 
Ware, Garfield, J, M, McCormick. 
Evening departure for NYC 

11 NYC. Breakfast with Butler at Uni- 
versity Qub. Speeches at dedication of 
New York Chamber of Commerce and 
Waldorf Astoria dinner. Midnight de- 
parture for hunting trip 

12 En route Smedes, Miss., with stops 
throughout Ohio 

13 Arrival at Smedes after stop in Mem- 
phis, Term. 

14 Near Smedes. Bear hunt 

15 Bear hunt 


1354 


1 6 Smedes 

17 Smedes 

18 Smedes* Departure for Memphis 

19 Memphis* Receptions and speeches for 
L* E. Wright. Evening departure for 
M^ashington 

20 En route M^ashington with stops at 
Knoxville, Tenn., Asheville, N. C. 

21 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Cuba, 
Panama canal. Pacific cable. Lunch 
with Lodge. Conference on tariff re- 
vision with Lodge, Burrows, Scott 

22 Philadelphia. Speech at Union League 
Club. Dedication of school. Reception 
at home of E. T. Stotesbury. Lunch 
with C. E. Smith 

23 Washington. Conference with Spooner 

24 Washington. Callers include Hender- 
son, Allison, Fairbanks, Hanna, Can- 
non, Babcock, Lodge, Elkins, Quay, 
Landis, BouteU 

25 Washington. Cabinet meeting on an- 
nual message. Conference with L. E. 
Wright on Philippine affairs. Discus- 
sion of New York politics with G. W. 
Dunn 

26 Washington. Callers include Knox, 

Foraker, Redfield Proctor, McCum- 
ber. Hay, Moody, Tawney 

27 Washington. Dinner writh Lodges, 

Robinsons, Brooks Adams’, and others 

28 Washington. Callers include T. C 

Platt, CuUom, Kearns, Hansbrough, 
Burton, Merriam, S. E. Payne, Gen. 
Wood. Cabinet meeting 

29 Washington. Conferences with Adm. 
Dewey, Isaac Seligman, Hanna on 
Venezuelan claims 

30 Washington 

DECEMBER 

1 Washington. Conference with Littauer 

on trust legislation. Callers include 

Quay, Millard, Beveridge, R. J. Gam- 
ble, C, H. Burke 

2 Washington. Annual message to Con- 
gress. Conferences with Bartholdt on 
election frauds in St. Louis, with G. E. 
Foss on naval legislation, and with 
Hemenway and Landes 

3 Washington 

4 Washington. Conference with Elkins 
on Cuban recmrocity 

5 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Cu- 
ban reciprocity and post-oflSce appoint- 
ments 

6 Washington. Conference with T. H- 


Carter, J. M. Thurston on Louisiana 
Purchase Exposition. Conference with 
Addicks 

7 Washington 

8 W^ashingcon. Callers include Pritchard, 
Allison, Frye, von Holleben, Aldrich, 
Gamble 

9 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with Dryden and McCumber. 
Callers include Joseph Murray. Speech 
at dinner for J. M. Harlan 

JO Washington 

11 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Cullom on Venezuela. Callers include 
F. P. Dunne, delegation headed by 
Af. K. Jesup asking aid to Turkey 

12 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Ven- 
ezuela. Conference with Lacey on 
public lands. Conference with Rep. 
Dick and others on Statehood Bill 

13 Washington. Callers include T. C 
Platt, Cullom, Fr\x, Lt. Comm. W. S. 
Sims, Spooner. ’Dinner with Payne, 
Mitchell, Moody, C. D. Clark, Mc- 
Comas, Penrose, Burton, Overstreet, 
Charles Curtis 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Conference with Hay, 
Cullom. Conference with Root on Cu- 
ban treaty 

16 Washington. Cabinet meedng on Cu- 
ban reciprocity and Venezuela. Con- 
ference with Root, Redfield Proctor, 
Hull, Dick on militia bill. Dinner with 
Allison, Hale, Perkins, Hanna, Gren- 
ville Dodge, Grosvenor, Henderson, 
Cannon, G. E. Foss, and others 

17 Washington. Callers include Tawney, 
Hanna, Clarkson, iMardn, Dillingham 

18 Washington. State dinner for Cabinet 

19 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Ven- 
ezuela, Conference on currency with 
Gage, J, H, Rhoades 

20 Washington. Adjournment of Con- 
gress, Funeral of Mrs. Ulysses S. 
Grant. Conference with Hay. Depar- 
ture for Rapidan, Va. 

21 Rapidan. Guest of Joseph Wilmer 

22 Washington. Conference with H^ 

23 Washington, Cabinet meeting on Ven- 
ezuela 

24 Washington. Conference with Hay on 
Venezuela 

25 Washington. Conference with Hay. 
Lunch with the Cowles’. Dinner in- 
cluding Lodge, Ferguson, C. H. Davis, 
J. Elliott 

26 Washington. Cabinet meeting, State- 


1355 



nienc chat X^enezuela claims dispute 
will be taken to the Hague Tribunal 

27 Washington 

28 Washington 

29 Washington. Callers include Wilson, 
Foulke 

30 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Gen- 
eral Land Office affairs. Conference 
with Gens. Young and W’^ood 

3 1 Washington 

1903 

JANUARY 

1 Washington. New Year’s day recep- 
tion 

2 Washington. Cabinet meeting on clos- 
ing of Indianola, Miss., post office. 
Conference with Payne 

3 Washington. Conference with H. T. 
Oxnard on Cuban reciprocity. Callers 
include Depew, Redfield Proctor, For- 
aker. Perry Heath 

4 Washinpon. Conference on naval ap- 
propriation bill with House Commit- 
tee on Naval Affairs 

5 Washington, Appointment of F. B. 
Loomis as Assistant Secretary of State 

6 Washington. Statement recommend- 
ing immediate antitrust legislation. 
Cabinet meeting on Venezuela, Cuban 
treaty. Callers include Root, Hoar, 
O. H. Platt, Lodge, Dolliver 

7 Washington. Conference with Hen- 
derson, Grosvenor on antitrust legis- 
lation. Speech at dedication of Wash- 
ington Public Library, Annual report 
of Philippine commission sent to Con- 
gress 

8 Washington. Diplomatic reception 

9 Washington. Cabinet meeting on clos- 
ing of Indianola post office. Callers 
include a papal delegation, C. D. 
Wright. Evening musicale 

10 Washington. Conference with E, H. 
Goodwin and others on civil service 
reform 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington. Conference with D. J, 
Hill, Herbert Putnam on placing gov- 
ernment documents in the Library of 
Congress. Conference on Cuban reci- 
procity with Babcock 

13 Washington. Conference on trusts 
with Limefield subcommittee. Cabinet 
meeting 

14 Washington. Callers include Hanna, 
Hepburn, Quay, Foraker 


15 Washington. Diplomatic corps dinner 

16 Washington. Conference with Aldrich, 
Lodge, Spooner on Cuban reciprocity 
treaty. Cabinet meeting 

17 Washington. Conferences with Bur- 
rows and Fairbanks on Cuban treaty; 
with T. C. Platt and Aldrich on anti- 
trust legislation; with Beveridge on 
Omnibus Statehood Bill 

1 8 Washington 

19 W^ashington. First wireless telegraphy 
message to King Edward VII 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
including Beveridge, Cockrell, Cullom, 
Spooner, Aldrich, Bristow, Knox 

21 W^ashington. Approval of Militia Bill. 
Callers include Bartholdt, Littauer, 
Sargent 

22 Washington. Conference with Jacob 
Brenner on New York politics. Din- 
ner for the judiciary 

23 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Eve- 
ning musicale 

24 Washington. Conference with Ad- 
dicks, Alice. Conference with J. W. 
Jenks on trusts 

25 Washington 

26 Washington, Lunch including Lady 
Minto, Hay, Root, Lodge. Departure 
for Canton, Ohio 

27 Canton. Lunch at home of Judge Day. 
Speech in commemoration of Mclpn- 
le3^s birthday 

28 Return to Washington 

29 Washington. Message to Congress en- 
dorsing appeal of Mexico and China 
for universal coinage standard in silver 
countries. Interview with Abp. O’Con- 
nell. Lunch with Lord Beresford, Sir 
Michael Herbert, Hay, Root, Adms, 
Dewey, Taylor, Gens, Young, Crozier, 
Cq)t. Cowles. Supreme Court dinner 

30 W^hington. Conference with Can- 
non, Henderson. Cabinet meeting 

51 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Cullom on Isthmian Canal Treaty 

FEBRUARY 

1 Washington 

2 Washington. Callers include Seth Low 

3 Washmgton, Cabinet meeting 

4 Washington 

5 Washington. Lunch with Gen. Booth. 
Congressional reception 

6 Washington 

7 Washin^on. Callers inctade Jusse- 
rand. Dmner at Payne’s 


8 Washington 

9 Washington 

10 Washington, Conferences with Little- 
field, Spooner, Aldrich on antitrust bill 

ri Washington. Conference with Odell 
on New York politics 

12 Washington. Conferences with T, C. 
Plat^ Odell, Littauer. Army-Navy re- 
ception 

13 Washington. Dinner with von Stern- 
bergs, Havs, Shaws, Wilsons, Mac- 
Veaghs, Cowles’, Wadsworths, and 
others 

14 Washington. Approval of Department 
of Commerce and Labor Bill 

15 Washington 

16 Washington. Appointment of Cortel- 
you as secretary to the President 

17 Washington 
• 1 8 Washington 

19 Washington. Statement asking imme- 
diate ratification of Panama Canal and 
Cuban reciprocity bills 

20 Washington. Conference with Cum- 
mins on Iowa politics. Cabinet meet- 
ing on naval program. Approval of 
Elkins Antirebate Bill 

21 Washington. Speech at cornerstone 
laying of Army War College 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Conference with L. M. 
Shaw, K. B. Armstrong, Boutell on 
coinage standardization 

24 Washington. Approval of agreement 
giving U. S. naval coaling stations in 
Cuba. Dinner with Aldriches, R. W, 
Pattersons, O. H. Platts, Jusserands 

25 Washington. Callers include Cummins, 
L. E. Wright, Foraker, and others 

26 Departure for NYC, Evening sjpeech 
at Carnegie Hall in commemoration of 
John Weriey 

27 Washington. Cabinet meedng. Message 
to Congress urging passage of Philip- 
pine tariff bill. Callers include DA..R, 
delegation 

28 Wariiington 


MARCH 

1 Washington 

2 Wariiington 

3 Washington 

4 Washington, Adjournment of 57th 
Congress 

5 Washington. Convening of special ses- 
sion of Congress. Message urging rati- 


fication of Panama and Cuban treaties 

6 Washington. Callers include Hanna, 
T. C. Platt, Hale, Cuilom, Lodge, 
L. H, Ball. Cabinet meeting 

7 'l^’^ashington 

8 l^^ashington 

9 Washington. Conference with E. J. 
Hill and W. A, Calderhead on future 
financial legislation 

10 Washington- Cabinet meeting. 

1 1 Washington. Callers include Gen. 
Frederick Funston 

12 Washington. Appointment of commit- 
tee, headed by C. D, Walcott, to in- 
vestigate needs and efficiency of 
executive departments. Dinner with 
Aldrich, Spooner, Beveridge, Fulton, 
Heybum, Ball, Alice, Gorman, Over- 
man, Hitchcock, W, A. Richards 

13 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

14 Washington 

15 Washington 

16 Washington 

17 Washington. Callers include George 
Uhler, Cabinet meeting on War De- 
partment matters 

18 Washington. Conference with Hop- 
kins. Dinner for anthracite coal strike 
commission 

19 Washington. Adjournment of special 
session of Congress 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Dinner 
with Ambassador and Lady Herbert, 
Winthrop Chanlers, Miss Eleanor 
Roosevelt, Lt. McCoy, Maj. Howze 
and others 

21 Washington, Publication of coal strike 
conimission report. Calleis include 
Hopkins, Cuilom, Aldrich, Ernest 
Lyon 

22 Washington 

23 Washington 

24 Washington 

25 Washington. Conference with J, M. 
Thurston on Louisiana Purchase Ex- 
position 

26 Washington. Speech at^ G. Pinchot’s 
home to meeting of Society of Amer- 
ican Foresters 

27 Washington 

18 Washington. Callers include H, T. 
Oxnard. Conference with Adm. Dewey 
on Caribbean maneuvers 

29 Washmgton 

30 Washington 

51 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Heybum, John Burroughs 
at White House 


1357 


APRII. 

1 Departure for western tour. Speeches 
in Harrisburg and Baltimore. Stop at 
Altoona, Pa. 

2 Chicago and Evanston, III. Doctor of 
Laws degree at University of Chicago. 
Evening speech on the Alonroe Doc- 
trine and a larger navy 

3 Arrival in Madison, Wis. Speech be- 
fore legislature and at Merchants’ 
Assn, dinner 

4 Speeches in La Crosse, Wis., and St. 
Paul, Minn. 

5 Sioux Falls, S. D, 

6 Speeches throughout South Dakota in- 
cluding Sioux Falls, Yankton, Mitchell, 
Aberdeen 

7 Fargo, N. D. Speech on “The Philip- 
pines and the Army” 

8 Arrival in Yellowstone National Park 

9~2i Yellowstone Park. Camping trip 

22 Ft. Yellowstone near Cinnabar, Mont. 

23 Cinnabar. Dismissal of Assistant Atty. 
General Tyner 

24 Cinnabar and Gardiner, Mont. Corner- 
stone laying at Yellowstone Park gate. 
Departure tor Livingston, Mont. 

25 Speeches throughout Nebraska. Stops 
also in Edgemont and Ardmore, S. D.; 
Gillette, Moorcroft, and Newcastle, 
Wyo. 

26 Grand Island, Neb. 

27 Hastings, Fairmont, Crete, Lincoln, 
Neb. Evening speech on good citizen- 
ship in Omaha, Neb. 

28 Speeches throughout Iowa including 
Des Moines and Ottumwa. Traveling 
with Cummins and L. M. Shaw 

29 Speeches in Quincy, 111 ., and St. Louis 
at the National Good Roads conven- 
tion 

30 St. Louis. Speech at dedication of 
Louisiana Purchase Exposition build- 
ings. Afternoon departure for Kansas 
City, Mo., with Root, Butler 


MAY 

1 Evening speeches in Topeka after 
stops in Kansas City, Mo., Kansas City 
and Lawrence, Kan. 

2 Speeches throughout Kansas including 
Abilene, Salina, Ellsworth 

3 Sharon Sprinj^, Kan., with Burton, 
Long, Butler, Warren, Foulke 

4 Morning arrival in Denver, Colo. 


Speech and departure for Colorado 
Springs 

5 Speeches in Santa Fe and Albuquer- 
que, N. M. 

6 Speech in Grand Canyon. Visit to 
miners’ camp with Brodie, Butler, 
Rixey. Departure for California 

7 Speech in Redlands on irrigation and 
forestry after stop in Barstow, Calif. 
Departure for San Bernardino. Night 
in Riverside, Calif. 

8 Speeches in Claremont and Pasadena, 
Calif. Night in Los Angeles 

9 Speeches in Ventura and Santa Bar- 
bara, Calif, 

10 Del Monte, Calif. Visit with Moodv, 
B. I. Wheeler 

11 Speech in Santa Cruz after stops in 
Pajaro, Watsonville. Departure for San 
Jose 

12 Palo Alto. Visit with D, S. Jordan. 
Speech on preservation of forests at 
Stanford University. Lunch with H. 
T. Scott. Afternoon parade in San 
Francisco. Dinner given by Citizens’ 
Committee 

13 San Francisco, Reception, military re- 
view, breaking of ground for McKin- 
ley statue in Golden Gate Park. E^^e- 
ning speech 

14 San Francisco. Doctor of Laws degree 
at Univ. of California. Speeches at 
Berkeley and Oakland 

15 Yosemite via Berenda, Raymond, 
Grub Gulch, Calif. Visit to Alariposa 
Big Tree Grove with John Muir 

16 Yosemite 

17 Yosemite. Night at Bridal Veil Falls 

18 Wawona, Raymond, Berenda, Calif. 

19 Speeches in Reno, Carson City, Ncv. 

20 Stops and speeches throughout north- 
ern California. En route Oregon 

21 Arrival in Portland, Ore. Laying of 
cornerstone for Le\!ids and Clark mon- 
ument 

22 Speeches in Olympia and Tacoma, 
Wash. 

23 Seattle, Wash. Trip on Puget Sound 
and inspection of Bremerton Navy 
Yard 

24 Seattle. Evening departure 

25 En route East. Speeches at Clellum, 
North Yakima, EUensburg, Pasco, 
WaUula, and Walla Walla, Wash. 

26 Starbuck, Idaho. Speeches at Wallace 
and Harrison, Idaho, and at Spokane, 
Wash, 

27 Speeches in Helena and Butte, Mont. 



28 Pocatello, Idaho. Speeches through- 
out Idaho including Shoshone, Glenns 
Ferry, Mountain Home, Evening in 
Boise, Idaho 

29 Salt Lake City, Utah. Speech. Rough 
Rider escort. Departure for Laramie, 
Wyo, 

30 Laramie. Speech at University of 
Wyoming. Ride from Laramie to 
Cheyenne with stop at Van TasseU for 
lunch 

3 r Cheyenne 

JUNE 

1 En route Iowa 

2 Speech on recent dood at Denison, 
Iowa. Allison, Dolliver, L. M. Shaw 
join party 

3 Nine speeches in Illinois including 
Freeport, Aurora, Joliet, Lexington, 
Bloomington 

4 Speeches in Lincoln, Springfield, De- 
catur, and Danville, 111 . Departure for 
Indianapolis 

5 Return to Washington witJi stops at 
Pittsburgh and Altoona, Penna. Recep- 
tion at Washington station. Visit with 
Hay 

6 Wa.shington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Payne, Root on post- 
office investigation 

7 Washington. Speech at church dedica- 
tion 

8 Washington. Lunch with Root. Dis- 
cussion of Philippine affairs 

9 Washington. Departure for Cleveland 
with Alice Roosevelt, Cowles’, Loeb 
and others. Stops at Harrisburg and 
York, Penna. 

10 Arrival in Cleveland. Hanna-McCor- 
mick wedding. Return to Washington 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington. Conference with Count 
Cassini on Kishinev massacres. Inter- 
view with Judge Grosscup on trusts. 
Dinner with Hay 

13 Washington. Conference with T. C. 
Platt on New York politics, successor 
to Morris as head of New York 
County Committee. Conference with 
W, N, Cromwell on Panama Canal 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Conference with Hay 
and executive council of B’nai B’ridi 
on Kishinev massacres. Callers include 
Jusserand. Departure for Baltimore 
Sangerfest with von Sternberg. Speech 
on German imm%radon 


16 Charlottesville, Va. University of Vir- 
ginia commencement. Speech on citi- 
zenship and large navy, ^’isit to Mon- 
ticeilo. Return to Washington 

17 V’^ashington. Statement supporting 
agreements between miners and coal 
operators. Lunch with Goddard and 
Gov. Hunt 

18 Washington. Executive order to ex- 
pedite postal frauds prosecutions 

19 Washington. Cabinet meetmg 

20 Washington 

2 1 Washington 

22 Washington 

23 Washington 

24 Washington. Dinner with B. I. 
WTieeler, Hay, Jusserand, and others 

25 Washington. Dinner at Great Falls, 

with G. Pinchot, Garfield, J. R. 
Proctor, and othej^ 

26 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
for Sir Thomas Lipton including 
Moody, A. D. AA'hite, Gen. Corbin, 
Sanger, Perkins, Hanna. Conference 
with Perkins on Wall Street views 
concerning financial legislation 

27 Departure for Oyster Bay 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay. Lunch with L\nnan Ab- 
bott. Bishop at Sagamore Hill 

30 Oyster Bay 

JULY 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay. Dinner with Beveridge. 
Callers include Gen. Wheeler 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Speech at Huntington, 
L. I., on opening of Pacific cable 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Hay, Hanna, 
Kearns, Fairbanks, Griscom. Confer- 
ence with Hay on Alaskan boundary, 
Manchuria, Jewish petition to the Czar 

8 Oyster Bay. Winthrop Chanlcr, La 
Fargc, Crane at Sagamore Hill 

9 Oyster Bay, Departure for Hudson 
River cruise on the Sylph 

10 Hudson River cruise. Visit with Bur- 
roughs. Return to Oyster Bay 

1 1 Oyster Bay. Vkits with Kean, Dryden, 
E. A. Philbin, Hendricks, and others 

12 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root on 
army promotions, Kishinev petition, 
Alaskan boundary 

13 Oyster Bay. Lundi with Root, Abp. 
Farley, Crinamins, Cooley, Holls, Riis, 


1359 


Sheffield. Appointment of R. S. Oliver 
as Assistant Secretary of War 

14 Oyster Bay. Conference with Leon 
Levi, Simon Wolf, Oscar Straus on 
Kishinev petition. Visit with Albert 
Shaw 

15 Oyster Bay. On board Sylph with 
family, L. IVI. Shaw, Riis. Visit with C. 
J. Bonaparte, R. S. Baker, Kohlsaat 

16 Oyster Bay. Conference with Lodge 
on financial legislation, Alaskan bound- 
ary dispute 

17 Oyster Bay. Press statement on cur- 
rency reform legislation. Callers in- 
clude Butler. 

18 Oyster Bay. Callers include Low, 
Meyer, W. L. Ward 

19 Oyster Bay, Lambert and Butler at 
Sagamore Hill 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay, Callers include Titus 
Sheard 

22 Oyster Bay. Visitors include T. C. 
Platt, M. if. Belknap, Lauterbach, W. 
C Forbes, C. Tower, Turner, H. C. 
Frick, Pinchot, Justin McCarthy. Con- 
ference with Cannon on financial leg- 
islation. 2 a,m. departure for Sa)nriife, 
L. I. on horseback 

23 Sayville, Guest of R. B. Roosevelt. 
Lunch with J. E. Roosevelt 

24 Return to Oyster Bay. Conference 
with Moo^ on Navy increase and 
legislation. Callers include B. F. Tracy 

25 Oyster Bay. Discussion of Porto Rican 
conditions with Samuel Lindsay. 
Lunch with Bristow, Loomis, W. Wil- 
liams, Van Ingen 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay, Callers include John Bar- 
rett 

28 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay. Conference with W. D. 
Washburn on financial legislation 

30 Oyster Bay. Conference with Payne 
on post-ciHce fraud investigations. 
Lunch with Payne, Gen. Young, Wil- 
liams, Van Ingen. Callers include J. E. 
Swanstrom 

31 Oyster Bay. Callers include J. R, Proc- 
tor, Wilson, Woodbury Kane. Con- 
ference with Proctor on public print- 
ing office investigation 

AVGtfsrx 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay 


3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Callers include Fish, 
Judge Sanborn, E. A. Bond, Melville 
Stone 

5 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root on 
Littauer and Lyon glove contract case 
and provisions of general staff law 

6 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root on 
Alaskan dispute 

7 Oyster Bay. Reception for von Stern- 
berg. Callers include W. B. Howland, 
Heybum, Millard 

8 Oyster Bay. Von Sternberg at Saga- 
more Hill 

9 Oyster Bay 

10 Oyster Bay 

1 1 Oyster Bay. Conference with ICnox on 
glove contract case and postal frauds. 
Callers include Bishop O’Gorman 

12 Oyster Bay. All-night conference with 
Allison, Spooner, O. H. Piatt, Aldrich 
on draft of currency bill 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay. Callers include L. M. 
Shaw, CuUom, Hitchcock, J. G. Car- 
lisle, Lauterbach, Bishop Rooker 

15 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay. Speech on ‘‘American 
Manhood” before Holy Name so- 
cieties of NYC, Brooklyn, Long 
Island 

17 Oyster Bay. Review of Caribbean 
smps of North Atlantic fleet off 
Lloyd’s Neck with Lipton, Moody, 
Adms. Taylor, Dewey, and others 

18 Oyster Bay 

19 Oyster Bay. Callers include Kearns, 
J. H. Sleicher 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay. Conference with E. J. 
Hill and J. W. Babcock on currency 
legislation. Visit with Odell, Cortel- 
you 

22 Oyster Bay, Visit with G. W. Dunn 

23 Oyster Bay 

24 Oyster Bay, Lunch with Kohlsaat. 
Callers include Aldrich 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 Oyster Bay, Breakfast with Riis. Call- 
ers include C. H. Robb, J. P. Mc- 
Reynolds, C, N. Fowler, delegation of 
New York fusionists 

28 Oyster Bay, Conference with Hay. 
L. M. Shaw at Sagamore Hill 

29 Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay 

31 Oyster Bay. Callers include McMackm 


1360 



SEPTEMBER 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Beveridge, 

J. H. Finley ^ 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Callers include Cortelvou, 

Loomis ^ 

5 Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay. Evening departure for 
Syracuse with Riis, Loeb 

7 Syracuse. Labor Day speech. Dinner 
given by F. H. Hiscock 

8 Return to Oyster Bay, Speech at Rich* 
mond Hill, L, I. Callers include Coo- 
ley, delegation from Sound Money 
League 

9 Oyster Bay. Callers include Morton, 
Leupp, Abp. Harty, H. M. Hoyt 

10 Oyster Bay. La Farge, Wister, Gar- 
land at Sagamore Hill 

11 05rster Bay 

1 2 Oyster Bay 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay 

15 Oyster Bay. Callers include Storers, 
Willis Ogden. Dinner with J. B. 
Moore and others 

16 Visit to Ellis Island on Sylph with 
W. Williams and others. Conference 
with T. C. Platt, Evening departure 
for Antietam, N. J. 

17 Antietam. Speech at dedication of 
monument to N. J. soldiers. Dinner 
with Gov. Murphy. Return to Oyster 
Bay 

18 0)^ter Bay. Dinner at Seawanhaka 
Yacht Club 

19 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Matthews, 
Stewart White, Butler 

20 Oyster Bay. Butler at Sagamore Hill 

2 1 05^er Bay. Discussion of special con- 
gressional session with Redfield Proc- 
tor and H. W. Scott. Conference witdi 
Rep. Curtis on federal appointments 

22 Oyster Bay 

23 Oyster Bay. CaDers include R. S. Mc- 
Cormick 

24 Oyster Bay, Callers include Stranahan, 
Fish, Lyman Abbott, J. C. ShaflFer 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay 

27 0 )reter Bay 

28 Departure for Washington 

29 Washin^on. Cabinet meeting. Inter- 
view with A. F. of L. executive coun- 
cil; lunch with Mitchell. Conference 
with Payne on post-office investiga- 


tions, Conference with Garfield and 
Sargent on government printing office 
investigations 

30 Washington 

OCTOBER 

1 Washington. Conference with Sens. 
Alice and Ball on appointment of 
U. S. dist. atty. for Delaware. Callers 
include C. ToWer, R. P. Skinner, Sen. 
Stewart 

2 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Sens. DDlingham, Proctor 
on Alaskan affairs. Conference with 
Dist. Atty. Beach on post-office in- 
dictments. Lunch with J. A. Gary, 
Callers include Sens. AUee and Ball, 
Rep. W. A. Smith 

3 Washington. At work on message to 
Congress, Lunch with L. M. Shaw, 
Moody, Cortelyou. Callers include 
Justices McKenna and Harlan, Asst. 
Sec. Darling, Gen. Young, Reps. W. 
A. Smith and J. M. Dixon, Sen. Hans- 
brough 

4 Washington 

5 Washington. Appointment of J. P. 
Nields as dist. atty, for Delaware, 
l^er and Barrett indicted in post- 
office frauds. Callers include Payne, 
L. M. Shaw 

6 Washington. Cabinet meetmg. Mem- 
orial service for British Ambassador 
Herbert. Appointment of American 
members to Inland Waterways Com- 
mission 

7 Washington, Conference with Crom- 
well on canal affairs. Conference with 
Knox on court appointments. Confer- 
ence with Payne at Post-Office De- 
partment. Lunch with Gen. C, E. 
Smith, Callers include L. M. Shaw, 
Rep. E. J. Hill 

8 Washington* Conference with Payne, 
Moody, C E. Smith on postal investi- 
gations. Conference with Rep. T* E. 
Burton on legislation of Rivers and 
Harbors Comm. Conference with J. 
W. Folk on extradition treaties with 
Canada and Mexico 

9 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with S. S. McClure 

10 Washington. Conference with Fora- 
ker on Ohio campaign. Lunch with 
members of English Traffic Comm. 
Callers include Steffens 

11 Washington 


12 Washington. Conferences with Moody, 
Reps. Grosvenor, Dalzell, Olmsted 

13 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Senator Cullom 

14 Washington. Conference with Knox. 
Callers include H. C. Frick, Sen. Mc- 
Comas 

15 W’ashington. Conference with Knox, 
Purdy, Holmes Conrad, Bonaparte on 
postal investigations. Speech at unveil- 
ing of statue of General Sherman 

16 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Reps. Payne and Dalzell 
on an extra congressional session 

17 Washington. Callers include Hay, 
Sens. Scott and Hansbrough. U. S, 
wins claims in Alaskan Boundary 
Tribunal decision 

18 Washington. Conference with Hay 

19 Washington. Conference on land laws 
with Sen. Hansbrough. Lunch with 
Gen. Black. Callers include Oscar 
Straus, Sen. Proctor, Col. C. R. Ed- 
wards 

20 Washington. Calls special session of 
Congress to convene Nov. 9 to con- 
sider Cuban reciprocity treaty. N. M. 
Butler at White House. Cabinet meet- 
ing 

21 Washington. Conferences with Sena- 
tors Mitchell, Fulton, Clark, Quay, and 
others 

22 Washington. Conference with ICnox,. 
Bonaparte, Conrad on post-office in- 
vestigations 

23 W'ashington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Sen. Cullom, C. D. Walcott 

24 Washington 

25 Washington. Speech at Mount St. Al- 
bans on Christian virtues and “militant 
honesty” 

26 Washington. Investigation of New 
York post-office ordered. Visit with 
Sen. Scott. Dinner with Satterlees, 
Rixevs, Justice Fuller 

27 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Littauer on glove contract 
case. 45th birthday 

28 Washington. Conierence with Littauer 
and J. G. Milbum. Callers include 
Cullom, Cockrell, Rep. Dixon 

29 Washington. Conference with Hitch- 
cock on public lands 

30 Washington. Cabinet meeting on mes- 
sage to Congress. Conferences with 
Long and Darling 

31 Wamington. Appointment of G. R. 
Carter as Governor of Hawaii 

I' 


NOVEMBER 

1 W'ashington 

2 M'ashington. Conference with Can- 
non, Mondell. Reception for crews of 
Sylph and Mayftov^er, Evening depar- 
ture for Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bay. Riis at Sagamore Hill. Re- 
public of Panama established. Evening 
departure for Washington 

4 Washington. Landing of Marines at 
Colon 

5 Washington. Conference with Hay, 
Moody, Loomis, Admirals Taylor and 
Walker on Panama rebellion. Recep- 
tion for Commissioners of Immigra- 
tion 

6 Washington. Recognition of Republic 
of Panama. Cabinet meeting on im- 
mediate negotiation for canal treaty. 
Callers include Reps. Grosvenor and 
Hepburn 

7 Washington. Conference with Aldrich, 
Allison, Hale, Cullom, Spooner, O, H. 
Platt on amendments to Cuban re- 
ciprocity treaty. Lunch with J. A. 
Sleicher 

8 'Washington. Conference with Root 
on Panama. Conference with Aldrich 
on finance 

9 Washington. Extra session of Congress 
convenes. Conference with Hanna on 
chairmanship of Rep. ‘National Com- 
mittee. Evening conference with 
Moody, Cannon, Allison, Aldrich, O. 
H. Platt, Spooner, Hanna, Hale, 
Lodge, Wetmore, Payne, Dalzell, 
Tavrtiey, Hemenway on Cuban re- 
ciprocity treaty message 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama, Special message sent to Congress. 
Conferences with Hanna, Littauer, 
Lodge, Hoar, Cannon, Beveridge, and 
Hopkins 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington. Evening conference on 
Panama with Hay, Wilson, Hale, Fair- 
banks, Hanna, Spooner, Allison, O. H. 
Platt 

13 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with Fairbanks, Hoar, AlKson, 
McComas 

14 Washington. Conferences with Hanna, 
Porto Rican delegates. Dinner for 
members of Ellis Island investigarion 
commission 

15 Washington 

x6 Washington. Documents rekring to 

k2 


Panama sent to House at Rep. Hitt’s 
request. Speech on Lincoln at N. Y. 
Ave. Presbyterian Church. Callers in- 
clude Beveridge, Fairbanks. Confer- 
ences with Moody, Cortelyou, Can- 
non, Gov. Durbin 

1 7 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with Gov, Durbin 

1 8 Washington. Panama Canal Treaty 
signed by Hay and Bunau-Varilla. 
Callers include Simon Wolf 

19 Washington. Cuban Reciprocity Bill 
passed in House. Reception and speech 
for German societies of Washington 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

21 Washington. Lunch with W. D. Mur- 
phy. Conference with Payne and Bris- 
tow on Bristow report. Conference 
with Tawney 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Lunch with G. W. Dunn, 
T. C. Platt. Callers include Foraker, 
Fairbanks 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama. Conference with Odell, T. C. 
Platt, Dunn on New York politics. 
Lunch with Montana labor leaders, 
Cortelyou, Wayne MacVeagh, C. D, 
Wright 

25 Washington 

26 Washington. Evening departure for 
NYC 

27 NYC. Funeral of James K. Gracie. De- 
parture for Washington 

28 Washington. Conferences with Ball, 
Quay, Fairbanks 

29 Washington. Publication of comments 
on Bristow report 

30 Washington, Callers include Cannon, 
Illinois political delegation 

DECEMBER 

1 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with J. J. Pershing. Conference with 

* Sen. Penrose 

2 Washington. Conference with Cullom 
on Panama and lUmois matters. Lunch 
with J. R. Proctor, Garfield. Callers 
include Foraker, Fairbanks 

3 Washington. Conferences with Root, 
Moody, Hay 

4 Washmgton. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with T. C. Platt on New York 
appointments. Evening conference 
with Hanna on ca^ legislation. 
Wood case, Rep. National Comm, 
chairmanship 


5 W'ashington 

6 Washington 

7 Washington, Regular session of Con- 
gress convenes. Conference on Alas- 
kan affairs w’ith Sen. \^'arren 

8 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with Andrew Carnegie 

9 Washington. Conference with Foss on 
naval affairs. Evening visit to Roots’ 

10 Washington. Conference with Rep. 
national committeemen 

1 1 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Von 
Sternberg at Wliite House 

12 Washington. Appointment of W, L 
Buchanan as U, S. Minister to Panama. 
Conference with B. S. McGuire on 
statehood for Oklahoma. Lunch in- 
cluding J. H. Moore, J. J, Sheridan, 
J. A. Stewart 

13 Washington 

14 Washington. Conference with Delegate 
Wilson on statehood for Ariz. Callers 
including Root, Moody, Redfield 
Proctor, Cockrell, Foraker. Evening 
conference with L. M. Shaw, von 
Sternberg on export duties to Ger- 
many. Riis at White House 

15 Washmgton. Funeral of J. R. Proctor. 
Lunch with L. M. Shaw and confer- 
ence on export duties to Germany 

16 Washington. Cabinet meefing. Confer- 
ence with Conrad and Bonaparte on 
report sustain!^ Tulioch charges of 
postal frauds. Qiban Reciprocity Bill 
passed in Senate 

17 Washmgton. Approval of Cuban Re- 
ciprocity Bill. Lunch with Lodge, 
Murray Crane, Root, Cortelyou, Cab- 
inet dinner 

18 Washmgton. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama. Conference with Odell on New 
York politics. Lunch with Root, 
Lodge, Crane, Cortelyou 

19 Washmgton, Conference wdth Moody, 
Cortelyou, Root, Knox, Hitchcock, 
Lodge on western land frauds 

20 Washington 

21 Washington. Visit to Ha)^’ 

22 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

23 Washington. Conference with Root, 
L, M. Shaw on Philippine friars’ lands. 
Lunch with Gov. Pennypacker of 
Penna. Visit with H. G. Squieis 

24 Washington, Conference with Root 

25 Wadiiington. Dinner with Lodges, 
Cowles’, Brooks Adams’, Ferguson, 
and others 


1363 


26 Washin^on. Callers include Sen. Elk- 
ins 

27 Washington 

28 Washington. Conference with Moody 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Co- 
lombian affairs, ^’^isit with Simon Wolf 

30 Washington. Callers include Spanish 
Treaty Claims Comm., Reps. Loomis 
and Dixon 

3 1 Washington. Conferences with Cortel- 
you, Root, J. R. Garfield 


1904 

JANUARY 

1 Washington. White House reception 

2 Washington 

3 W^ashington 

4 Washington. Congress reconvenes. 
Presidential message urging ratification 
of canal treaty. Callers include Sen. 
Hansbrough 

5 Washington, Cabinet meeting on far 
eastern situation. Conference with 
Piatt on New York politics. Dinner at 
Roots’. Callers include Sens. Hopkins 
and Lodge, Rep. Grosvenor. Russia 
enters Korea 

6 Washington. Conferences with Sen. 
Quarles on public opinion toward 
Panama Canal policy. Callers include 
Beveridge, Smoot, Ball, Burrows, Bur- 
ton, Humphrey 

7 Washington. Conference with Quay. 
Callers include Allison, Hopkins, Bou- 
tell, Mondell. Diplomatic reception 

8 Washington. Conferences with Rep. 
Hinshaw, O. H. Platt, Aldrich, Fair- 
banks. White House dinner and musi- 
cale 

9 Washington. Conferences with Bar- 
tholdt, Burton. Callers include Rep. 
McCleaty, R. A. Alger, Quay, Mitch- 
ell. Contoence with 'Allison 

10 Washington 

11 Washington. Conference with Kearns, 
Aldrich. Callers include Gov. Durbin, 
Mitchell, Fulton, Landis 

12 Washinjgton. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Elkins. Callers include von 
Sternberg, Rep. J. B. Clark 

13 Washington, Conference with Lit- 
tauer. 

14 Washington. Diplomatic dinner 

15 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Woodruff on New York 
politics. Conference with Beveridge. 


Callers include von Sternberg, Sen. 
Long. White House musicale 

16 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Rep. Hitt. Callers include Quay, Gov. 
Hill 

17 Washington 

18 Washington. Receives Michigan Re- 
publican deleg. headed by Sens. Alger 
and Burrows. Callers include Tawney, 
Grosvenor, Crumpacker 

19 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama Canal Treaty. Conference with 
Cullom, Allison on canal treaty. Call- 
ers include Gov. Cummins, Gov. Dol- 
liver, W. A. Smith, Bartholdt, Hemen- 
way 

20 Washington. Conference with Aldrich 
on canal treaty. Callers include Smoot, 
Proctor, O. H. Platt. Hepburn Pure 
Food Bill debated in House 

21 Washington. Callers include Cullom, 
Frye, Hopkins, board of Indian com- 
missioners. Judicial reception 

22 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Foraker on Ohio politics. 
Callers include ex-Gov. Merriam, Mil- 
lard. White House musicale. Japanese 
troops in Korea 

23 Washington. Conference with Fair- 
banks on canal treaty. Callers include 
Cannon, Grosvenor, Ch. Justice Fuller, 
Justice Harlan. Conference with Root. 
Boone and Crockett dinner 

24 Washington 

25 Washington. Conferences with Hey- 
bum, L. M. Shaw, Beveridge. Callers 
include Dalzell, Lodge 

26 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama situation. Interview with St. Louis 
Committee On Good Roads. Callers in- 
clude Alice' Ball, W. A, Smith. Dinner 
at Moody’s 

27 Washington, Callers include Heybum, 
von Sternberg, G. C. Perkins, Met- 
calf. Reception in honor of Root 

28 Washington. Conference with Millard 
on Nebraska politics. Lunch with 
Root, Taft. Conference with Depew. 
Callers include Spanish Treaty Claims 
Comm, members. Supreme Court din- 
ner 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Aldrich, Beveridge, Ball, Hem- 
enway, Landis, Reception for Taft. 
White House dinner and musicale 

30 Washington. Conferences with Crane, 
Kohlsaat. Callers include Hemenway, 
Proctor, Cullom, littauer, L. M. Shaw, 


1364 


J. P, Goodrich, Conference with Fora-* 
ker on Ohio politics. Gridiron Club 
dinner 

31 Washington. Dinner for Root 


FEBRUARY 

1 Washington, Callers include Quarles, 
Long, Grosvenor, Taft 

2 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Cullom on Panama 
treaty. Conference with Elkins on in- 
terstate commerce legislation. Callers 
include Root, Heybum, Burrow^s. Din- 
ner at Hitchcock’s 

3 Washington. Conferences with O. H. 
Piatt and L. M. Shaw on canal finances. 
Conference w^th Allison on pending 
legislation. Callers include Cannon, 
Penrose, Cockrell, Hepburn 

4 Washington. Conferences with De- 
pew, Hopkins, Scott. Callers include 
von Sternberg. Lunch with Frank 
Black. Congressional reception 

5 Washington. Cabinet meeting on re- 
placement for Taft on Philippine com- 
mission. Callers include G. W. Per- 
kins, Dryden, Moody, Heyburn, Loo- 
mis. Visit with Hanna 

6 Washington. Conference with Moody, 
Loomis, von Sternberg on Dominican 
affairs. Conference with Lorimer, Hop- 
kins, Cullom, T. N. Jamieson on Eli- 
nois politics. Callers include O. H. 
Pktt, Lacey, Smoot, W. A. Smith. 
Dinner with O. W. Holmes, J, C. 
Greenway, Granville Fortescue, and 
others 

7 Washington. Russo-Japanese diploma- 
tic relations broken 

8 Washington 

9 Washington. Cabinet meetmg on far 
eastern situation. Ckllers include G. 
C. Perkins, Boutell, Overstreet, Kean, 
Cockrell. Dinner at Wilson’s. Attack 
on Port Arthur by Japan 

10 Washington. Conference with L. M. 
Shaw on canal finances. Callers include 
Judge Wickersham, McComas. Decla- 
ration of war by Russia 

11 Washington. Conference with Cannon 
on proposed pension bill. Callers in- 
clude Lodge, Fulton. U. S. neutrality 
proclamation issued. Declaration of 
war by Japan 

12 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Visit 
td Hanna’s. Birthday dinner for Alice, 

I 


Callers include delegation of American 
Medical Society 

13 "Wkshington. Conference with Hemen- 
way. Call on Hanna. Callers include F. 
V. " Greene, Dalzell, Gov. Dockery, 
Adm. Taylor 

14 V'^ashington 

15 V'ashington. Death of Hanna. Callers 
include Gov. Herrick, Jusserand, von 
Sternberg, Heybum, delegation of 
American cottok manufacturers, “Buf- 
falo Bill” 

16 Washington. Callers include H. M. 
Hanna 

17 Washington. Senate funeral service for 
Hanna. Callers include Beveridge, 
Gen. Wheeler 

18 Washington. Conference with Sen. 
Kean. Callers include Sen. Millard, 
Hopkins, Rep. Burton. Conference 
with Taft 

19 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with Rep. Landis, T. C. Platt 

20 Washington. Conferences with Sens. 
Lodge, Bard, Quarles, Clapp 

21 Washington 

22 Washington. Conference with Sens. 
Perkins and Bard on Panama canal 
commission. Conferences with A. J. 
Cassatt, T. C, Piatt, Adm. Walker. 
Callers include Dillingham, Cullom, 
Gamble, Foraker 

23 Washington, Cabinet meeting on Santo 
Domingo affairs. Panama Canal Treaty 
ratified by Senate 

24 Washington. Conference wdth Depew ' 
on New York politics. Chilers include 
Gen. Davis, W. B. Parsons, Sen. Mc- 
Comas, Rep, Babcock 

25 Washington. Conference with 
Scott, Callers include Sen. Hopkins, 
Millard, Clapp, Approval of Panama 
Canal Treaty 

26 Washington. Conference with Dr, 
Rixey on Panama medical conditions. 
Cabinet meeting on Hiilippinc com- 
mission affairs. Conference with Sens. 
Mitchell, Fulton. Callers include Sens. 
Aldrich, Cullom, Long 

27 Washington. Callers include Smoot, 
Depew, Heybum 

28 Washington 

29 Washington. Conference with Knox 

MARCH 

“Mission of the Republican Party” pub- 

l^ed in Critic 


r Washington. Cabinet meeting on canal 
contract. Conferences with Fairbanks. 
Pa\Tie, Overstreet 

2 Washington 

3 Washington. Conference with Littauer 
on New York politics. Callers include 
Takahira, Cullom, Hopkins, Hans- 
brough 

4 Washington. Cabinet meeting on pro- 
posed Pacific cable. Conference with 
Adm, Walker, Foraker. Conference 
with T, C. Platt. Visit with Takahira 

5 Washington. Conference on Indian 
affairs with J. S, Sherman. Callers in- 
clude Quay, Col. Bingham, Hopkins 

6 Washington 

7 Washington. Political conference with 
Crane. Conference with Knox, Adm. 
Walker on canal negotiations. Callers 
include Spooner, Quarles, Dixon, 
Grosvenor. Dinner at Moody’s. Bona- 
parte-Woodruff report on Indian 
Territory affairs sent to Congress 

8 Washington, Cabinet meeting on canal 
negotiations. Callers include Cullom, 
Fairbanks, Pettigrew. Lunch with 
Crane 

9 Washington. Callers include O. H. 
Platt, F. H. Partridge, Clapp, Gallin- 
ger, Kearns. Afternoon trip to Arling- 
ton to visit H. C. Payne 

10 Washington. Conference with Hay on 
neutrality enforcement. Conference 
with Cannon, Overstreet on Payne’s 

ost-ofEce report. Conference with 
ristow on post-ofHce investigation. 
Callers include Elkins, Penrose, Mil- 
lard, Foraker 

11 Wa^ington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference -with Rep. Sulloway, Gibson 
on. civil service pensions. Callers in- 
clude Sens. Nelson and Clapp 

12 Washington. Callers include Hitch- 
cock, Mondell 

13 Washington * 

14 Washington. Conference with W. A. 
Smith, Callers include Depew, T, C. 
Platt, Quay, Foraker, Grosvenor, Hull, 
Gallinger. Northern Securities Co. 
merger declared illegal by Supreme 
Court 

15 Washington, Cabinet meeting on 
Northern Securides Co. decision. Call- 
ers include Sen. Hopkins 

16 Washington. Conference with Fora- 
ker 

17 Washington, Callers include AUee, 


Curtis, Boutell, J. S. Wise, Aldrich, 
Beveridge 

18 Washington. Callers include Allison, 
Millard, Foraker, Kean 

19 Washington. Conference with Adm. 
Dewey. Conference with Rep. Brooks 
on Colorado patronage. Callers include 
Hemenway 

20 Washington 

21 Washington. Callers include Isthmian 
Canal Commission. Dinner with Jus- 
tice Day» Hitchcocks, Aldriches, For- 
akers, A.. R. Chafees, Mrs. Leonard 
Wood 

22 A^'ashington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with canal commission. Conference 
\\ith Kearns on Alaskan affairs 

23 Washington. Conference with Sen. 
Dick on Ohio politics. Conference 
with Rep. Barthoidt on Alissouri poli- 
tics. Callers include Elkins, Redfield 
Proctor 

24 Washington. Conference with Rep. 
Rodenberg on Illinois politics. Callers 
include Depew, Penrose 

25 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Adm, Walker on canal 
commission 

26 Washington. Conference with Sen. 
Scott on Rep. convention plans. Con- 
ference with canal commission. Call- 
ers include Kaneko, Olney, Lacey, 
Mondell, Fairbanks, Foraker, Lodge, 
Alger 

27 Washington 

28 Washington. Sen. Burton convicted. 
Conference with Aldrich and Cannon 
on pending financial legislation 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Knox on canal finances. 
Callers include Sen. Dick 

30 Washington. Conference with Hemen- 
way on appropriations. Callers include 
Beveridge, Dick, McComas, Hull 

31 Washington, Conference with Knox 
on canS finances. Conference with 
Quay on Rep. campaign. Dinner with 
O. W. Holmes 

APRIL 

1 Washington, Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama Canal finances. Callers include 
Frye, Penrose, Cullom, Cannon, Mc- 
Cumber 

2 Washington. Callers include G. W. 
Fishback, Barthoidt, Heybum. Lunch 
with Root 


I3<5<S 



3 Washington 

4 \^^ashington. Conference with iMoody. 
Callers include J. S. Wise, delegation 
of Pittsburgh steel executives 

5 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama railroad strike. Callers include 
O. H. Piatt, Dolliver, Grosvenor, 
Payne, Hitchcock, Heybum 

6 Washington. Conference with Depew, 
T. C. Platt on chairmanship of Rep. 
convention. Conference with J. A. 
Stewart on New York politics. Con- 
ference with Allison. Qillers include 
Foraker, Dick, Beveridge 

7 Washington. Conference with Knox. 
Callers include Cockrell, Warren, Cul- 
lom, Dolliver, Seth Bullock. Speech at 
Periodical Publishers Assn, dinner 

8 Washington. Cabinet meeting on 
Chinese exclusion. Lunch with W. A. 
White, Riis, R. J. Collier, Seth Bul- 
lock, Moody, Hapgood. Callers in- 
clude Depew, Alger, von Sternberg 

9 Washington. Conference with Hop- 
kins. Lunch on Mayflower, Callers in- 
clude G. C. Perkins, Gamble, Gaines 

10 Washington 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington. Cabinet meeting on 
Chinese exclusion laws. Conference 
with Fulton. Callers include Alger, 
W. A. Smith, Burrows, Alice, Hop- 
kins, Dolliver, members of American 
Protective Tariif League. Dinner at 
L. M. Shaw’s 

13 Washington. Conferences with Pen- 
rose, Aldrich, Rep. McCall on pro- 
posed Senate investigation of Post- 
Office Department, Conference with 
Dryden on pending Canal Zone legis- 
lation. Explosion of Missouri 

14 Washington. Conferences with Pen- 
rose, Aldrich, Spooner on post-office 
investigation. Callers include Bard, 
Curtis. Reception for Knights of 
Columbus 

15 Washington. Conference with Spooner. 
Callers include Warren, Fairbanks, 
Quarles. Cabinet meeting on Chinese 
exclusion laws 

16 Washington. Conference with Knox 
on Chinese exclusion laws. Confer- 
ence with Elkins, Long, Kean, Dry- 
den. Callers include delegation from 
Alaska 

17 Washington 

18 Washington, Conference with Pen- 


rose, Fulton, P. B. Stewart on Indian 
aifairs. Discussion of West \’'irginia 
factionalism with Sen. Scott 

19 'V\’'ashington. Cabinet meeting on wire- 
less telegraphy. Conference with O. 
H. Platt. Callers include Hopkins. 
Owen \A"ister and S. E. \^’hite at 
M'hite House 

20 \^’'ashington. Conference with ex-Gov. 
Hunt and Knox. Callers include Bev- 
eridge, Spooner, T. J. Akins, G.A.R. 
delegation 

21 Washington. Conferences with Knox, 
Hunt, fiurrows, Fairbanks, Beveridge, 
Callers include von Sternberg, Gen. 
Wheeler, Marion Butler, G, E. Foss 

22 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ferences with Hugo Miinsterberg, 
Wadsworth. Conference with Lacey 
on public land bills 

23 Washington. Appointment of Beck- 
man Wlnthrop as Governor of Porto 
Rico. Conferences with ex-Gov. Hunt, 
Redfield Proctor. Callers include Miin- 
sterbeig, Eugene Ware, Lodge, Hey- 
burn, Alger, Foraker 

24 W^ashington 

25 Washington. Conference with Odell 
on New York politics. Lunch including 
Odell, Littauer, Warren, Sherman. 
Callers include Grosvenor, Redfield 
Proctor, L. M, Shaw 

26 Washington. Cabinet meeting on canal 
affairs. Conference with F."N. God- 
dard on New York politics. Callers in- 
clude members of Panama railroad 
loan commission. Lunch at Hay’s, Din- 
ner at Cortelyou’s 

27 W^ashington. Conference with Reps. 
Dietrich and Kinkaid on homestead 
laws. Callers include Alger, Murray 
Crane 

28 Washington. Adjournment of Con- 
gress. Callers include Elkins, Allison, 
Aldrich, Spooner. Appointment of T. 
C Dawson as minister to Santo Do- 
mingo 

29 WaSiington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Gov. Bailey and Sen. 
Loi^ on Kansas politics. Conference 
with Payne. Lunch with Gen. Oster- 
hans. Moody, Adm. Walker, Gen. 
Young. Callers include Richard Strauss 

30 WasWngton. Opening of St. Louis 
Louisiana Purchase Ei^osition. Callers 
indude Hansbrough, von Sternberg, 
Rep. Livemash 


1367 


MAY 


“Merit System in Government Appoint- 
ments’* published in Cosfnopolitan Maga-^ 

zine 

1 Washington, Conference with Aldrich, 
Allison, Spooner, Hale, O. H, Platt, 
Lodge, Cannon, Hemenway, Cortel- 
you on Republican campaign platform 

2 Washington. Conference with Aldrich, 
Allison, Spooner, O. H. Platt, Lodge 
on National Committee chairmanship 
and Vice-Presidential candidate. Con- 
ferences with T. C, Platt on New York 
politics 

3 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Payne on post-office 
affairs. Conference with Adm. Walker 
on the canal. Callers include Aldrich, 
Warren, Spooner, Cockrell, Hans- 
brough 

4 Washington. Conference with Allison, 
CuUom, Spooner, Cortelyou on Re- 
publican platform. Lunch with C. N. 
Bliss 

5 Washington. Callers include Lodge, 
Ball, Burrows, Reddeld Proctor, Ful- 
ton 

6 Washington. Cabinet meeting on canal 
affairs. Conference with Rep. Adams 
on proposed immigration bill 

7 Washington. Conference with Adm. 
Walker on canal. Callers include Balti- 
more AP, of L. delegation 

8 Washington 

9 Washington. Formal instructions to 
Isthmian Canal Conrni. issued. Con- 
ference with John Mitchell on Colo- 
rado mining strike. Conference with 
Gov. Brady of Alaska. Callers include 
Elkins, Scott 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting on canal 
finances 

n Washington. Conference with Taft. 
C^ers include Hitt, Dr. Rixey 

12 Washington 

13 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Pub- 

lication of Robb’s report on New York 

ost office. Callers include Sen. Hans- 
rough 

14 Washington. Callers include Abp. 

Riordan, Boutell, von Sternberg, Dur- 
and 

15 Washington 

16 Washington. Conference with C, D. 
Wright 

17 Wariungton. Cabinet meeting. Ap- 

pointment of Cortelyou as chainnan 


of Rep. National Comm. Root at 
White House 

18 Washington. Conferences with Adm. 
Walker, Loomis. Callers include W. 
AL Byrne. Evening conference with 
Root, Lodge, Black on draft of Rep. 
platform 

19 Washington. Conference with Elmer 
Dover on Rep. campaign. Callers in- 
clude Cowles 

20 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Cromwell on Panama 
canal 

21 Washington. Conference with Moody. 
Conference with Sherman on Indian 
affairs and New York politics. Lunch 
with members of Rep. National Edi- 
torial Assn. Callers include Takahira 

22 Washington 

23 AVashington. Callers include Adm. 
Evans, Ball, Dalzell, Redfield Proctor. 
Luijch with Elkins. Evening departure 
for Groton, Mass. 

24 Groton. Speech at Groton School. 
Evening departure for Washington. 
Offer of good services to Japan and 
Russia 

25 Washington. Callers include L, M. 
Shaw, Hale, Alger 

26 Washington. Cjonferences with Taft, 
Spooner, Aldrich, Kean. Conference 
with Redfield Proctor and W, A, 
Smith on Red Cross meeting 

27 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Lunch 
with Kean. Conference with Hay 

28 Washington. Conference with Dele- 
gate Rodey on New Mexico appoint- 
ments, Callers include Taft, C. R. 
Edwards, Cullom, McComas. Death of 
Senator Quay 

29 Washington. Evening departure for 
Getiysburg, Pa. 

30 Gettysburg, Memorial Day address. 
Departure for Washington 

31 Washington. Callers include delega- 
tion of Wisconsin La Follette Repub- 
licans. U. S. sq[uadron arrives at Tan- 
giexs (Perdicatis affair) 

JTJNE 

1 Washington. Conferences with Knox, 
Payne, Harlan. Lunch with Herbert 
Putnam at the Library of Congress. 
Conference with Hay, Moody, Adm. 
Evans on Perdicaris affair 

2 Washington. Conference with Knox 
on Alaska. Callers include Foraker, 
Elkins, Warren, Heyburn 


3 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Alerriam, Hepburn, Sen. Mitch- 
ell, Capt. Bromwell 

4 Washington. Lunch with Morton. 
Conference with Gen, Black. Callers 
include von Sternberg, Dalzell 

5 Washington 

6 Washington. Conference with Moody 
on board for proposed Great Lakes 
naval training school- Callers include 
Loomis, James Wilson, von Sternberg, 
Bartholdt. Lunch with Takahira and 
Kaneko. Reception for Jusserand 

7 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Cannon on Illinois poli- 
tics. Discussion of Hawaiian judiciary 
■with Knox 

8 Washington. Conferences with Taft, 
Hitt. CaUers include Durand. Public 
reception. Rebellion at Cripple Creek, 
Colo. 

9 Washington. Conference with Hay, 
Taft, L. M. Shaw, Hitchcock. Knox to 
succeed Quay. Lunch with Caimon and 
Gov. Brodie 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Cor- 
telyou’s immigration inspection tour 
of U. S. and Canada, Callers include 
Gov. Brodie, Quesada 

1 1 Wasliington. Conference with Moody, 
Lunch with G. R. Caner. Callers in- 
clude Beckman Winthrop, Taft, Can- 
non, McComas. Lyman Abbott at 
White House 

12 Washington 

13 Washington, Conference with Littauer 
on New York politics. Conference with 
Taft on Philippine matters 

14 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Reps. Dayton and 
Hughes on W. Va. politics. Confer- 
ence with C. H, Robb. Lunch with 
N. M. Butler 

15 Washington. Conference with Knox 
and Holmes Conrad. Callers include 
Winthrop, T, F. Walsh, J, G. Brooks 

16 Washington. Investigation of General 
Slocum burning ordered. Callers in- 
clude Paul Morton. Lunch with B. L 
Wheeler, Frank Travers 

17 Washington, Cabinet meeting on naval 
and judiciary matters. CaUers include 
von Sternberg, Kinkaid. Departure for 
Hyde Park, N, Y. 

18 Hyde Park, Helen Roosevelt-Theodore 
D. Robinson wedding. Departure for 
Philadelphia 

19 Philadelphia and Valley Forge, Pa. Day 


with Knox. Speech at Valley Forge. 
Evening departure for Washington 

20 Washington, Conference with Cortel- 
you on General Slocum investigation. 
Callers include Cassini, Jusserand 

21 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Gen- 
eral Slocujn disaster. Conference with 
Cortelyou. Callers include Cardinal 
SacoUi 

22 Washington. Conference ■with Taft on 
army promotions. Lunch tvith Knox. 
Callers include Gen. Chaffee 

23 Washington. Nomination of Roose- 
velt and Fairbanks in Chicago. Con- 
ference with Paul Morton. Callers in- 
clude Loomis, Adm. Taylor, J. S. 
Wise 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting on tar- 
iff rates for Canal Zone. Official an- 
nouncement of Cabinet appointments. 
Perdicaris released 

25 Washington. Callers include Mudd, 
L, M. Snaw, Adm. Dewey, Adm. Tay- 
lor, Gen. Chaffee. Lunch with S. Al. 
Ferris. Reception for zMinister de 
Obaldia from Panama 

26 Washington 

27 Washington, Callers include Cortel- 
you, Elmer Dover, Boutell, Confer- 
ence with Payne. Lunch including von 
Sternberg, Hay 

28 Washington. CaUers include Hitch- 
cock, Col. Bingham 

29 Washington. Callers include Civil 
Service Comm’r Black, Wadsworth, 
Henry Oxnard 

30 Washington. Visit to Cortelyou at De- 
partment of Commerce and Labor. 
Callers include L. F. Payn 

1 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference on Panama with John Barrett. 
CaUers include Mudd, Redfieid Proc- 
tor 

2 Departure for Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Civil Service Cotnm’r 
Cooley at &gamore HiU 

5 Oyster Bay, CaUers include Beveridge 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay. At work on acceptance 

S eech 

yster Bay. Conference with Odell, 
Barnes on campaign 

9 Oyster Bay. Nomination of Parker 
and Davis by Democrats 


1369 



10 Oyster Bay. Fairbanks at Sagamore 
H'iU 

11 Oyster Bay. Conference on campaign 
with Bliss, Fairbanks, Cortelyou 

12 Oyster Bay, Conference on "campaign 
with Fairbanks and Cortelyou. Call- 
ers include Gov. Hunt 

13 Oyster Bay. At work on acceptance 
speech 

14 Oyster Bay, Callers include Justin 
AIcCarthy. "Lunch with J, R. Sheffield 

15 Oyster Bay. Conference with T. C. 
Platt, Cortelyou on New York politics 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay. N. M. Butler at Sagamore 
HiU 

18 Oyster Bay. Conferences with Knox 
and Root " 

19 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root. 
Callers include delegation of Colorado 
labor men. At work on acceptance 
speech 

20 Oyster Bay. Callers include Gifford 
Pinchot 

21 Oyster Bay 

22 Oyster Bay. Conference with W. L. 
Ward. Callers include C. F. Francis, 
J. A. Sleicher 

23 Oyster Bay. Conference with L. M. 
Shaw, ^eech at College Point, L. I. 

24 Oyster Bay 

25 Oyster Bay. Callers include Millard, 
Grenville 6odge, Silas McBee, M. H. 
DeYoung. Murray Crane at Sagamore 
HiU 

26 Oyster Bay. Cortelyou, Kean, Rob- 
inson at Sagamore Hill 

27 Oyster Bay. Reception for Notifica- 
tion Committee headed by Cannon. 
Acceptance Speech 

28 Departure for Washington 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting on na- 
tional finances. Conference with Red- 
field Proctor 

30 Washington. Conferences with 
Moody, Aletcalf, Morton, Overstreet, 
Payne, Foraker, Hopkins, Cullom, 
Cannon on Chicago beef strike 

31 Washington 

AUGUST 

1 Washington. Conferences with Wil- 
son, C D. Wright. Callers include 
Hopkins, Hepburn, Frank Saa^ent 

2 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with D. I. Murphy. Callers 
include Curds Guild, Jr. 


3 Washington. Conference with Taft, 
Payne. Conference with Moody on 
beef strike 

4 Washington. Conference with Cortel- 
you on campaign. Callers include 
(jompers, Alice 

5 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Tur- 
key. Conference with Cortelyou. Dis- 
cussion of W. Va. politics with Elkins, 
Scott 

6 Washington. Conferences with Cortel- 
you and Moody 

7 Washington 

8 Washington. Conference with Hay. 
CaUers include Cannon, Dayton, Bur- 
ton 

9 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Tur- 
key. Conference with Garfield. Call- 
ers include Foraker. Von Sternberg 
at White House 

10 Washington. Lunch with Patrick 
Egan, L. M. Shaw, Payne. Conference 
and dinner with Hay, Moody, Mor- 
ton, Loeb 

1 1 Washington. Callers include Rep. Foss 

12 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Tur- 
key and Far East 

13 Washington 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Conference with L. M. 
Shaw on campaign. Callers include 
Takahira, Hay, Mudd 

16 Washington. Conference with Gov. 
Davis on Panama railroad contract. 
Cabinet meeting 

17 Washington. Conference with Taft. 
Callers include Metcalf, Long 

18 Washington. Conference with Hay, 
Taft on letter of acceptance. CaUers 
include J. S. Wise, C. Tower, Taka- 
hira. Conference with Robb on paper 
trust investigation 

19 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Jap- 
anese seizure of Russian ship and 
Panama raUroad contract 

20 Departure for Oyster Bay 

21 Oyker Bay 

22 Oyster Bay. Lodge at Sagamore HiU 

23 Oyster Bay. Conference with Lodge 
on Canadian reciprocity and letter of 
acceptance 

24 Oyster Bay. Conference wtith Wood- 
ruff, Root, Cortelyou on NY gov- 
ernorship. Callers include J, G. Schur- 
man 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay. Littauer at Sagamore HiU 

27 Oyster Bay. CaUers include Rep. Lan- 


1370 


dis, members of German Roosevelt 
League 

i8 Oyster Bay 

29 Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay. At work on final draft 
of letter of acceptance 

31 Oyster Bay. Callers include Judge 
Hasbrouck 

SEPTEMBER 

1 Oyster Bay 

2 Oyster Bay. Conference with Bev- 
eridge 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay 

5 Oyster Bay. Conference -with Cortei- 
you. Conference with Leupp on In- 
dian affairs. Hay at Sagamore Hill 

6 Oyster Bay. Conference with Moody 
on Vermont and Maine campaigns 

7 Oyster Bay. Callers include F. B. 
Loomis 

8 Oyster Bay 

9 Oyster Bay. Callers include Count 
Apponyi 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay. Conference with Fair- 
banks, Publication of acceptance letter 

12 Oyster Bay. Conference with McCum- 
ber 

13 Oyster Bay. Conference with T. C. 
Platt, OdeB 

14 Oyster Bay, Storer at Sagamore Hill 

15 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay 

19 Oyster Bay. Callers include N. N. 
Stranahan, W, J. Youngs 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay, Lunch with F. W. Hig- 
gins, Riis 

22 Departure for Washington 

23 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include J. R. Garfield, Knox, Redfield 
Proctor 

24 Washington. Conferences with Loomis, 
Morton. Speech before delegates of 
Interparliamentay Union. Dinner for 
Archbishop of Canterbury 

25 Washington. Lunch with Count Ap- 
ponyi 

26 Washington, Conferences with Hem- 
enway, Eugene Ware. Callers include 
Taft. Lunch widi B. I. Wheeler 

27 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Cam- 
paign conference with Coitelyou. 


Lunch with Taft, Moodv, Alger, 
J. C. Rose 

28 Washington. Callers include Taft, 
Mudd, Moody, Payne, Boutell, Gen. 
Corbin. Luncli with J. B. Reynolds 

29 Washington. Conference with H. A. 
Taylor. Callers include Marion Butler, 
Gompers, SuUoway 

30 AVashington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include H. A. Taylor. Visit to Payne. 
James Brjxe at AAliite House. Death 
of Senator Hoar 

OCTOBER 

1 Washington, Conference with H, W. 
Scott. Lunch with .Meyer, Moody. 
Callers include Hepburn 

2 Washington. Visit to Payne 

3 W^ashington. Conference with Wilson 

4 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Discus- 
sion of Alaskan affairs with W. A. 
Day. Lunch including Garfield, W. D. 
Foulke. Death of H. C. Payne 

5 Washington 

6 Washington. Conferences with Fora- 
ker, McComas 

7 Washington. Campaign conference 
with Cortelyou, Woodruff. Payne’s 
funeral. Conference with R. J, Wynne 

8 Washington. Callers include Cortel- 
you, Emox, Gifford Pinchot, J. B. 
Reynolds, Foraker, Woodruff 

9 Washington 

10 Washington. Callers include Bristow, 
Fuller 

n Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Root. Callers include von 
Sternberg 

12 Washington. Conference with IVlorton, 
Adms. Dewey, Converse, Evans on 
warship construction. Callers include 
Isthmian Canal Commission 

13 Washington. Conference with Pen- 
rose. Callers include Taft 

14 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Hitchcock on Interior De- 
partment finances. Callers include 
Hansbrough 

15 Valley Forge, Pa. Wedding of Atty. 
Gen. Knox’s daughter. Return to 
Washington 

16 Washington 

17 Washington. Callers include Moody, 
Morton, Gov, Brodie, Jusserand, Dal- 
zell 

18 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama 


1371 


19 Washington. Conferences with Alet- 
calf» Moody. Dinner including Jusser- 
and, Alorton, Garfield, Storer, Taft 

20 Washington. Conference with F. P. 
Sargent 

21 Washington. Cabinet meeting on cam- 
paign and Hague Conference 

22 Washington 

23 Washington 

24 Washington. Callers include Ulysses 
Grant, Jr., H. T. Scott 

25 Washington. Conference ttiih Hay. 
Cabinet meeting. Callers include Knox 
and von Sternberg 

26 Washington. Conference with Knox 

27 Washington. Birthday celebration. 
Conferences with Loomis, Oliver, 
Knox, Moody, Cortelyou. Callers in- 
clude delegation from New York Hun- 
garian Republican Club 

28 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

29 Washington. Reception for members 
of British Iron and Steel Institute 

30 Washington 

31 Washington. Conference with Gar- 
field and C. D. Edwards 

NOVEMBER 

1 Washington. Callers include Clarence 
Bowen. Arbitration treaty signed with 
France 

2 Washington, Callers include J. S. Wise 

3 Washington, Callers include Quesada, 
Morton, Garfield 

4 TS^ashington. Cabinet meeting 

5 Washington. Callers include Hay, 
Wynne 

6 Washington 

7 Washinpon. Conference with Hay. 
Callers include Morton, DalzeU. Eve- 
ning departure for Oyster Bay 

8 Oyster Bay. Voting- Departure for 
Washington. Election or Roosevelt 
and Fairbanks 

9 Washington 

10 Washington. Callers include Moody, 
Garfield. Dinner for John Morley 

IX Washington. Cabinet meeting on Phil- 
ippine tariff revision. Discussion of 
Panama with Hepburn and Mann. 
Dinner for John Morley 

12 Washington 

13 Washington 

14 Washington 

15 Washington* Cabinet meeting- Callers 
include Aldrich 

x 6 Washington. Conference with Odell 


on New York politics. Discussion of 
tariff revision with Rep. McCleary. 
Callers include S. E. Payne, Lunch 
with Odell 

17 Washington. Conference with Taft on 
message to Congress. Callers include 
Adm. V^alker, W. N. Cromwell, 
L. M. Shaw, Mudd 

18 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Babcock, Lunch with Root 

19 Washington. Callers include Knox, 
Garfield, Wetmore, Root, Burrows, 
Conference with E, N. Foss on Cana- 
dian reciprocity 

20 Washington. Conference witli Odell 
on NYC postmastership. Afternoon 
speech at St. Patrick’s Roman Catholic 
Church. Callers include Govs. Van 
Sant and Cummins 

21 Washington. Conferences with Cum- 
mins, Foraker, McCumber, Rep. Gil- 
lert on tariff revision 

22 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Speech 
at YMCA. Lodge at White House. 
Arbitration treaty signed with Ger- 
many 

23 Washington. Callers include N. N. 
Stranahan 

24 Washington. Midnight departure for 
St. Louis 

25 En route St. Louis. Speech at Rich- 
mond, Ind. 

26 St. Louis. Dinner and speech at Louisi- 
ana Purchase Exposition 

27 St. Louis. Dinner given by D, R. 
Francis 

28 Departure for Washington 

29 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference wfith Lodge on tariff revision. 
Dinner with Moody, Cannon 

30 Washington. Callers include Hale, 
Cockrell, McComas 

DECEMBER 

1 Washington 

2 Washington. Conferences with T. C. 
Platt, Littauer on NYC postmastership. 
Callers include Elkins, Fairbanks, Cm- 
lom. Cabinet meeting 

3 Washington, Callers include L. M. 
Shaw, Hansbrough, Alger, Confer- 
ence with Rep, Dixon and Sen. Smoot 
on tariff revision. White House musi- 
cale 

4 Washington. Conferences with Fair- 
banks, Depew, Aldrich 

5 Washington. Congress convenes- Con- 
ferences with Kean and Burton 





6 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Message 
to Congress. Callers include Crum- 
packer, Depew, Grosvenor 

7 Washington. Conference with House 
Committee on Interstate Commerce. 
Conference with Sen. Dietrich. Call- 
ers include Penrose, Charles Nagel 

8 Washington. Conference with Rep. 
W^son on tariff revision. Conference 
with members of House Committee on 
Military Affairs. Callers include Min- 
ister Leishman. Dinner including O. 
W. Holmes, T. N. Page, F. P. Dunne, 
C. S. Mellen, Brooks Adams, Brander 
Matthews, J. J. Pershing 

9 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Root, Aldrich, Allison, Dolli- 
ver, O, H. Platt, Redfield Proctor, 
Frye, Lodge, Elkins 

10 W'^ashington. Conferences with Cortel- 
you and Cannon. Lunch with Morton, 
F. V. Greene 

1 1 Washington 

12 Washington. Conferences with Judge 
Grosscup, Cullom, Alger, Morton, 
Moody, Cortelyou. Lunch with Gov. 
Herrick, Callers include L. M. Shaw 
and J. P. Morgan 

13 Washington. Conference with Gov. 
Brodie on Arizona Statehood Bill. 
Conference with H. M. Whitney on 
Canadian reciprocity. Callers include 
Gompers, Fulton, Warren 

14 Washington. Callers include S. E* 
Payne, Fairbanks. Arbitration treaty 
signed with Italy 

15 Washington. Conference with Taft. 
Conference with Beveridge on state- 
hood bill. Conference with Rep. 
Cooper on Cooper-Quarles Interstate 
Commerce BHI. Evening speech at 
Grace Reformed Church 

j6 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include AJger, Penrose, Lodge, Alli- 
son, McComas, Bard, Hopkins, Cul- 
lom, Foster, LMefield, L^cey, McCall, 
Littauer, A. J. Cassatt 

17 Washington. Conference with Adm. 
Walker, Reps. Humphre)r and Jones 
'On Panama Canal. Callers include Elk- 
ins, Scott 

18 Washington 

19 Washington. Callers include Depew, 
Kean, Uapp, Dryden, Warren, Fair- 
banks 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

21 Washington. Conferences with Mor- 
ton, Er P. Bacon, Moody on railroad 


rate control. Conference with Cannon. 
Adjournment of Congress 

22 W’ashington. Conference with Pinchot 
on National Forestry Congress meet- 
ing. Callers include Taft, Morton, F. 
N. Goddard 

23 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Garfield on antitrust leg- 
islation. Conference with Cannon 

24 Washington. Conference with Hep- 
bum on LC.C. 

25 Washington. Publication of Dawes 
Commission report on Indian Terri- 
tory. R. M. H. Ferguson at White 
House 

26 Washington. Conference on foreign 
affairs with Hay, Loomis. Callers in- 
clude Wynne 

27 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Con- 
ference with Moody on railroad 
freight rates. Callers include Cortel- 
you, F. P. Sargent 

28 Washington. Conference with Foraker 
on federal court appointments. Callers 
include Cockrell, Allison, Doiliver 

29 Washington. Conference with Taft on 
Philippine tariff reduction 

30 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with H^, Cooley 

31 Washington. Conferences with Hay, 
Morton, Wilson, Moody. Mitchell and 
Hermann indicted in Oregon land 
fraud cases 

1905 

JANUARY 

1 Washington 

2 Washington. White House reception. 
Surrender of Port Arthur 

3 Washington. Cabinet meeting on pro- 
posed extra session of Congress to con- 
sider tariff reduction. Statement that 
Roosevelt is willing to mediate in 
Russo-Japanese War 

4 Washington. Congress reconvenes. 
Callers include Pinchot, Garfield, 
Hitchcock, Heybum, Fairbanks 

5 Washington. Conference with Elkins 
on liilroad freight rates. Conference 
with Dick. Afternoon speech at meet- 
ing of American Forest Congress. Cab- 
inet dinner 

6 Washington. Cabinet meeting 

7 Washington, Conference cwi arbitra- 
tion treaties, tariff legislation ^d pro- 
posed extra congressional session' wiffi 
Aldrich Spooner, 6. H. Plate, ABison, 


Cannon, Payne, Dalzell, Grosvenor, 
Tawney. “Special agreement amend- 
ment to arbitration treaties in Senate 

8 Washington. Dinner with Higgins and 
Stranahan 

9 W^ashington. Conference on railroad 
rates with Towmsend and Esch. Con- 
ference on naval appropriations with 
Rep. Dayton. Conference with Hep- 
bum. Dinner including Hemenway, 
Aldrich, Lodge, Allison 

JO Washington. Statement urging im- 
mediate tariff revision. Dinner with 
Hay. Cabinet meeting 

11 Washington. Statement urging un- 
amended arbitration treaties. Dinner 
with Ferguson, N. M. Butler 

12 Washington. Conference with Cullom 
on arbitration treaties. Diplomatic re- 
ception 

13 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Cullom, Grosvenor, Hop- 
kins on arbitration treaties. Conference 
with Taft, Long, Bristow' on ^point- 
ment of Bristow as special Panama 
railroad commissioner. Report of Is- 
thmian Canal Commission sent to Con- 
gress 

14 Washington. Conference with Taft 
and Hepburn on railroad rate revision. 
Callers include Oscar Straus, S. F, 
Nixon. Conference with Reps. Butler, 
Dayton on naval appropriations bill. 
Lunch with Morton, J. J. Hill 

15 Washington. Conference with Mc- 
Creary, Foster on arbitration treaties 

16 Washington 

17 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Discus- 
sion of steamboat investigation wdth 
George Uhler. Conference with Mor- 
ton, Taft on naval appropriations. 
Cabinet dinner 

1 8 Washington. Conference with Moody, 
S. H. Bethea on beef trust investiga- 
tion 

19 Washington. Conference with Knox. 
Diplomatic dinner 

20 Washington. Conference with Day- 
ton on naval appropriations. Lunch 
with Bishop Lawrence. Callers include 
Merrifield, Pinchot, Leupp, P. B. Stew- 
art, Gen. Crozier, Morton 

zi Washington. Conference with Hull. 
Callers include W. J. Bryan 

22 Washington 

23 Washington 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Dinner 
at Taft’s 


25 Washington. Conference with Cannon 

26 \^^ashington. Speech at Interchurch 
conference. Dinner for Judiciary 

27 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Aldrich, Bard, Dietrich, Crum- 
packer 

28 AVashington. Conference with Cullom 
on arbitration treaties. Conference 
with Dietrich on Alaskan legislation. 
Callers include Bishop Satterlee, B. T. 
Washington. Gridiron Club dinner 

29 Washington 

30 Annapolis, Md. Speech at naval acad- 
emy. Evening speech in Philadelphia 
on national control of railroads 

31 Washington. Statement urging imme- 
diate ratification of arbitration treaties. 
Dinner at Moody’s. Cabinet meeting 

FEBRUARY 

1 Washmgton. Conferences with Die- 
trich on Alaskan bill, Cullom on arbi- 
tration treaties, Smoot on forest re- 
serves 

2 Washington. Conference with Gar- 
field on Supreme Court decision of 
illegality of beef trust. Supreme Court 
dinner 

3 Washington. Cabinet meeting on rail- 
road rate revision and Alaska. Confer- 
ence with Morton, Moody on LC.C. 
charges agai.ist A.T. & S.F. RR. 
Conference with Cullom on arbitra- 
tion treaties 

4 Washington. Conferences including 

Morton and J . Shaw. Lunch with 
A. J. Cassatt. ! ' "^^nckett din- 

ner 

5 Washington, k'venmg co.iferi.4-^ . 
Spring Rice ! Durand 

6 Washingtoniyiv., . "'*nces with Taft, 
Morton, Dejf^w, Lodge 

7 Washington3f''*>ibinet Meetinigr,^ Con- 
ference witfcii ^ . 

Discussion *4 

Fairbanks* A'-ssage to . 

scientific stu , y of Philippines. Dinner 
with Wynn 

8 Washington 

9 Washington.^ c nference with Bev- 
eridge on «5if.j ’ ■ 

with Rep. B... ^ 

railroad jra?w btll.' 

Bartholdt / * - ; 

Conference -tti 'Canndh ''oii 
legislation. * ’ -rs include Daniel Sick- 
les, von Sttxi’.>erg, Rep. Rodey. Con- 


1374 


gressional dinner. Esch-Townsend Bill 
passed in House 

10 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with B. T. Washington 

11 Washington. Conference with J. A. 
Sleicher, Callers include Dick, Bev- 
eridge, Depew. Seven arbitration 
treaties ratified with amendment 

1 2 Washington 

13 Departure for NYC. Republican Qub 
reception. Speeches at Press Club din- 
ner and Lincoln Day dinner of Re- 
publican Club 

14 NYC, Callers at 422 Madison Ave. in- 
clude Low, Straus, G. W. Perkins, 
Lunch including Root, Taft, J. B, 
Bishop, N. M. Butler, Albert Shaw, 
F, W. Whitridge, Loeb. Speech at 
Hungarian Republican Club dinner. 
Midnight departure for Washington 

15 Washington. Conference w4th Aloody. 
Conference with Rep. Curtis on Osage 
Indian Bill. Dominican Treaty sent to 
Senate. Message to Senate on Monroe 
Doctrine in Santo Domingo 

16 Washington. Conference with Town- 
send on railroad rate bill. Army and 
Navy dinner 

17 Washington. Cabinet meeting on fed- 
eral appointments. Conference with 
Allison, Cannon, Tawney, Wadsworth 
on naval appropriation bill. Confer- 
ence with Beveridge on pending Alas- 
kan legislation 

18 Washington. Conference with Mor- 
ton, Dayton q** .Tival appropriation 
bill. Conferenar-it^flk Bartholdt on Sec- 
ond Hague C - . ^nce 

19 Washington 

20 Washington. O btnrences with Gar- 
field, Rep.vCiidj^AcU in investigation 
of Kansas ' 5tandarf»l^ Oil Co. Confer- 
ence with Town-* i and £sch 

. meeting on In- 
filers include J. B. 

*N.vynold$ •iAA 

22 Philadelphia. of Laws degree 

and speech at 'Aof Penna. 

23 Washington, C< rence with Hitch- 

cock, Moody , Kf Heney on land 
- ’’ - cial Senate session 

■' i ' '' . -d 

y » ^^.uigton. Cabiiimmeetmg on fed- 
, ' Conferences on 

.X. 1 , ST. HR inquiry. Callers 

mclude Cannon lofiaD 

25 Washington tte? 

26 Washington 


27 Washington. Callers include TaTt, 
Hepburn, F. V. Greene, and others 

28 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Pan- 
ama canal contracts. Callers include 
Sulzer, McComas, Grosvenor 

MARCH 

1 Washington. Conference with O. H. 
Platt on Alaskan legislation. Senate 
passes Philippine Tarift Bill 

2 Washington. Callers include delega- 
tion of Rough Riders, O. H. Platt 

3 Washington. Conferences with Cortel- 
you, Hay, Taft, Metcalf, Moody, 
Garfield. Garfield’s report on meat 
industry sent to Congress 

4 Washington. Inauguration. Senate con- 
venes for special session 

5 Washington 

6 Washington, Conferences with Hay, 
Aloody, Garfield. Callers include Taka- 
hira. Second message to Congress on 
Santo Domingo treaty 

7 Washington. Conference with Cortel- 
you and Wynne 

8 Washington 

9 Washington 

10 Washington. Conference with Can- 
non, Hopkins, Culiom on federal 
judgeships in Illinois. Cabinet meeting 
on federal appointments 

1 1 Washington. Callers include Elkins, 
Hepburn, Fairbanks, Bartholdt, Town- 
send 

12 Washington 

13 Washington. Callers include Depew, 
Mondell, Alger, Spooner, CuUom. 
Conference with Taft, Grosvenor. 
Speech at National Congress of Moth- 
ers 

14 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with Cannon, Cortelyou, Hop- 
kins 

15 Washington. Conference with Hay 
and Taft on Santo Domingo treaty 

16 Washington. Conference with O. H. 
Platt and Allison. Callers include 
Lodge, Culiom, Depew, Penrose, Jus- 
serand. Visit to Hay 

17 NYC. Wedding of Eleanor Roosevelt 
and Franklin D* Roosevelt. Speech at 
Sons of die Revolution meeting. Mid- 
night return to Washington 

18 Washington. Callers include Bartoia, 
Aliee, L. T. Gage, delegation of an- 
thracite coal miners headed by John 
Mitdiell. Adjournment of Senate, 


1375 


19 \'\’ashington 

20 Washington. Callers include Spooner, 
Alger, Hemenway, Beveridge, Hep- 
burn 

21 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Isth- 
mian Canal affairs 

22 Washington. Conference on army ap- 
propriations including Gen. Crozier, 
Gen. Oliver 

23 Washington. Conference on Virginia 
politics with J. S. Wise. Conference 
with Adm. Dewey, Lodge, O. H. 
Platt, Cullom on Dominican affairs. 
Evening visit with B. T, Washington 

24 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Ven- 
ezuela, Santo Domingo, and reorgan- 
ization of Isthmian Canal Commission 

25 Washington. Conference with Dcpew 
on Domincian treaty. Callers include 
Fairbanks, Adee. Presentation of di- 
plomas at Naval Medical School grad- 
uation 

26 Washington 

27 Washington. Callers include Taft, 
Dick, Bunau-Varilla 

28 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Santo 
Domingo. Conferences with Spooner, 
Foraker on Santo Domingo. Directive 
to Minister Dawson to maintain status 
quo in Santo Domingo until ratifica- 
tion of treaty 

29 Washington. Conference with Moody. 
Callers include Dalzell, Fairbanks 

30 Washington. Callers include Kean, 
Lodge, Vespasian Warner 

31 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Jusserand, Elkins, Hepburn, 
H. B. F. Macfarland 

APRIL 

1 Washington. Conference with Rep. 
Hinshaw on Nebraska appointments. 
Callers include Durand, Quesada 

2 Washington. Conference with Loomis. 
Dinner at Lodge’s 

3 Washington. Morning departure for 
Southwest 

4 Speech at Louisville, Ky, Stops in 
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Mis- 
souri 

5 Speeches at Parsons, Kansas; Musko- 
gee, South McAlister, and Durant, 
Indian Territory. Evening arrival and 
speech at Dallas, Tex. 

6 Stop at Taylor, Tex. Address before 
stare legislature at Austin. Evening ar-- 
rival in San Antonio 


7 San Antonio. Rough Riders* reunion 

8 Speeches at Fort Wonh, Tex., Wich- 
ita, Kan. Arrival in Frederick, Okla. 
Hunting trip near Frederick at Cecil 
Lyon’s ranch 

9 Hunting trip 

10 Hunting trip 

1 1 Hunting trip 

12 Hunting trip 

13 Return to Frederick. Speech and eve- 
ning departure for Colorado 

14 Speeches at Trinidad, Pueblo, Colo- 
rado Springs. Night at Newcastle, 
Colo. 

15 Bear Hunt at Camp Roosevelt near 
Newcastle 

16-30 Hunting at Camp Roosevelt and 
West Divide 


MAY 

1-5 Hunting trip 

6 Speech at Gicnwood Springs, Colo, 

7 Glenwood Springs 

8 Departure for East. Stops at Pueblo, 
Colorado Springs. Speech at Denver 
on federal control of corporations 

9 Denver; North Platte, Grand Island, 
Fremont, Neb. Speeches at Omaha, 
Neb., and Council Bluffs, Iowa 

10 Speeches at Cedar Rapids, Clinton, 
Iowa. Lunch and speech at Merchants’ 
Club, Chicago. Interview with labor 
delegation protesting proposed use of 
federal troops in teamsters’ strike. 
Speech at Iroquois Club banquet 

11 Speeches at Alliance, Canton, Ohio, 
and Pittsburgh, Pa. Midnight arrival 
in Washington 

12 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ences with Fairbanks, Taft, Cortelyou. 
Callers include Kean, Hitchcock, Cum- 
mins 

13 Washington, Conferences with Moody, 
Fairbanks. Callers include E. J. Hill, 
Judge J. C. Pritchard 

14 Washington 

15 Washington. Conferences wdth For- 
aker, Grosvenor, Herbert Bowen. Dis- 
cussion of Idaho forest reserves with 
Pinchot. Callers include Cullom, Bab- 
cock, Kean 

16 Washington, Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Elkins 

17 Washington. Conference with Rep. 
C. R. Davis on the tariff and railroad 
rebates. Conference on Santo Domingo 


with J. H. Hollander. Callers include 
Adm. Crowninshield 

1 8 Washington. Conferences wdth Can- 
non, Hemenway, Dolliver, E. N. Foss 
on reciprocity 

19 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Cortelyou. Conference with 
Morton 

20 Washington 

21 Washington. Death of O. H. Platt 

22 Washington 

23 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Taft on Loomis-Bowen con- 
troversy 

24 Washington. Callers include Kean, 
Clapp, Hansbrough 

25 W^ashington. Conference with Bristow 
on Panama railroad. Callers include 
Newlands, Dietrich, Warren 

26 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Callers 
include Dolliver, CuUom, Dillingham 

27 Washington. Conference on proposed 
extra congressional session with Cul- 
iom, Elkins 

28 Washington 

29 Washington. Conference with Larri- 
naga of Porto Rico. Callers include 
Grosvenor, Foraker. Midnight depar- 
ture for Brooklyn, N. Y. 

30 Brooklyn. Brealaast at Union. League 
Club. Parade; speech at unveiling of 
General Sloctm monument. Return to 
Washington 

31 Washington. Conference with Morton 
on Russo-Japanese War. Conference 
with Moody, Garfield 

JUNE 

1 Washington. Conferences with Taft, 
Morton, Penrose 

2 Washington. Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Cassini 

5 Washington. Conference with Moody, 
Morton, Taft on Russian fleet move- 
ments off Philippines. Evening confer- 
ence with Takanira 

4 Washington. Evening conference with 
von Sternberg 

5 Washington. Conferences with Taft, 
Morton. Lunch with Bonaparte. Dis- 
cussion of western irrigation projects 
with Walcott, Hitchcock. C^ers in- 
clude Jusserand, John Barrett, Hugh 
O’Beime 

6 Washington* Conference with Durand 
and Jusserand on Russo-Japanese War. 
Conference witii Sulzer 


7 \\’'ashington. Conferences with Cassini, 
von Sternberg, Jusserand, Durand, 
O’Beime. Callers include Dawson, Dr. 
Rixey 

8 W’ashington. Conferences with Taka- 
hira, Kaneko, Durand, von Sternberg. 
Letter to Russia and Japan suggesting 
peace conference 

9 Washington. Conference with Loomis. 
Departure for Rapidan, Va., to visit 
Joseph \^^ilmer 

10 Rapidan, Japan and Russia accept sug- 
gestion for peace conference 

11 Rapidan. Afternoon return to Wash- 
ington. Conference with Taft and 
Loeb 

12 Washington. Conferences with Taka- 
hira and Cassini. Conference with 
Taft, Moody on A.T. & S.F. rebate 
case 

13 Washington- Cabinet meeting. Confer- 
ence with Metcalf on Chinese exclu- 
sion 

14 Washington. Conference with Cassini. 
Callers include John Barrett, Edwin 
Denby 

15 Washington. Conference including 
Shouts, Maxwell Evarts on Panama 
railroad 

16 W'ashington. Conference with Booker 
T. Washington 

17 Washington. Conference with Moody, 
Morton on A.T. & SJF. railroad rebate 
case. Conference with Taft on army 
appointments. Callers include Cardinal 
Gibbons 

18 Washington 

19 W'ashington, Conference with .Moody 
on A.T. & S.F. case 

20 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Loo- 
mis-Bowen case. Conference with 
Cortelyou on post-office appointments. 
Departure for W orcester, Mass. 

21 Worcester. Speech at Clark Univer- 
sity. Departure for Williamstowm, 
Mass. 

22 Williamsto'wn* Speech at Williams 
College commencement. Departure for 
M'ashington 

23 Washington. Cabinet meeting on Chi- 
nese exclusion 

24 Washington. Conference with iVfetcaif, 
Penfield on Chinese exclusion 

25 Washington 

z6 Washington. Conference with Moody 
on raAroad rebates. Callers include 
Takahira, Durand, Wilson, Jusserand, 


1377 


Hitchcock. Departure for Cambridge, 
Mass. 

27 Cambridge. Guest of Bishop Law- 
rence, Class reunion at Harvard 

28 Cambridge. Harvard commencement. 
Speeches at Harvard Union and Al- 
umni dinner 

29 Departure for Bridgeport, Conn. 
Speech at Bridgeport. Trip on Sylph 
to Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay. Callers include Marcus 
Braun, W. J. Calhoun 


JULY 

1 Oyster Bay. Death of John Hay 

2 Oyster Bay. Official announcement of 
Russian and Japanese envoys to peace 
conference 

3 Oyster Bay 

4 Oyster Bay. Visit with von Sternberg. 
Afternoon departure for Cleveland, 
Ohio, with Caoinet members 

5 Cleveland. Hay^s funeral. Return to 
Oyster Bay 

6 Oyster Bay. Root named Secretary of 
State 

7 Oyster Bay. Departure for Ocean 
Grove, N. J., for speech to National 
Education Assn, Return to Oyster Bay. 
Kaneko at Sagamore Hill 

8 Oyster Bay. Conference with Kaneko 

9 0 )?ster Bay 

10 Oyster Bay 

11 Oyster Bay 

12 Oj^ster Bay. Calhoun sent on special 
mission to Venezuela 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay. Conference with Takahira 
on appointment of Witte, Callers in- 
clude Shonts, J. F. Stevens 

15 Oyster Bay. Conference with Taka- 
hira 

16 Oyster Bay 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay 

19 Oyster Bay 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root. 
Lambert, Lraan Abbott at Sagamore 
HiU 

22 Oyster Bay. Conference with Root. 

23 Oyster Bay 

24 Oyster Bay. Lunch with G, R. Carter 

25 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay. Conference with Taka- 
hira on peace negotiadons 


27 Oyster Bay. Conferences with Ko- 
mura, Kaneko, Takahira on Mayflower 

28 Oyster Bay. Riis at Sagamore Hill 

29 Oyster Bay 

30 Oyster Bay 

31 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Rosen, Wil- 
son. Conference with Wilson on Dept, 
of Agriculture investigation. Confer- 
ence with Rosen 

AUGUST 

1 Oyster Bay. Conference with Aloody 
on Dept, of Agriculture investigations 

2 Oyster Bay 

3 Oyster Bav. Lunch with Durand, Sims, 
W. W. Rhssell, W. J. Calhoun 

4 Oyster Bay. Visit urith Witte, Rosen 

5 Oyster Bay. Meeting of Roosevelt, 
Japanese and Russian envoys on May-- 
flower 

6 Oyster Bay 

7 Oyster Bay. Conference wtih L. M. 
Shaw. Conference with J. P. Morgan 
on Hankow railroad concession. Con- 
ference with Kaneko 

8 Oyster Bay. Lunch with Loomis. Con- 
ference with Hollander 

9 Oyster Bay 

10 Departure* for Wilkesbarre, Pa, Speech 
before United Mine Workers conven- 
don. Portsmouth Peace Conference 
convenes 

1 1 Chautauqua, N. Y. Address on Monroe 
Doctrine, Santo Domingo, Venezuela. 
Return to Oyster Bay 

12 Oyster Bay. Lodge at Sagamore Hill. 
Review of E. A. Robinson’s “Children 
of the Night” published in Outlook 

13 Oyster Bay 

14 Oyster Bay. Callers include Kaneko 

15 Oyster Bay 

16 Oyster Bay. Conference with C. H. 
Keep on Government Printing Office 
investigation. Conference with J. M. 
Beck, Rep. Dryden on federal super- 
vision of insurance agencies 

17 Oyster Bay 

18 Oyster Bay. Conference with Kaneko. 
Deadlock at Portsmouth over Japan^s 
demand for Russian indemnity 

19 Oyster Bay. Conference with Rosen 

20 Oyster Bay 

21 Oyster Bay. Conference with Kaneko 

22 Oyster Bay. Callers include P. B. 
Stewart 

23 0375ter Bay, Lunch with Gen. G- W. 
Davis, Leupp, William Barnes 


24 Oyster Bay. Deadlock at Portsmouth 27 Oyster Bay 

over indemnities and Sakhalin con- 28 Oyster Bay. Conference with J. P. 

tinned Morgan on Hankow railroad 

25 Oyster Bay. Conference with Kaneko. 29 Oyster Bay. Agreement on terms of 

Dive in submarine torpedo boat, Phm- peace by Witte, Komura 

ger 30 Oyster Bay 

26 Oyster Bay 31 Oyster Bay 


f 

i 

[ 

I 


1379 



INDEX 

{Small 'Roman numerals refer to Volumes I and II) 

App. Appendix N.Y.C. New York City n footnote 

id. identified N.Y.S. New York State R Theodf>rc Roosevelt 

m. mentioned 


Abbott, E. H.: id., rii6; letter to, iii6 
Abbott, Lawrence F.: id., 416-, letters to, 
416, 751 

Abbott, Lyman: id., i, 592; and Ajfuinaldo’s 
proposed visit, 207-08; kitchen cabinet, 
member of, 1055; post-office frauds, arti- 
cle on, 666; southern question, confer- 
ence with R on, 1 099-1 100; m., 38, 514, 
606, 6480, 1270; letters to, 48, 1x9, 120, 
lyr, 207, 500, 590, 638, 647, 651, 666, 866, 
975, 1013, 1099, 1*20, 1208, 125S 

Abernathy: professional wolf hunter, 1161 
Abolition: Lincoln and, 276-77. See also 
Slavery 

xAcademy of Arts and Letters: 1111-12 
Adams, A,: in Colorado gubernatorial im- 
broglio, 1060-61 

Adams, B.: id., i, 440; quoted, 1206; letters 
to, 152, 962 

Adams, C. F.: id., i, 463; and Alabini, 398; 
and Negro problem, 1050-51; in presi- 
dential campaign (1904), 1037; on Senate, 
879; ni., 53 i 30 ^ 1025 
Adams, H.: 8n, 14, 1102, 1158 
Adams, S. H.: id., 999; on Delaware politi- 
cal situation, 1005-06; and Missouri gu- 
bernatorial campaign (1904), 999, 1004 
Addicks, J. E.: id., ii, 1302; and Byrne ap- 
pointment, 380-81; and Delaware’ politics, 
423-24, 456-58, 588-89, 595, 607; R and, 
874, 987-88, 1005-06, 1037-38; Vardaman 
compared with, 626; m., 201 
Adee, A. A.: id., 1 56; and Chinese neutral- 
ity in Russo-Japanese war, 901, 902; m., 
183, 299, 1150; letters to, 156, 901, 902, 
903? 915* 943» 1^48 
Aeschylus: see Authors 
A. F. of L.; see American Federation of 
Labor 

Africa: British in, 16. See also Boer War; 

Rhodes, C,; South Africa 
Agassiz, A.: id., 396; letter to, 396 
Aglipay movement; see Philippines, Catho- 
lics in 

Agricultural Appropriation Bill; see United 
States Government, Legislation 
Agriculture: manufactures and, interde- 
pendence of, 934-35 

Agriculture, Etepartment of: assistant secre- 
tary, appointment of, 859-60, 861, 872-73, 
883; borax troubles with Germany, 252; 


building program, 750, 817; investigation 
of, 1273. See also Forest Reserves; Wil- 
son, J. 

Aguinaldo, E.: proposed visit to U.S., 207- 
08, 233; m., 770. See also Philippines, In- 
surrection 

Aiton, G. B.; id., 78; letter to, 78 
Akins, T. J.; id., 771; m., 1004 
Alabama; federal patronage in, 161, 163-64, 
*74^ 333^ 4*9i 432i Republican 

state committee in, 1076-77 
Alaska: boundary dispute, 20, 21, 23, 65-66, 
85, 286-88, 294, 405, 448-49, 507, 529*’33» 
545* 54 < 5 , 564* < 5 oi, 603, 613, 6x6, 634-35, 
650-51, 665-66; conservation, 252; federal 
patronage in, 207; forest reservations, 252; 
game laws and prohibition in, 16-17; gov- 
ernment of, 89; legislation on, 762, 775, 
812; trail, 40 

Albeimrle: see United States Navy, Ships 
Alderman, E. A.: id., 857; m., 857, 1199 
Aldrich, N. W.: id., 199; and currency re- 
form, 4140, 488-89, 522, 526-17, 565, 568; 
and German tariff la\v% 1329; and Odell, 
749; at Oyster Bay conference, 324; and 
Philippine currency reform, 428; and re- 
bates, xo54n; and reciprocity treaties, 199; 
and Republican National Committee 
chairmanship, 775; R on, 450-51; and 
tariff reduction, 466, 471, 1028, 1300; and 
trust legislation, 450; and war taxes, re- 
moval of, 1301; m., 198, 272, 45311, 526, 
804, 964, 1255; letters to, 199, 324, 435, 
526, 774, 1329 

Aldrich, T. H,: id,, 1146; and Alabama 
patronage, 1146-48 
Aldrich, W, F.: id., 1146; 1146 

Aldrich BiB: see Currency; United States 
Government, Legislation 
Aldridge, G. W.; id., i, 558; and N,y.S. 

gubernatorial campaign (i9Cf4), 945 
Alexander, De A. S.: id., ii, 1376; m., 
264 

Alexander, J.; N.Y.S. gas meter inspector, 
79 , 

Algeciras Conference: 1302-03, 1313. See 
also Moroccan crisis 

Alger, R. A.: id,, i, 653; and Wood’s major 
generalcy, 827; m., 2x3, 241, 519 
Algiers; 106 
Algonquin: see Horses 


1381 


Alice, J. F.: and Delaware patronage, 588- 
89 

Allison, W. B.: id., 62; and currency ques- 
tion, 522, 568, 571; and German tariff law, 
1329; and Hepburn bill, 1122-23; at Oys- 
ter Bay conference, 324; R on, 450; and 
tariff question, 466, 471, 476; m., 62, 198, 
272, 283, 290, 480, 526, 818, 908, 968; let- 
ters to, 476, 726 

Altgeld, J. P.; O. H. Piatt on, 198; m., 127, 
140, 142 

Alverstone, R, E. W.: and Alaskan bound- 
ary dispute, 616, 651, 665-66 
Aiward, Rector: 78 
American Bankers’ Association: 443 
American De Forest Wireless Company: 

see Wireless telegraphy 
American Federation of Labor: Aliller case, 
514-16. See also Gompers, S.; Labor; Un- 
ions 

American Federation of Musicians: see Un- 
ions 

American Historical Association: 707-08 
American Improvement Company: see 
Santo Domingo 

American Peace Society: and Hague Tri- 
bunal, 987 

American Protective Association: R’s op- 
position to, 484, 969 

American Protective Tariff League: Cuban 
reciprocity treaty, crusade against, 248, 
603, 608 

American Republics, Bureau of: reorgani- 
zation of, 170 

American Tobacco Company: see Treas- 
ury Department, cigar stamp agitation; 
Trusts, tobacco 

Americanization: 100; trade-union instruc- 
tion in Chicago, 920. See also German- 
Americans; Irish-Americans; etc. 
Anarchists: 142 

Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com- 
pany: 611 

Anderson, C, W-: appointed to N.Y.C. col- 
lectorship, 1075 

Andrews, A. D.; id., 1171; R on, 1171 
Andrews, C.: id., ii, 1379; as N.Y.S. guber- 
natorial possibility, 900 
Andrews, W, R.: id., 330; and political as- 
sessment circulars, 330-31, 350 
Anglophobia: in American political life, 
1042 

Anglo-Saxons: R on, 1046-41 
Animals; intelligence of, U97 
Annapolis: see United States Naval Acad- 
emy 

Anthracite coal strike ^1902): see Strikes 
Anthracite coal trust: see Trusts 


AJ*A.: see American Protective Associa- 
tion 

Apaches: 37 

Appleton, F. H.: id., i, 489; m., 159 
Appointments: see Patronage 
Arbitration: U.S. policy on, 168-69. See 
also Hague Tribunal; Treaties 
Aristophanes: see Authors 
Aristotle; see Authors 
Arizona: admission of, 389-90 
Arizona miners’ strike: see Strikes 
Arlington Cemeter}’’: R’s Memorial Day 
address at, 268-69 

Armenia: revolutionary movement in, 958 
Armenians: in Turkey, 1175 
Armour, J. O.; id., 447; offer of yacht, 
447 

Armour and Company: see Trusts, beef 
Armstrong, R. B.: and cigar stamp agita- 
tion, 948-49, 955i 95<5 

Army: see United States Army; War De- 
partment 

Ariny and Navy Journal: see Magazines 
Army Bill (1903): see United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation 

Army of the Cumberland, Society of the: 

R’s good wishes to, 915-16 
Arnold, B.: R on, 947-48 
Arsenals: see United States Army, ar- 
senals 

Asia: British in, 16. See also China; Japan; 

Korea; Manchuria; Russo-Japanese War 
Asia Minor: 106 

Asphalt company: see Bowen, H. W., con- 
troversy with Loomis 
Assessments, political: 330-31 
Associated Press: see Newspapers 
Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad: 
see Railroads 

Atkinson, E.; id., i, 398-99; m., 32 
Atkinson, F. W,; 358. See also Authors 
Atlanta Constitution: see Newspapers 
Atlajitic Monthly: see Magazines 
Aubrey, C.: letter to, 83 
Audubon, J. J.: 72, 708 
Austin, F.: and political situation in Ha- 
waii, 180 

Australasia: settlement of, 15 
Australia: future of, 15, 16, 112 
Austria-Hungary: aibitration treaty with, 
1092; German race in, 16 
Authors: Aeschylus, 594; Aristophanes, 
594; Aristotle, 606; F. W. Atkinson, 304- 
05; W. Bagehot, 989; R. S. Baker, 891; 
A. J. Balfour, 608; A. Beardsley, 560; 
V. Berard, 795; R. B. Browning, 324; 
J. Bryce, 671-72; F. T. Bullen, 

J. Burroughs, 441, 561, 1155; D. L. Gihon, 


1268; B. Carman, 74; M. Cawein, 74; 
H. W, Chaplin, 337, 339; S. L. Clemens, 

1 12, 1 19, 555; J. Conrad, 638; J. F. Cooper, 
75, 103, 104; P. de Coubertin, 489-91; 
C. R. Darwin, 989; R. H. Davis, 1171; 
H. Deibriich, 449; C. Dickens, 345, 1047; 
G. AI. Dodge, 468; AI. B. Dunn, 324-25; 

F. P. Dunne, 1040-43; H. S. Edwards, 
701-02; C. W. Eliot, 1059-60; D. G. Eliot, 
261; Euripides, 594; J. Fiskc, 72, 103, 104; 
E. Flower, 702; AL E. AV, Freeman, 75; 
A. French, 421; E. L. Godkin, 594; 

R. Grant, 1027, 1139; D, Gray, 772; 

G. Grote, 67; L, I. Guiney, 74; A. T. 
Hadley, 767, 769; E. E. Hale, 248; J. C. 
Harris, 1155; A. B. Hart, 594; B. Harte, 
75i "55; J- Hay, 300, 343, 391, 1271; 
Herodotus, 449; G. F. Hoar, 22; O, A\^ 
Holmes, 75, 716; J. \\^ Howe, 325; \V. H. 
Hudson, 7, 1197; T. H. Huxley, 34; 

H. Ibsen, 594; AA^ Irving, 104; R. Kipling, 
89, 441, 468; P. de La Gorce, 1174, 1179, 
1268-^9; H. C. Lea, 72; A. H. Lewis, 702; 
A. Lincoln, 1049; G. C. Lodge, 3; H. C. 
Lodge, 103, 104; H. W. Longfellow, 59, 
74-75. 3^5; T. R. Lounsbuiy, 72, 422, 765; 
Lucretius, 989; T. B. Macaulay, 989; 1046, 
1049; A, T. Alahan, 23; E. S. Alartin, 535; 
G, C. C. Maspero, 344; W. G. Alerritt, 
335; E. de Alichelis, 795; S. AV. Alitchell, 
528; T, Mommsen, 343; AI. de Montaigne, 
75; J. Alorley, 671, 696-97; J. L. Alotiey, 
72; J. G. Nlcolay, 300, 343, 392; B. 6. 
Niebuhr, 343; F, Norris, 127-28; C. AV. C. 
Oman, 343; F. Parkman, 72, 708; PHny, 
614; E. H. Plumptre, 594; Plutarch, 606; 
E, A. Robinson, 1145, 1155; J. F. Rhodes, 
1047, 1049-517 1066, 1071-72; L. E. 
Richards, 1316; J. A. Riis, 55, 377, 564, 
^93; J* Roche, 693; Sir AValter Scott, 
59, 345, 427, 594; G. Sergi, 344; E. Seton- 
Thompson, 59, 89; AV. Shakespeare, 345; 

S. Smith, 989; Sophocles, 594; A. J. 
Stone, 261; A. Tennyson, 75, 3-45; AV. AI. 
Thackeray, 75, 345; O, Thanet (A. 
French), 421; D. D. Thompson, 1107; 
L. Tolstoi, 9i4-'i5; G, O. Trevelyan, 
104, 667, 706, 806, 1046, 1132, 1173; M. 
Twain (S. L. Clemens), 112, 119, 555; 
G. E. Upton, 731-32; T. S, Van Dyke, 
261; B. and M. Vm Vorst, 355-56; A. G. 
AVallihan, 46, 95; C. D. Warner, 442; 
W. Wellman, 891; S. E. AVhite, 486, 548, 
563, 978, 1058; W. A. AVhite, 189; AV. 
Whitman, 1155; J. Winsor, 7077-08. See 
also Roosevelt, Theodore, Characteris- 
tics, reading tastes v Roosevelt, Theodore, 
Publications 


Babcock, J. AA^; in AA^isconsin campaign 
(1904), 973 -' 74 ; 3 i <5 

Backus report: 132 

Bacon, A, O.: id., uii; and arbitration 
treaties, iiii; m., 1153 
Bacon, J. D.; id., 74; letter to, 74 
Bacon, R.: id., i, 20; and anthracite coal 
strike, 348n, 35on, 365-66, 505; assistant 
secretary of state, appointment as, n64n, 
1270; assistant treasurership of U.S., offer 
of, 454; and treaty legislation, 1144-45; 
and trust question, 159^0, 177; m., 1274; 
letters to, 339, 343 

Baer, G. F.: and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 323, 334, 348n, 360, 366, 506-07, 
1037 

Bagehot, AA'^: see Authors 
Baker, R. S.: id., ii, 1160; and irrigation 
program, 504-05, 510; ni., 493n; letters to, 
504, 510, 635, 908. See also Authors 
Baldwin, E, F.: id., 113; Tuskegee trip with 
R, 113; letter to, 1109 
Baldwin, H. A.: id., 223; m., 223 
Baldwin, R. S.: id., 629; letter to, 629 
Baldwin, W. H., Jr.: id., 637; m., 637 
Balfour, A. J.: and Russo-Japanese peace 
negotiations, 1284; m., 1292. See also 
Authors 

Bali, L. H.: and Delaware patronage, 588- 
89 

Baltimore: federal troops for, 722, 726-28 
Bancroft, AV. A.: letter to, 782 
Bands: government, and American Federa- 
tion of Musicians, 910 
Bangs, J- K.; id., ii, 1442; m., 30, 49n, 
64 

Bank checks: tax on, 1181, 1192 
Bankers: and financial legislation, 868. See 
also Capital; Capitalists; Currency; AA^all 
Street 

Bardshar, H.: consular appointment solic- 
ited, 93-94; letter to, 94 
Barker, A. S.; 218 
Barnes, B. F.: id., 1061; m., 1061 
Barnes, Captain: 1051-52 
Barnes, T. AV-: m., 970 
Barnes, W.: id., ii, 923; and Depew’s re- 
election to Senate, 1064; ana N.Y.S. 
gubernatorial campaign (1904), 945; and 
Odell, 749; and Root for governor, 850- 
51; 507 

Barrett, H. J.: in Post-Office Deprtment 
investigation, 444, 625 
Barrett, X- 393 » delegate to Interna- 
tional Conference of American States, 
164; in diplomatic service, 1163, 1165, 
X167 

Barry, R.: id-, 1168; n68 


1383 


Barry, T. H.: promoted to brigadier gen- 
eral, 517, 520--22, 53 li letter to, 521 
Bartholdt, R.: id., ii, 1378; m., 960; letter 
to, 247 

Bartlett, E. W\: removed as register, 572-73 
Bartlett, F.: id., 113; at R’s meeting with 
college boys, 113 
Bassett, F.: fetter to, 10 
Bates, John C.: and Cripple Creek strike, 
632 

Bates, John L.: defeat of, in Massachusetts, 
1021, 1032 

Bates, L. W.: id., 1137; Panama Canal, plan 

oU 1137 

Battenberg, Prince Louis of: id., 1206*, with 
British fleet in American waters, 1206-07 
Bay: see Lodge, G. C. 

Bay lies, E.: 916 

Beale, H. B.: id., 437; at White House din- 
ner, 437 

Beardsley, A.: see Authors 
Beavers, G. W.: id., 460; in Post-Office 
Department investigation, 460, 499, 61 1, 
621, 625, 637, 721-22, 741-420 
Beck, J. Al.: id., 898; and General Paper 
Company case, 898-99; and insurance 
investigations, 12820 

Becker, G. F.: id., ii, 1067; letter to, in 
Beef trust: see Trusts 
Beer: tax on, 1181, 1192, 1301 
Beer, W, C.: in Hanna-Foraker breach, 
4960 

Beet sugar industry: and Philippine tariff, 
1076 

Belford, Father: 156, 306 
Belknap, Al B.: id., 601; R’s interest in 
election of, 601 

Beil, Charles F. Al.: id., 144; meeting with 
R,i 44 

Bell, Charles J.: id., 872; and assistant secre- 
taryship of agriculture, 872-73; letter to, 

873^ 

Bell, J. F.: promotion to brigadier general, 
598, 703, 828; m., 841 

Bell, S.: id., 900-01; and Colorado appoint- 
ments, 1500; and Colorado miners’ strike, 
900-015 m., 555, 896 

Belmont, A.: id., 781; and Democratic cam- 
paign (1904), 852-53, 963, 1006, 1009, 
1010, 1016; m., 781 
Bender, H. H.; id., ii, 1072; m., 39 
Bennett, J, G.: id,, 1295; United States de- 
fenses, map of, 1295 

Befmmpon: see United States Navy, Ships 
Berard, V.: see Authors 
Bering Sea controversy; 1125-27 
Berlin, University of: interchange of pro- 
fessors with Harvard, 1182 


Bermudez Company: see Bowen, H. W., 
controversy with Loomis 
Berri, W.: id., 29; letter to, 29 
Bethea, S. H.: id., 138; support of R for 
president, 139, 144; m., 138; letter to, 144 
Beveridge, A. J.: id., ii, 1070; and admis- 
sion of Arizona and New Mexico, 389- 
90; and Alaskan legislation, 775; seconds 
R’s nomination, 797; m., 37, 818; letters 
to, 448, 797, 1061, 1269 
Bibee, G. W.: id., 207; appointed receiver 
of public moneys, 207, 231 
Biddle, J.: id., 219; letter to, 658 
Biddle, N.: id., 1245; and Bowen-Loomis 
controversy, 1246-47 

Bidwell, G. R.: resignation as collector of 
customs, 196; m,, 525 
Bigelow, G.: m., 985 
Bigelow, J.: id., 689; letter to, 689 
Bigelow, W. S.: id., i, 125; m., 1158 
Bijur, N.: id., 882; and marks, 1015; m., 
882 

Bingenheimer, G. H.: removed as Indian 
agent, 756-57 

Bingham, H. H.: id., i, 693; letter to, 686 
Bingham, J. H.: displaced as collector of 
internal revenue, 33 3n 
Bingham, T. A.: id., 293; m., 547; letter to, 

293 

Biology: study of, 72 

Birds: coloration of, 1196; R’s observation 
of, 863 

Birth rate: see Race suicide 
Bishop, J. B.: id., ii, 947; campaign editorial 
writer, suggested as, 725; and Canal Rec- 
ord, 1283; dinner with ^ 212; and Isth- 
mian Canal Commission secretaryship, 
764-65, 781, 785, 1304-05, 1325-26; kitchen 
cabinet, member of, 1055; and McCook, 
578; N.Y. Evening Tost, resignation from, 
60; and R’s Home Market Club speech, 
49, 55; m., 120, 781, 877, 920; letters to, 
4, 28, 55, 201, 215, 254, 268, 279, 341, 349, 
350> 35<5, 3^9» 428, 459* 47i» 503» 522, 57^* 
609, 663, 699, 702, 715, 734, 764, 873, 954, 
972, 1040, 1143, 1207, 1219, 1325 
Bismarck, O. von: 1178-79 
Black, F. S.: id., i, 559; as governor of 
N.y.S., 949, 959; and N.Y.S. gubernatorial 
campaign (1904), 945; on reformers, 802- 
03; and R’s nomination, 698, 802-03; sen- 
atorship, candidacy for, 1064 
Black, J. C.; id., i, 97; appointment as civil 
service commissioner, 669-70; and ap- 
pointment of Jamieson, 718-23 passim, 
818; letter to, 669 
Black Friar: see Horses 
Blake, R.: 235 


1384 


i 


Blalock, C, F.: id,, 176; conduct in \\'’ash- 
ington, 176 

Blanchard, F, C.: and yellow fever in New 
Orleans, 1299 

Blau, W.: id., 593; political activities of, 

493-*94 

Bleistein: see Horses 

Blenk, J. H.: and Porto Rican church 
property, 267-68, 430 

Bliss, C. N.; id., i, 507; member of New 
York County Advisory Committee, 706; 
and Republican National Committee 
chairmanship, 779, 785-86, 804, 1010, 1013; 
as Republican party treasurer, 797, 995- 
96; m., 648, 839, 971, 1057; letters to, 775, 
779 * 7851 797 i 859. 1239 
Bloomingdale, E. W.: id., i, 631; letter to, 

527 

Blount, F. M.: and appointment of Jamie- 
son, 718-23 passhn, 818 
Blythe, J. W.: id., 797*, named vice-chair- 
man of Republican National Convention, 
797 

Board of Scientific Surveys; see Philip- 
pines, exploration of 

Boer War: British troops in, 47, 52, 83-84; 
European observers in, 69-70; R on, 20- 
21, 109; m., 7, 9, 15, 22, 1 17. See also 
South Africa 

Boggs, L. G.: id., 284; and paymaster gen- 
eralship of navy, 284-85 
Bolivia; concessions to U.S. citizens, 293 
Bonaparte, C. J.: id., i, 15 1; appointed 
Secretary of the Navy, 1192, 1233; and 
Ben7imgto?i case, 1294-97; and Indian 
schools, 739-40; and Indian Territory 
land speculation, 739-40; and Philadel- 
phia mayoralty contest, 1323-24; and 
Post-Office Department investigation, 
444» 504» 543» 599» 621, 632, 636-37, 666; 
m., 5050, 589; letters to, 25, 36, 41, 46, 
739i 1294, 1323 

Bond, R,: id., 1031; and Newfoundland 
reciprocity treaty, 1031 
Bonner, E, L.: and Montana patronage, 
254; letter to, 254 

Bonynge, R. W.: id., 1082; m., 1082 
Booklover^ Magazine: see Magazines 
Boothby, C. W.; displaced by R, 281-82, 
285 

Bostock, F. C.: id., 1275; letter to, 1275 
Boston Herald: see Newspapers 
Boston Times: see Newspapers 
Boston Transcript: see Newsp^ers 
Bowen, H. W.i id., 1164; on Castro dic- 
tatorship in Venezuela, 914; controversy 
with Loomis, 1163-65, x 167-^8, 1171, xi8o, 
JX90-92, i2i6 , 1239, XZ43-50; m., 917 


Bower, Mr. and Mrs. R. T.: letter to, 425 
Bowers, G. M.: id., 776; letter to, 776 
Bowles, F. T.: id., i, 628; on navy tonnage 
and offensive power, 368 
Boxer Rebellion: conduct of foreign troops 
in, 5-6, 744. See also China 
Boynton, H. V,: id., 915; letter to, 915 
Bozzie; exhibition of, at White House, 265 
Brackett, Captain: 197-98 
Brackett, E. T,: and Odell, 749; opposes 
R’s nomination, 329; m., 860 
Bradford, R. B.; id., 441; sea duty recom- 
mended for, 441 

Bradley, W. O’C: id., 798; seconder of R’s 
nomination, 798 

Brady, H.: removal of, 187, 205 
Brandegee, E. D.: 803 
Braun, M.: political activities, 254-55, 2930 
Brawdey, W. H.: id., 176; consulted by R, 
176; letter to, 387 

Brazil: and Bolivian concessions, 293; Ger- 
mans in, 24on 

Brent, C. H.: id., 975; m., 975; letter to, 
1188 

Brentano, T.: letter to, 582; m., 509 
Brewers; proposed legislation against, 897 
Bridge Builders* Union: see Unions 
Bridges, R.: id., ii, 933; letter to, 1142 
Briesen, A. von: id., i, 468; letter to, 664 
Briggs, LeB. R.; id., 69; m., 69, 91; letter to, 
386 

Brigham, J. H.; 86on 
Bristow, J. L,: id., 444; and N.Y.C. post- 
office investigation, 488; and Post-Office 
Department investigation {1903), 444, 
472-74, 485, 496, 543, 599, 666, 741-42;; as 
post-office inspector, 1266, 1301 
Brito case: 54, 58, 118, 556 
Brock, J. W.: id., 955; letter to, 955 
Brodie, A. O.; id,, ii, 833; iii, 270; appointed 
governor of Arizona territory, 270; in- 
vestigation of Perrin charges, 188; letters 
to, 270, 749 

Brokmeyer, E. C.: id., 650; letter to, 650 
Brooke, J. R.: id., ii, 1038; opposition to 
Wood, 492 

Brooker, C, F,; id., 964; in Republican cam- 
paign {1904), 964 

Brooklyn: see United States Navy, Ships 
Brooklyn Eagle: see Newspapers 
Brooklyn Stmdard-^Union: see Ne'wspapers 
Brooks, F. E.: id., 655; m., 655 
Brooks, J. G,: id,, 838; and Colorado labor 
investigation, 838, 880 
Brooks, P.: 672 

Broomell, P. D.: id,, 895; tn., 895 
Brosius, S, M.: and Indran Territory land 
speculation, 740 


Brother, Ferd: letter to, 4 
Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen: R’s 
membership in, 876, 878, 879. See also 
Unions 

Brown, A. E.: id., 92; letter to, 92 
Brown, Mrs. C. H.: letter to, 950 
Brown, E. R.: id., ii, 979; letters to, 261, 
568 

Brown, G.: at R’s meeting of college boys, 
114-15 

Brown, H. B.: id., 400; letter to, 400 
Brown, W. C.: id., 13; in Philippine insur- 
rection campaign, 13; letter to, 13 
Browning, R. B,: see Authors 
Brownson, W. H.: 99 
Bruce, M. L.: and county committee chair- 
manship, 435, 506; lieutenant governor- 
ship, nominated for (1904), 945, 946; m., 
453 

Brumder, Colonel: 960 
Bryan, C. P.: id., i, i86i appointed minister 
to Switzerland, 310, 326 
Bryan, W. J.: and Associated Press, 38; in 
Democratic campaign (1904), 974, 980, 
982, 983, 988, 995; and Democratic Na- 
tional Convention (1904), 852; Havana 
visit, 260; and Philippine independence, 
769, 906; O. H. Platt on, 198; W. A. 

on, ir; m., 13, 127, 203, 349, 558, 
654, 868, 1050 

Bryanites: and admission of Indian Terri- 
tory, 41; m., 32, 36, 52 
Bryce, J.: letter to, 671 
Buchanan, W. L: appointed minister to 
Panama, 1190, 1244; delegate to Inter- 
national Conference of American States, 
164 

Buckner, S. B.: id., 6or; m., 27, 601 
Buffalo: see United States Navy, Ships 
Buffalo BiU: ree Cody, W. F. 

Buffalo Exposition: see Pan-American Ex- 
position 
Btugaria: 106 

BuEen, F. T.: letter to, 231 
BuUer, R. H.: in Boer war, 84, 213 
Bullock, S.: on western trip with R, 547, 
550, 552, 558-62; at White House dinner, 
437; m, 1J2, 486, J53, 556-57, 1316; letter 
to, 512 

Billow, B. von; id., 1288; and Russo-Japa- 
nese peace negotiations, 1288; m,, 218 
Bunau-Varilla, P. J.: and Panama treaty 
negotiations, 689-91, 700-01; m., 1124. 
See also Treaties, Hay-Bunau-Varilla 
Bunn, J. G.: id., 1000; political activities, 
investigation of, 1000-01 
Burlingame, E. E.: id., 693; letter to, 693 
Burlm^game Treaty: see Treaties 


Burnett, H. L.: id., 428; and McSweeney, 
428-29 

Burnham, H. E.: and Bering Sea contro- 
versy, 1125-27 

Burns,* W. J.: and Oregon land frauds, 
1127-28 

Burr, A.: loi, 947 

Burr, W. H.: and Isthmian Canal Commis- 
sion, 458, 733, 7<54-65, 785, 1 1 13 
Burroughs, J.: id., ii, 1279; attacked in 
Forest a?id Strecnn^ 467-70; nature fakers, 
exposure of, 511-12; at Slab Sides with 
R’s, 486, 487, 510-11; in Yellowstone with 
R, 447, 463, 470, 486, 548; letters to, 170, 
441, 447, 486, 510, 890, 1196. See also 
Authors 

Burrows, J. C.: id., 968; and German 
tariff law, 1329; m., 968 
Burt, S. W.: id., i, 216; removal from 
N.Y.S. Civil Service Commission, 37, 38, 

Burton, C. E.: investigation of, 75^-57 
Burton, J. R.: id., 154; and Kansas patron- 
age, 154-55; and Leland, 188, 197, 201, 
208; postal fraud case, 444, 765, 990; letter 
to, 502 

Burton, T. E.: id., 735; letter to, 735 
Businessmen: and financial legislation, 868; 

N.Y.C., and R, 697. See also Capital 
Bussche, H.: id., 1320; and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1320, 1323; letter to, 

1323 

Butler, B. F,: no, 1179 
Butler, E. H.: id., 919; letter to, 919 
Butler, M.: id., ii, 956; iii. 887; m., 887 
Butler, N. M.: death of Mrs. Butler, 403; 
and Isthmian Canal Commission secre- 
tar}^ship, 785; kitchen cabinet, member 
of, 1055; and McSweeney, 250; and 
N.Y.S. Board of Education, 755; as N.Y.S. 
gubernatorial possibility, 904, 911-12; 
southern question, conference with R on, 
1099-1100; western trip with R, 471, 486, 
548; m., 18, 50, 664, 698, 725, 1192, 1220; 
letters to, 61, 85, 130, 171, 174, 185, 226, 
3^^ 39O1 403t 47I1 5041 573» 579» <54i» 
660, 688, 714, 749, 781, 784, 799, 802, 814, 
878, 883, 899, 904, 911, 912, 1027, 1055, 
1062, I zoo 
Bury, J. B.: 706-08 

Bynum, W. D.: id., i, 312; on Taggart, 
889 

Byrne, J.: id., 684; letters to, 684, 868 
Byrne, W, M.: id., ii, 1369; iii, 380; and 
Philippine friars question, 381; re-ap- 
poinced U.S. district attorney, 380-82, 
423-25, 457-58, 619, 620, 1005 
Byrnes, T. E.: id., 482, 964; and federal 


1386 





pardons, 715-16; as R’s adviser, 481-82; 
m., 481, 964 

Cabinet: R’s ideas on, 158 
Cable, Benjamin S.; id., 997; possible in- 
formant on Standard Oil contribution 
(1904), 997 

Cable, Benjamin T.: id,, 997; probable in- 
formant on Standard Oil contribution 
(1904), 997 

Cables: Guam-Japan, 755; Hawaii, 153, 171; 
Philippines, 153, i^i.See also Central and 
South American Telegraph Company 
Cadwalader, J, L.: id., ii, 1480; iv, 1326; m., 
1326 

Cain, G, L.: id., 870; and pajTnent of navy- 
yard and arsenal workers, 870, 895 
C^ioun, W. J.: id., 234; R on, 814; Vene- 
zuelan mission, 1254, 1258, 1270; letters to, 

234 » 1253 

California: elections in, see Elections, state 
California, University of; m., 558 
Cameron, J, D,: id., 137; support of R for 
president, 137; m., 607 
Cameron, S.: and Lincoln, 819 
Campaigns: see Elections 
Campbell, W. A.: appointed postmaster, 
705 

Canada: coal exports to U,S., 394, 581; 
French in, 15; meeting of Fairbanks and 
Laurier, 1093-94; reciprocity question, 
581, 908, 913, io28-29n, 1030; R’s attitude 
toward, 588; m., 97. See also Alaska, 
boundary dispute 
Canal Record: see Magazines 
Canal Zone: Canal Record established, 
1283; civil service, 902, 1318-19; con- 
ditions in, improvement of, 1283, 1302; 
control legislation, 774, 786-93; Panama 
and creation of, 985-86; tariff and postal 
policies, Panamanian protest on, 917; yel- 
low fever in, 1291, 1302. See also Isthmian 
Canal Commission; Panama Canal 
Canfield, J. H.: id., 188; and Burton-Leland 
controversy, 188, 197; letter to, 1303 
Cannon, J. G.: and Capitol, 816; and civil 
service commission, 263; and currency 
refonn, 413-14, 488, 514, 565, 576, 684; 
and Illinois factionalism, 805-06; and Il- 
linois patronage, 234; Illinois trip widi R, 
480; and navy program, 1080-81; and 
Newlands bill, 272-73; and Panamanian 
situation, 649; and Philippine currency 
reform, 428; and R’s acceptance letter, 
912; R’s relations with, 450, iioi; on 
Root as gubernatorial candidate, 877; on 
tariff, 1028, 1056; and Tom Quartz, 401, 
412; m., 466, 563, 1067, 11890; letters to, 


272, 434, 480, 56s, 570, 576, 762, 805, 879, 
921, 1052, 1075, io8o, IIOI, 1196 
Cannon, L. B.: id., 603; letter to, 603 
Canterbury, Archbishop of: dinner for, 
914, 916 

Canton-Hankow railway: see China 
Capen, E. H.: id., 104; letter to, 104 
Capers, J. G.: id., 176; m., 176, 387, 388, 
459, 68i 

Capital: as campaign issue (1904), 927-29; 
and labor, relations of, 679-80, 935-36; 
resentment of R in settlement of coal 
strike, 645; R’s attitude toward, 658, 876- 
77, 879-80, 908-11, 927-29. See also Cor- 
porations; Harriman, E. H.; Labor; Mor- 
gan, J. P.; Rockefeller, J. D,; Trusts; 
Wall Street 

Capitol: and presidential prerogative, 815- 

Caribbean: coasts, information on, sought, 
447; “hands off” in, 821-22. See also 
Latin America and individual countries 
by name 

Carignan, J. M.: appointed Indian agent, 
IS^ 

Carlisle, J. G.: and Constitution Club, 884 
Carmack, E. W.i and treaty legislation, 
1144-45; m,, 267, 268, 1043, 1047, 1072 
Carman, B.: see Authors 
Carmichael, O,; turkey dispatch to Boston 
Herald, 1063-64 

Carnegie, A.: and arbitration treaties, 1114, 
iii<^i8, 1121; m., 276, 1057; letters to, 
212, 1026, 1 1 14, II 17 

Carnegie Institute: founding of, 212-13; 

Peary recommended to, 671 
Carow, E. T.: letter to, 543 
Carr, C. C. C,: promoted to brigadier gen- 
eral, 517 

Carroll, C. V. B.: id., 92; and R’s 1904 
nomination, 92 

Carter, G. R.: appointed secretary of 
Hawaii, 180; and Hawaiian governor- 
ship, 221, 222-23; rebuked by R, 676-77; 
letters to, 221, 222, 223, 676 
Carter, T. H.: id., i, 559; m., 558, 560, 1118, 
1235; letter to, 470 
Carthage: 106 

Caruthers, W.: letter to, 68 
Cary, T.: letter to, 255 
Cassatt, A. J.: id., 141; and anthracite coal 
strike (1902), 334; m., 141; letter to, 334 
Cassi, Emile: id., 3; letter to, 3 
Cassini, A. P.: and citizens* petition against 
massacre of Jews, 508-09, 517; and Russo- 
Japanese peace negotiations, 1150, 1157- 
58, 1168, 1203, 1204-05, 1222-32 passim, 
1242; m., 497; letter to, 1221 


1387 



Cabtro, C.: in Bowen-Loomis controversy, 
1163-64, 1243, 1667; and foreign powers, 
1253-, R on, 1156; as Venezuelan dictator, 
914, 917, 918 

Catholics, Roman: in Cabinet, 158; clergy, 
R on advancement of, 672, 683; in diplo- 
matic service, 159, 802; in German Em- 
pire, 16; and Indian schools, 739'-4o, 
1120-21; in R’s election (1904), 1042; R’s 
position on, 920, 969; R's promotion of, as 
dice commissioner, 854-55; and Taft’s 
"atican mission, 303-08. See also Amer- 
ican Protective Association; Gibbons, J.; 
Ireland, J.; Philippines, Catholics in; 
Porto Rico, church property in; Vatican 
Cawein, M.: see Authors 
Central America: U.S. and, 166. See also 
Latin America and individual countries 
by name 

Central and South American Telegraph 
Company: protection of, in Panama, 
834 ” 37 » 9^6 

Census Bureau: permanent, establishment 
of, 238-39 

Century Magazine: see Magazines 
Chaffee, A. R.: id., 14; in Boxer rebellion, 
14; department commander of East, 61 1; 
on misconduct of foreigners in China, 
23; and Philippine atrocities, 398; Philip- 
pine command, 246; on Russian troops in 
Boxer rebellion, 744; m., 191, 233, 464, 
841; letters to, 14, 1260 
Chamberlain, G. E.: id., 477; and Oregon 
forest reserves, 477 

Chamberlain, J.: and Alaskan boundary 
dispute, 634; and Boer war, 47; health, 
665; R on, 1292; m,, 85, 529, 530, 1284 
Chandler, W. E.: id., i, 521; letter to, 186 
Chanler, W.: id., i, 352; m., 107, 408, 412; 
letter to, 5 

Chanson de Roland: 718 
Chaplains: see United States Army, chap- 
lains 

Chaplin, H. W.; see Authors 
Chapman, J. J.: and election (1900), 612; 
m., 18 

Chartran, T.: portrait of R, 415 
Chase, S. P.: 301 

Chicago: see United States Navy, Ships 
Chicago, University of; R’s speech at, 548 
Chicago butchers’ strike: see Strikes 
Chicago Chronicle: see Newspapers 
Chicago Convention (1904): see Repub- 
lican party 

Chic^o Evening Post: see Newspapers 
Chicago Inter-Ocean: see Newspapers 
Chicago Record-Herald: see Newspapers 
Chicago Tribune: see Newspapers 


Children: see Roosevelt children; Roose- 
velt, Theodore, Characteristics, fondness 
for children 

Chile: disputes with Peru, 168-69 
China: European outrages in, 23; foreign 
troops in, 70, 117; Germany and U.S. in, 
239-40; Hankow-Canton railway conces- 
sion, 1109, 1277-79, 1303, 1310, 1326-27; 
Japan and future of, 830-31, 1184; Man- 
churian situation, 478, 508; Miles’s recom- 
mendations regarding, 245-46; open door 
in, 172-73, 497, 500-01, 81 1 ; Russo-Japa- 
nese war, neutrality in, 721, 731, 901, 
902, 904, 1102-03, 1150; territorial in- 
tegrity of, 1099, 1 100-01 1106-07, 1122, 
1182, 1271, 1288; U.S. fiscal agents ap- 
pointed, 265; U.S. policy in, 1 12; Yangtse, 
open door for, 896. See also Boxer Rebel- 
lion; Immigration; Japan 
Chinese: R on Japanese and, 917 
Chinese Exclusion Act (15^2): see United 
States Government, Legislation 
Choate, J. H.: id., i, 34; and Alaskan bound- 
ary question, 294, 507; and Algeciras 
Conference, 1302, 1305, 1313; at second 
Hague Conference, 1302; as N.Y.S. gu- 
bernatorial possibility, 889; resignation 
as ambassador to England, 1078; R on, 
1279; R supported by, for vice-presi- 
dency, 31 in; m., 50, 953; letters to, 170, 
225, 1078, 1302 

Church, W. C.: reappointment recom- 
mended, 1 31 

Churchill, Winston (author): letter to, 126 
Churchill, Winston L. S.: 116-17 
Cigar stamps: see Treasury Department 
Civil service: and Census Bureau, 238-39; 
classified and unclassified, 273-74; confi- 
dential nature of appointments, 302; dis- 
missals from, 302-03; ofiiceholders in 
politics, 273-74, 278-79, 976; R on reform 
of, 88 

Civil Service Bill: see New York State, 
Legislation (i 899-1900) 

Civil Service Commission: appointments to, 
undesirability of, 24; Black appointed to, 
669-70; Bunn investigation, 1 000-0 r, and 
Canal Zone employees, 902, 1318-19; 
and Clarkson appointment, 256-57; and 
fourth-class postmasters, 602; and Gov- 
ernment Printing Office investigation, 
585-87; Miller case, 514-16; and political 
assessment circulars, 330-31, 350; reor- 
ganization of, 25-28, 37, 41, 46, 57, 178; 
R on work of, 670; skilled laborers, juris- 
diction over, 1113-14; letters to, 273, 
1318, See also lSltvr York State, Commis- 
sions 


1388 



Civil Service Law: as campaign issue 
(1904), 930 

Civil War: army abuses in, 269; R on, 947; 

R on Rhodes and, 1049-50; Union Army 
in, 915-16 

Claims: see International Court of Claims 
Clark, C. E.: at coronation of Edward VII, 

225; on Sampson-Schley controversy, 
225-26n 

Clark, E. E.: id., 347; appointment for, re- 
quested, 445; on coal strike commission, 

347i 352-53> 3<52, 365, 505* 1264 
Clark, J. B. (Champ): id., 853; and Demo- 
cratic campaign (1904), 853 
Clark, L. McC; 1027 

Clark, W. A.: id,, 1009; in Democratic cam- 
paign (1904), 1009, 1010, lord; and Santo 
Domingo protocol, 1139; m., 558, 560 
Clark University: 762-63 
Clarke, John H.: defeated for Senate, 582 
Clarke, John P.: id., i, 246; accused of 
drunkenness, 37; at meeting of college 
boys, 91, 1 14; and N.Y.C. Republican 
clubs, 459; supreme court of N.Y.S. ap- 
pointment, 1 21; m., 50, 79, 785; letters to, 

34» 459 

Clarke, L. S.: id., 219; and Louisiana patron- 
age, 219, 281-82, 285; m., 825-26; letter 
to, 281 

Clarlcson, J. S.: id., i, 241; appointed sur- 
veyor of port of N.Y., 256-57, 263; and 
Harriman, 609; and Negro question, 
332-33; and N.Y.C. Republican clubs, 

459; and N.Y.S. campaign (1902), 328- 
290; and southern delegates, 285-86, 290- 
91; m., 267, 587, 725; letters to, 256, 332, 

458, 482, 579 

Clason, G. F.: with Bozzie at White House, 

265 

Clayton, P.: id., 701; letter to, 701 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty: see United States 
Government, Treaties 
Clemens, S. L.: see Authors 
Cleveland, G.: and anthracite coal strike, 
346-47, 351-54, 362, 365, 366, 503-05» <^45- 
46; and common law, 963; corporation 
influence over, 639; in Democratic cam- 
paign (1904), 982; in Democratic cam- 
paign O905), 995; and Equitable Life 
Assurance Society, i2o8n, 12 14-15, 1240; 
in New York elections (1903), 642, 648; 
and Jamestown celebration, 1239; and 
McClelland appointment, 568; McClure* s 
article on Parker, 990; pension rule, 809, 

924; and Philippine independence, 881; 
and postal regulations, 273; as presidential 
candidate, 648; and Pullman strike, 338, 

340; R on, 1220; Southern appointees, 

1389 


1068; special cars, use of, 577; Vatican, 
relations with, 452; and Venezuelan situa- 
tion, loi, 398; veto, use of, 1264; m., 149, 
217, 418, 421, 576, 858, 878; letters to, 277, 
338* 346, 353 » 398, 1239 
Cleveland Leader: see Newspapers 
Clubs: Boone and Crockett, 13, 16; Cen- 
tury, 155; Constitution, in Democratic 
campaign (1904), 884, 907, 945, 968; 
Deutscher, 549-50; Harvard Union, 80, 
102; Home Market, 3, 48, 49, 83; Hungar- 
ian Republican, 593; Lawyers, 50; Lotos, 
26, 44; Porcellian, 76, 80, 159; Reform, 
781; Republican, 730, 7610; Seawanaka, 
98; Somerset, 62; Union League 
(N.Y.C.) , 62, 717, 730, io36n; Union 
League (Philadelphia), 1167 
Coal: Canadian exports to U.S., 394, 581. 
See also Strikes 

Cockran, W. B.: id., i, 399; as congressman, 
715; and pension order, 763; R on, 1042- 
43; m., 36, 947, 953 

Cockrell, F. M.: id., i, 374; defeated for re- 
election, 1025; Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, appointed to, 1033, 1057; second 
Isthmian Canal Commission, appoint- 
ment to, declined, 1047; and Panama 
Canal treaty, 685; on railroad rate regu- 
lation, 1189-90; and White House restora- 
tion, 753; and Wood’s major generalcy, 
540, 598, 827; m., 990; letters to, 726, 1033 
Cody, W. F.: m., 41, 732 
Coeur d’Alene: strike at: see Strikes 
Coghlan, J. B.: id., ii, 998; m., 465 
Cohen, W. L.; and Louisiana politics, 793, 
825-26 

Cohen, W. N.: id., ii, 937; committee on 
resolutions, suggested for, 784-85; m., 813 
Coinage: designs for, io88, 1103-04.5^6 also 
Currency 

Colby, W.^E.: id., 1104; and Yosemite, gov- 
ernment protection of, 1 104-05 
Colleges: calibre of graduates, 107-08; R’s 
meeting with selected students, 75-76, 80, 
91, 93, 102-03, 113-15 

Collier, R. J.: id., 990; m., 998; letters to, 
990,999,1004,1005 

Collier, W. M.: id., ii, 914; appointed min- 
ister to Spain, 1074; dismissal from De- 
partment of Commerce and Labor, 953- 
54; letters to, 24, 953, 1074 
Collier* s Weekly: see Magazines 
Collins, J. H.: 93 

Collins, P. A.: id., i, 198; and anthracite 
coal strike, 645 

Colombia: conditions in, 651, 688-89; naval 
units in Isthmus, complaint on, 370; Pan- 
amanian revolt, 662-63, 674-75, 678, 1124; 



treaty negotiations with, 293, 318, 445, 
5^5, 595 ~ 9 < 5 , 599. <^28, 644, 651, 673-74; 
treaty (1846), 566-67, 648-49; and Vati- 
can in Panamanian revolt, 672. See also 
Panama; Panama Canal 
Colorado: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 150-51, 179, 187, 
204-05, 228-29, 2570, 309, 366-67, 1236; 
quarter-centennial celebration, 90, 92, 99, 
1 1 8, 128; Republican party in, 1500, 408- 
09, 412-13 

Colorado Fuel and Iron Company: see 
Railroads, Atchison, Topeka, and Santa 
Fe, investigation of 
Colorado miners’ strike: see Strikes 
Colton, G. R.; appointed receiver in Santo 
Domingo, 1148, 1259 

Combes, E.: id., 1287; and iMoroccan nego- 
tiations, 1287 

Commerce and Labor, Department of: Col- 
lier^s Weekly attack on, 815; creation of, 
4070, 410, 429, 580, 81 1 ; Nelson amend- 
ment, 416-17; and panic (1903), 591. See 
also Corporations, Bureau of; Cortelyou, 
G. B.; Government Printing Office; Im- 
migration, Bureau of; Metcalf, V. H.; 
Public Printer 

Commerce and Labor Department Act: see 
United States Government, Legislation 
Common law: and monopolies, 957, 962-64, 
968, 993 

Congo Free State: intervention in, re- 
quested, 958; m., 1175 
Congress: see United States Government, 
Congress; United States Government, 
Senate 

Connecticut: elections in, see Elections, 
state 

Conover; 402, 652 

Conrad, H.: and Post-Office Department 
investigation, 444, 504, 543, 599, 621, 632, 
666 

Conrad, J.: see Authors 
Conservation: Alaska, 252; R’s early poli- 
cies, 187-88; Yale Forest School, 1026, 
See also Forest reserves; Irrigation; Re- 
clamation 

Considine, J. P.: commutation of sentence, 
696 

Constabulary Bill: see New York State, 
Legislation (1899-1900) 

Constant, P. E, de: id., 583; letter to, 583 
Constantinople: 107 

Constitution; as issue in presidential cam- 
paign (1904), 884 

Consular Service: protection of American 
citizens abroad, 929-30. See also appli- 
cants and appointees by name 


Coiitentporary Review: see Magazines 
Converse, G. A.: id., 1006; and Davis, 
squadron command for, 1032; letter to, 
1006 

Cooley, A. W.: id., ii, 1096; appointed 
civil service commissioner, 525; at R’s 
meeting with college boys, 114; m., 523, 
724, 798, 984; letters to, 596, 602 
Coolidge, H. J.: id., 250; and MeSweeney, 
250 

Coolidge, L. A.: id., 504; m., 504 
Cooper, J. F.: see Authors 
Copyright League: 215 
Corbin, H. C.: id., ii, 893; and Philippine 
military command, 822, 826, 828; seeks 
appointment as department commander 
of East, 61 1 ; m., 371, 393, 568 
Cornell, R. C.: id., 13 1; letter to, 131 
Corporations: blackmail of, alleged in R’s 
campaign (1904), 1009-14, 1016; in Dis- 
trict of Columbia, 1108; insurance com- 
panies, investigation of, 1208, 1214-16, 
1240, 1282; Knox’s program for regula- 
tion of, 406-07; Nelson amendment to 
Department of Commerce and Labor 
bill, 416-17; regulation of, 122, 173, 1990, 
200, 591-92; Republican campaign con- 
tributions (1904), 995-96; R’s views 
on, 159-60, 635-36, 654, 862, 909, 1133, 
1175. See also Corporations, Bureau of; 
Trusts 

Corporations, Bureau of: beef trust in- 
vestigation, 1160; establishment of, 580, 
680, 81 1 ; functions of, 953-54, 960-61; 
and insurance companies, i282n; oil in- 
dustry investigation, 1 160; and panic 
(1903), 591; Rockefeller opposition to, 
639; and Standard Oil Company, 591-92. 
See also Corporations; Trusts 
Cortelyou, G. B.: id., 57; and anthracite 
coal strike, 348n, 360; Collier^s Weekly 
attack on, 815; and Colorado miners’ 
strike, 905; letter to R quoted, 893-94; 
and Miller case, 607; and Northern Se- 
curities suit, 893-94; and Ohio patronage, 
1199-1200; as Postmaster General, 971, 
1277; as Republican National Committee 
chairman, 797-800, 804-05, 808, 838-39, 
853, 889, 892-94, 912; as R’s campaign 
manager C1904), 944‘-45t 95U 955* 

963-64, 970-76, 988, 995-98, 1004-05, 1009- 
17, 1022; as Secretary of Commerce and 
Labor, 445, 486, 833; m., 57, 159, 461, 477, 
522, 547, 578, 657, 785, 854, 860, 878, 880, 
1062; letters to, 514, 516, 539, 576, 586, 
709, 839, 861, 886, 889, 892, 893, 897, 944, 
951, 959, 963, 970, 971, 973, 988, 995, 996, 
997, 998, 1004, 1009, 1016, 1022 


1390 



Cortelyouism: as feature of democratic 
campaign (1904), 963-64, 966-67 
Cosgrave, J. O’H.: id., 46; letter to, 46 
Cotton report scandal: 1273 
Coubertin, P. de: id., 489; letter to, 489 
Coudert, F. R.: id., 105*, letter to, 105 
Cougar: cowardice of, 1275 
Court of Commerce: 1105-06 
Cousins, R. G.: id., 794; seconder of R’s 
nomination, suggested as, 794 
Coville, F. V.: appointed to Board of 
Scientific Surreys, 443 
Cowles, Anna Roosevelt: m., 203, 683, 772, 
n6o; letters to, 96, 139, 574, 1064, 1159 
Cowles, W. S.: at coronation of Edward 
VII, 225; and Court of Inquiry, 766-67; 
m., 96, 648n; letters to, 206, 766 
Cowles, W. S., II: illness of, 1157, 1160 
Cox, G. B.: and Wright appointment, 640 
Cox, M. M.: and Indianola post office, 420- 
211 431 

Coxe, Judge: promotion of, 434 
Coykendall, S. D.; id., 860; presidential 
electorship, desire for, 860 
Craig, I.: letter to, 334 
Craig, W.: id., 334; death of, 3250, 334 
Cramer, W. E.: id., 805; letter to, 805 
Crane, J.: letter to, 306 
Crane, W. M.: id., i, 676; and anthracite 
coal strike (1902), 323, 330, 645, 680; and 
Massachusetts senatorship, 967, 1022; and 
national chairmanship, 504n, 772, 808, 
1010, 1013; on Newfoundland fisheries 
dispute, 1306; and Newfoundland re- 
ciprocity treaty, 1031, 1032; and tariff 
reduction, 1300; m., 98, 99, 129, 133, 150, 
482, 834, 986, 1094; letters to, 316, 359, 
697, 804, 1032, i239n 
Cranston, E. M.: 205, 1061 
Cranston, J. S.: id., 653; letter to, 653 
Crawford, G.: 432 

Cridler, T. W.: as assistant secretary of 
state, 183-85 

Crimmins, J. D.: id., ii, 1000; on friars in 
Philippines, 307 

Croker, R.: id., i, 297; W. A. White on, 10- 
ji; m., 127, 197 

Cromwell, W. N.: and Panama Canal 
negotiations, 984, 1262; and Reader treaty 
with Santo Domingo, 1142-43; R on, 
1259-60 

Crosby, E. H.: id., i, 156, ii, 1480; m., 142 
Croton dam strike: see Strikes 
Crowninshield, A. S.: id,, i, 625; commands 
European squadron, 283; and Root’s in- 
spection of coast fortifications, 153; m., 

217 

Crowninshield, Mrs. A. S.: 97 


Crozier, W.: id., ii, 1085; m., 820, 1107 
Crum, W. D.: id., 376; appointed collector 
of customs, 375-76, 383-85, 387, 425, 438, 
459, 774, 1071, 1089; m., 794, letter to, 459 
Crumpacker, E. D.: id., 982; and Negro 
vote in South, 1067; letter to, 982 
Cuba: anniversary dinner in New York, 
801-02, 821, 906-07, 957; constitutional 
convention, 85; independence of, 769-70, 
957; military government of, 8, 59-60, 
239, 369-70; naval stations in, 367, 370, 
474; and Platt amendment, 85n, 1043; 
reciprociu’^ issue, 1960, 228, 248, 165-66^ 
271-72, 279-80, 296-97, 326, 423, 433, 434, 
436, 445, 451, 494, 563, 603, 608, 629; roads, 
1 1 r . See also Spanish- American War 
Cuba: see United States Navy, Ships 
Culberson, C. A.: Panama in speech of, 
989; m., 194 

Cullom, S. M,: ad., i, 374; and Hay-Bunau- 
Varilla treaty, 689; and Illinois election 
(1904), 799-800; and Jamieson appoint- 
ment, 718-23 passhn; m., 139, 255; letters 
to, 710, 1098, 1 1 18 

Cummings, H. S,: id., 794; seconding 
speaker of R’s nomination, 794 
Cummins, A. B.: id., 137; R and, 137, 140; 
and tariff question, 483, 1028; m,, 476; 
letters to, 140, 283 

Curley, J. M.: id., 1015; imprisonment of, 
1015 

Currand, Father: 493 

Currency: Aldrich bill, 413-14, 466-67, 
524-25; as election issue (1904), 851-52, 
858, 926-27; International Monetar\' Con- 
ference, proposal for, 433-341 Philippine 
bond case, 677-78; reform of, in Philip- 
pines, 428; reform, R on, 203, 574-75, 
577-81, 584-85; reform, western opposi- 
tion to, 578; reform of, 466-67, 488-89, 
522, 524-26, 565, 570-71, 576, 627, 684. 
See also Gold standard 
Curry, J. L. M.: id., 217; special ambassador 
to Spain, iiy 

Curtin, Senator: and protection of Yosem- 
ite, n 04-05 

Curtis, C.: id., ro6i; m., io6r 
Curtis, H. S.: id., 262; letter to, 262 
Curtis, N.: id., 523; and artistic ability of 
Indians, encouragement of, 523 
Curtis, W. E.: id., 1 146; letter to, 1 146 
Curtis Act (1898): see United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation 

Cushing, W. B.; sinking of Albemarle, 
35 

Cutting, W. B.: campaign contribution 
(1904), 970 

Cutting, W. B., Jr.: id., 943; letter to, 943 




Dady, M. J.: id., ii, 1280*, on Tammany and 
R’s campaign, 889 

Dalzell, J.: id., 433; tariff views, 913, 1021, 
1028; m., 434, 1 1 890; letter to, 433 
Dana, P.: id., i, 652; m,, 490; letter to, 200, 

303 

Dana, R. H.: id., i, 15 1; and Civil Service 
Commission, 25, 28, 37 
Daniel, J. W.: id., 179; m., 179 
Daniels, B. F.; and appointment as U.S. 
marshal, 234-35, 270; m., 7490; letter to, 

235 

Danish West Indies: see Virgin Islands 
Dantz, W. F.: position for, 33 
Dare, J. Z.: appointed Indian agent, 756 
Darlkg, C, H.: id., 446; as assistant secre- 
tary of navy, 847, 849; and enlisted 
bandsmen, 910; letter to, 446 
Darw’in, C. R.: see Authors 
Dater, J. G.: id., 1245; and Bowen-Loomis 
controversy, 1245-47 

Davey Bill: see United States Government, 
Legislation 

Davies, J. C.; candidate for N.Y.S. Supreme 
Court, 31 in, 315; district court appoint- 
ment, 261 

Davis, C. H.: id., i, 221; rear admiral, pro- 
motion to, 1008; squadron command, ap- 
pointment to, considered, 903, 1031, 1032- 
33 . 

Davis, E. W.: appointed register, 573 
Davis, G. W.: id., 487; considered for Phil- 
ippine appointment, 487-88; 604; as gov- 
ernor or Canal Zone, 791; and Isthmian 
Canal Commission, 598, 733 
Davis, H. G.: id., 852; delegate to Inter- 
national Conference of American States, 
164; and Root’s Fairbanks notification 
speech, 868; as vice-presidential candidate 
(1904), 852 

Davis, Jefferson: 674-75, 947-48 
Davis, John C.: 648n 

Davis, L. C.: id., 494; letters to, 567, 
617 

Davis, R. H.: id., i, 299; as correspondent 
in Russo-Japanese war, 849-50, 1115; let- 
ter to, 670, 849, 1089, 1 1 71 
Davis, W.: id., 204; m., 204 
Davis, W. H.: and Oregon land frauds, 
1127-28 

DavKon, G. H.: id., 859; assistant secretary- 
ship of agriculture, candidate for, 859-60, 
861, 872-73, 883 

Dawes,^ C. G.: id., ii, 1435; and Jamieson 
appointment, 718-23 passim, 818; m., 125, 
263, 839; letters to, 138, 1057 
Dawes Commission: on Delaware-Chero- 
kee lands, 692 


Dawson, T. C.: as minister to Santo Do- 
mingo, 1148, 1263, 1264 
Day, W. R.: id., i, 638; iii, 347; and anthra- 
cite coal strike, 347, 348, 362; on Moody’s 
presentation of beef trust case, 1096; Su- 
preme Court appointment, 413, 464, 879, 
1199 

Dean, J. S.: appointment for, 155 
Dcas, E. H.: 194 
De Barry, J. R.: transfer of, 202 
Deer: 261 

Deficit: see Treasury Department 
Dc Forest, R. W.: id., ii, 815; m., 92 
Delaware: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 380-82, 588-89, 595, 
596-97, 607, 619-20. See also Byrne, 
W. M.; Republican party in, see Ad- 
dicks, J. E. 

Deibriich, H,: see Authors 
Delcasse, T.: id., 1190; and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1204, 1242, n88; m., 
1190, 1232 

Democratic party: in Colorado, 408-09; 
Constitution Club, 884, 907, 945, 968; 
Cortelyouism as campaign feature (1904), 
963-64, 966-67; and Cuban and Panama 
treaties, 445, 457; in elections (1902), 373- 
74; in Alaryland, 630; Missouri, 771; na- 
tional convention (1904), 850-52, 975; in 
New York election (1903), 641; and 
Philippine independence, 767-70, 870, 
874~75» 881, 888, 906, 938-42; presidential 
campaign (1904), 851-53, 881, 883-84, 887, 
921, 966-68, 974, 982, 995, 1006-07, 1009- 
13, 1082-83; and tariff revision, 313, 327; 
Washington’s view of, 22. See also Bryan, 
W. J.; Elections; Parker, A. B,; Tam- 
many Hall 

Deneen, C. S.: as governor of Illinois, 799- 
800, 805; and R’s campaign (1904), 886 
Denmark: 106. See also Virgin Islands 
Depew, C. M.:^ id., i, 480; ambassadorship, 
alleged promise of, 979^80, 106411; at con- 
ference of N.Y.S. Republican leaders, 
329n; re-elected to Senate, 1064; «!•> 7<5in; 
letter to, 1239 

Derby, R.: id., 75; at R’s meeting of college 
boys, 114, 115; m., 75, 76; letter to, 80 
Descent of man: 92-93 
Desert Land Act: see United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation 

Deveaux, J, H.; reappointment of, 206; m., 
89 

Devereux, H.: 89, 179 
De Weese, D.; 89 

De Wet, C. R.: in Boer war, 47, 83-84 
Dewey, G.: id., i, 632; career of, 108; com- 
mands fleet maneuvers, 275, 285; and 


1392 



Cowles* court of inquiry, 766-^7; presi- 
dential aspirations, 31, 120; and Sampson- 
Schley case, 128, 2 ion; Santo Domingo 
Commission, appointed to, 734; Subig 
Bay, report on, 881; m., 35, 73, 465, 677, 
751, 848; letters to, 275, 734 
De Young, M, H.: id., 1274; in anti-Japa- 
nese agitation, 1274-75 
Diamond: see Horses 
Dick, C. W. F.: id., ii, 1055; campaign con- 
tributions, solicitation of, 971; and Ohio 
patronage, 705, 1172, 1198-1200; letters to, 
774, 1198 

Dickens, C.: see Authors 
Dickey, W. B.: discharged from Callao 
consulate, 478 

Dickinson, D. McD,: id., ii, 1407; letters to, 
249, ior6 

Diederichs, O, von: at Manila, 36, 219, 240 
Diehl, Captain: 952 

Dietrich, C. H.: id., 207; and Alaska col- 
lectorship, 207 

Dillingham, B. F.: consulted by R, 180 
Dillingham, W. P.: id., 775; and Alaskan 
legislation, 775; and Bering Sea contro- 
versy, 1125-27 

Dillingham-Sanchez Protocol: see Santo 
Domingo 
Dingley, N.: 1062 
Dingley tariff: 'see Tariff 
Diplomatic Service: protection of Ameri- 
can citizens abroad, 929-30; R on, 944, 
1089-90. See also applicants and appoinu 
ees by name 

District of Columbia: Board of Commis- 
sioners for, letter to, 219; legislation on, 
977, 1108, 1130; mall, 750, 817 
Dixon, J. M.: id., 757; m., 757 
Doane, W. C.: 272 
Dobbs, J. F,; id., 967; letter to, 967 
Dodge, C. H.: id., i, 28; iii, 654; m., 654, 657; 
letters to, 53, 275 

Dodge, G. M.: id., 466; New York County 
Advisory Committee, membership de- 
sired, 706; and Porto Rican secretaryship, 
893; on Root’s Union League speech, 730; 
letters to, 466, 706, 893. See also Authors 
Dodge, M.: id., 750; and good-roads pro- 
gram, 750-51 

Dole, S.: and Hawaiian governorship, 222- 
23; and political situation in Hawaii, 180 
Dolliver, J. P.: id., i, 393; and arbitration 
treaty ratification, 1092; and Hepburn 
bill, 1122-23; and railroad rate question, 
1200-01; m., 290 

Dolphin: see United States Navy, Ships 
Dominican Republic: see Santo Domingo 
Donald, E. W.: id., 62; m., 62, 80, 115 


Donovan, M. J.: id., 1032; letters to, 1032, 
1065 

Dooley, Mr. see Dunne, F. P, 

Doubleday, F. N.: letter to, 1007 
Dougherty, Bishop: 566, 855 
Douglas, W. L.: elected governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, 1021; and tariff revision, 1043 
Dover, E.: id., 773; m., 1198-99; letter to, 
773 

Dow, \V. S.: id., i, 73; m., 422 
Doyle, A. P.: id., i, 487; letter to, 156 
Draper, A. S.: id., ii, 1314; appointed N.Y.S. 
commissioner of education, 755; letter to, 
755 

Draper, W. F.: id., 42; and Institute of So- 
cial Economics building, 42; and protec- 
tive tariff, 608; letter to, 603 
Dred Scott decision: 89 
Dresser, A. S.: 231 
Dreyfus, Alfred; 714 

Driggs, E. H.: id., 621; indictment of, 621 
Dryden, J. F.: id., 796; and insurance inves- 
tigations, i282n; m., 796, 804 
Duell, C. H.: id., 797; appointed assistant 
treasurer of National Committee, 797 
Duffield, H. M.: id., 1123; letter to, 1123 
Duke, B.: 27, 432 
Dulany: m., 401 

Dunn, G. W.; id., ii, 914; Arizona Terri- 
tory secretaryship, considered for, 749; 
hostility to R, 608; and N.Y.C. customs 
collectorship, 196; N.Y.S, Committee, dis- 
missal from, 749n; support of R for presi- 
dent, 136; m., 217, 255, 76in; letter to, 

371 

Dunn, M. B.; letter to, 324 
Dunne, F, P.: id., ii, 1099; “The ‘Anglo- 
Saxon’ Triumph,’* R’s protest against, 
1040-43; invitation to White House, 195; 
on R at San Juan Hill, 987n; m., 8r; let- 
ters to, 133, 195, 357, 1040 
Durand, H. M,: id,, 66d; as British am- 
bassador, 1193; Moroccan crisis, 1162, 
1166; R on, 1204, 1206, 1257-58; and 
Russo-Japanese peace negotiations, 1157; 
m., 666, 798, 1135, 1298; letter to, 1310 
Durbin, W. T.: id., 540; and Hanna’s presi- 
dential candidacy, 695; R’s letter to, on 
lynching, 680; m., 606; letter to, 540 
Durham, J. S.: id., 878; m., 878 
Dutch Reformed Church: R and, 550, 583 
Dutch West Indies: German designs on, 
465 

Dwyer, T. A.; tribute tb R and out- 
come, 1022 

Eagan, C. P.; id., ii, 903; and embalmed 
beef, 213 


^393 



Eaton, S.: id., 103; letter to, 103 
Eckels, J. H.: id., 173; and Jamieson ap- 
pointment, 718-23 passm, 818; letter to, 

173 

Eddy, S.: 1079 

Edmunds, S. E.: id., 1055*, letter to, 1055 
Education: and citizenship, 589-90 
Edward VII: on Anglo-American and Ger- 
man- American friendship, 1128; corona- 
tion, 225; R on, 1221; R’s message to, 
through Lodge, 1192-93; m., 170, 1204; 
letters to, 325, 537, 1135 
Edwards, C. R.; Philippine exhibit at St. 

Louis Exposition, report on, 919 
Edwards, H. S,: id., 419; at Chicago Con- 
vention (1904), 701-02, 823-24; and 
Georgia patronage, 431; m., 419; letter 
to, 823 

Edwards, W. S.: id., 972; m., 972 
Eggleston, G. C.: id., 252; rebuked by R, 
252-53 ; letter to, 252 
Egypt: 105 

Eidman, F.: id., 400; m., 1075; letter to, 
400 

Einstein; 876, 884 

Einstein, E.: id., 1015; and Marks, 1015 
Elections, federal: (1904), 851-52, 858, 863- 
64, 887, 944-45. 954 - 55 . 963-^4. 9 < 55 -< 58 . 
See also Democratic Party; Ejections, 
state (1902), (1904); Reputocan Party; 
Roosevelt, Theodore, President 
Elections, state: (1901), Ohio, 122-23 

(1902), 316-17, 325; and anthracite 
coal strike, 323; Colorado, 366-67, 378, 
<^55-56; Ohio, 374-75; political assessment 
circulars, 330-31, 350; Republican victory 
in, 373 

(1903), 565-66, 641-42; Kentucky, 601, 
646; Ldiiisiana, 793; Maryland, 630, 639, 
641, 645, 646; Massachusetts, 6io-n, 631, 
<533-34. <536, 642; Ohio, 590, 613, 631 
(1904), California, 794; Connecticut, 
974, 1005, 1006, 1007; Colorado, 814, 956- 
57, 983, 1081; Delaware, 974; Idaho, 965- 
66, 974; Illinois, 799-800, 805-06, 824, 88 1; 
Indiana, 974, 980, 982-83, 988, 995, 1005, 
1006; Maryland, 988, 994; Massachusetts, 
1021, 1025; Missouri, 990-91, 994, 998- 
1000, 1004, 1005, io2ij 1025, 1031; Mon- 
tana, 983; and national campaign, 918, 
919; Nevada, 794, 994; New Jersey, 1005, 
1006, 1007; Oregon, 824; Rhode Island, 
974; R’s estimate of electoral votes, 994; 
Utah, 965; Vermont, 918, 919; West Vir- 
ginia, 972, 988, 1006; Wisconsin, 802, 805, 
833. 859, 863-64, 881, 972, 973-74, 977 
See also New York City, New York 
State 


Electoral College: meeting of (1905), 1107 
Eliot, C. W.: id., i, 198; and Philippine in- 
dependence, 767-70; on R, 101-02; as R 
supporter, 986-87; m., 69, 184, 1041; let- 
ters to, i86n, 247, 767, 839, 986. See also 
Authors 

Eliot, D. G.: see Authors 
Elkins, S. B.: id., i, 76; and Peirce-Cridler 
matter, 184; and railroad rate problem, 
1189; tariff, views on, 1028; m., 569 
Elkins Rebate Law: see United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation 

Elliott, J. S.: id., 1164; and Porto Rico, 151, 
775. ii <54 

Ellis Island: see Immigration, Bureau of 
Ellsworth, T. E.: id., ii, 941; guberna- 
torial possibility, 525; R supporter, 328- 
290 

Elsberg, N. A.: R’s relations with, 79; m., 
970 

Emporia Gazette: see Newspapers 
Endicott, M. T.: 1047 
Engineering and Mining Journal: see Mag- 
azines 

England: see Great Britain 
English-speaking peoples: future of, 15-16, 
1 12; good will among, 1135-36; King 
Alfred and, 104; recognition of new na- 
tions, 760-61; troubles of, 1134-35 
Equitable Life Assurance Society: see Cor- 
porations, insurance companies 
Ernst, Colonel: 1047 
Ernst, R. P.: id., 185; m., 185 
Esch-Townsend Bill: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Esty, C. H.: id., 38; letters to, 38, 49 
Etruria: 106 
Euripides: see Authors 
Eustace, E.: 21 

Evans, H. C.: id., 262; as pension commis- 
sioner, 262, 809 

Evans, R. D.: id., i, 542; on battleship arma- 
ment, 973; commander of Sylph^ 1296; 
and Interdepartmental Lighthouse Board, 
862-63; Sampson-Schley controversy, 
2250, 226“227n, 229, 23on; squadron com- 
mand for, 1032-33; m., 73, 221; letters to, 
99, 229, 862 

Evans, W. G.: id., 1081; and Colorado gu- 
bernatorial imbroglio, 814, 1081 
Evarts and Choate: 35 
Everman, B. W.: appointed to Board of 
Scientific Surveys, 443 
Executive departments; investigation of, in 
Democratic platform (1904), 975 
Ejqjenditures, governmental: as campaign 
issue (1904), 936-38, 955, 959 
Export trade: see Foreign trade 


1394 



Fahnestock, H. C.: id., 574; and currency 
reform, 574, 578; letter to, 627 
Fairbanks, C. W.: id., 143; and arbitration 
treaty ratification, 1092; and Canada, re- 
ciprocal trade with, 1030; and Laurier, 
1093-94; Methodist support in campaign, 
892; presidential candidate, 143; vice- 
presidential campaign (1904), 797, 798, 
844, 868, 944-45, 983, 1005; m., 968; let- 
ters to, 406, 419, 563, 844, 908, 918, 1030 
Fairchild, C. S.: id., i, 152; and Consitution 
Club, 884; as Parker supporter, 991; letter 
to, lOI 

Fairley: 150, 367n 

Falkner, J. M.: id., 1146; on Alabama pa- 
tronage, 1146 

Farragut, D. G.: statute of, 83; m., 231 
Fassert, J. S,: id., ii, 928; at conference of 
N.Y.S. Republican leaders, 329n 
Ferguson, M.: m., 546 
Ferguson, Robert H. M.: id., i, 152; m., 772 
Ferguson, Ronald M.: id., i, 152; m., 152, 
1 102 

Ferris, J.: 551 
Ferris, S.: 551, 553 

Feuille, F.: appointed Attorney General 
of Porto Rico, 1164 
Field, J. A.; id., 28; letter to, 28 
Field, M.: id., 399; and Jamieson appoint- 
ment, 728; and J. R. Mann, 399 
Fifteenth Amendment: 1066, 1071 
Filipinos; in sectarian colleges, 1291; visits 
of, to U.S. 246. See also Philippines 
Finance: see Bankers; Capital; Currency; 
WaU Street 

Fincke, F. G.: id,, ii, 920; letter to, 88 
Finland: 106 

Finley, J, H.: letter to, 589 
Fish, H.: id., i, 520; appointed assistant 
treasurer of U.S,, 453-55* 5^5 
Fish, Mrs. Stuyvesant: 606 
Fish and Fisheries Commission: propaga- 
tion of golden trout, 776 
Fisher, W. L.: id., 718; letter to, 718 
Fisheries: see Newfoundland 
Fiske, B.: 973n 

Fiske, J.: id., i, 175; m., 72. See also Au- 
thors 

Fitchie, T.: commissioner of immigration 
at Ellis Island, 171-72, 221 
Flatboats; on Mississippi River, 41-42 
Flint, F. P.: id,, 1105; m., 1105 
Floating mines: 1117 
Flower, E.: see Authors 
Floyd, J. B.; 947 
Folger, W, M.: id., 729; m., 729 
Folk, J. W.: id., 668; on bribery, 669; on 
extradition treaties, 668n; and Missouri 


governorship, 688, 771, 990-91, 998-1000, 
1004, oil i^77> letter to, 668 
Foraker, J. B.: id., i, 709; and arbitration 
treaty ratification, 1092; and Bering Sea 
controversy, 1125-27; Boston speech, 631, 
633; and Dominican treaty, 1144-45, 1150; 
and Hanna, i34n, 21 1, 4790, 496; and 
Hay-Bunau-Variila treaty, 689, 690, 738; 
and McCook, 569; and t)hio patronage, 
705, 737-38, 1172, 1198-1200; re-election 
campaign, 155; and R, support of (1904), 
479, 700; and Sandusky situation, 774; and 
Sherman Antitrust Act, 715; and Wood^s 
major generalcy, 827; and Wright ap- 
pointment, 640; m., 272, 282, 749, 973; let- 
ters to, 134, 155, 315* 430* 489* <531, 737, 
765, 775 

Forbes, W. C.: id., 534; Philippine Com- 
mission, candidacy for, 534 
Forbush, E, H.: id,, 863; letter to, 865 
Force Bill: 514, 849 
Ford, P.: id., 914; as R supporter, 914 
Foreign policy, United States: as campaign 
issue (1904), 923-24; R on, 803, 1174, 
1 178, 1205-06. See also Monroe Doctrine; 
United States Navy, increase of; and in- 
dividual countries by nmie 
Foreign service: see Consular Service; Dip- 
lomatic Service 

Foreign trade: with Latin America, 166-67; 
with Manchuria, difficulties of, 497~98, 
500-01; and merchant marine, 936; Phil- 
ippines, 712; and trusts, 331. See also Can- 
ada, Cuba 

Foreman, J.: id,, 1188; on Philippine ques- 
tion, 1188-89 

Forest and Stream: see Magarines 
Forest, Fish and Game Commission: see 
New York State, Commissions 
Forest Lieu Land Act: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Forest museum and library: plan for, at 
Y'aie, 1026-27 

Forest rangers: movement to make, game 
wardens, 629-30; m., 777 
Forest reserves: affininistration of, 1182-83; 
Alaska, 252; and game preservation, 630; 
government policy on, 600-01, 1216-19; 
Idaho, 742, 1216-19; Mount Shasta region 
included, 475; Oregon, 477, 1127-28; R’s 
interest in, 441; Sierra, 77^77 
Formaneck, F.: id,, 773; in Republican 
campaign (1904), 773 
Forrest, N. B.: in CivU War, 84 
Fortescue, R.: broadswords with R, 699; 
observer with Japanese arm;^, 732, 1086, 
H15; with R on western trip, 1160-61; 
m., 683, 724, 732-33 


1395 


Fortnightly: see Magazines 
Foss, E. N.: id., 1043; attack on Lodge, 871; 
and tariff reduction, 1028, 1043; letter to, 
1043 

Foss, G. E,: id., 1097; letters to, 1097, iioi 
Foster, John G.: id., 603; m., 603 
Foster, John W.: id., i, 610; iii, 603-, and 
Alaskan boundary dispute, 545; and arbi- 
tration treaties, iiii, 1114, 1121; m., 603 
Foster, V. W.; delegate to International 
Conference of American States, 164 
Foulke, W. D.: id., i, 152; as civil service 
commissioner, 25, 27-28, 37, 46, 178, 256; 
on Machen, 495; and R’s campaign 
(1904), 977, 982; and Taylor case, 278- 
79; m., 412, 869; letters to, 26, 178, 215 
Four Hundred: Alice Lee Roosevelt and, 
604; divorce, attitude toward, 1139-40; 
R on, 107, 535-36 

Fourteenth Amendment; 1066-67, 1068, 
1071 

Fowler, B. A.: id., 1113; appointment for, 
1112-13 

Fowler, C. N.: id., 571; and currency re- 
form, 4140, 570-71, 576 
Fowler, J.: id., 902; and U.S. neutrality in 
Russo-Japanese war, 902 
Fowler, T, P.: and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 334, 360 

Fox, A. G.: id., ii, 908; iii, 70; opposes hon- 
orary degree for McKinley, 70; R’s rela- 
tions with, 538 

Fox, J. W.: id., i, 384; in Russo-Japanese 
war, 1 1 15; m., 412 
Fox, W. C.; id., 1165; m., 1165 
France: and Algiers, 106; arbitration treaty 
with, J092; in Boxer rebellion, 5-6; and 
China, territorial integrity of, 1099-1101, 
1122; and China, troops in, 23, 70, 117; 
future of, 16, 173; and Germany, rela- 
tions with, 1194; and Manchurian situa- 
tion, 532; and Panama, 834-35; pre-Rev- 
olution society, 108; Russian alliance, 173; 
U.S. relations with, 1178. See also Moroc- 
can Crisis; Russo-Japanese War 
Franchise Tax Bill: see New York State, 
Legislation (1889-1900) 

Francis, S.; id., 796; as minister to 
Greece, 1095; letter to, 796 
Francis Joseph: letter to, 897 
Frankel, L. K.; member of Ellis Island in- 
vestigation commission, 659-60 
Frantz, M.; letter to, 130 
Frantz, O.: 130 

Free silver: in election (1904), 851-52 
Freeman, M. E. W.: see Authors 
Fremont, J. C.: no, 300 
French: in Qnada, 15 


French, Alice: letter to, 421. See also Au- 
thors 

Frick, Henry C.: id., 526; and currency 
legislation,’ 526, 527; and Washington 
Post, possible purchase of, 1207-08 
Frick, Helen: 412 
Froebel, F.: 1288 
Frothingham, L.: 115 

Frye, W. P.: id., ii, 806; bills of, in Senate, 
712; and currency reform, 571; m., 478, 
568; letters to, 191, 425, 568 
Fuller, M. W.: id., 314; letter to, 314 
Fulton, C. W.: id., 572; m., 1302; letters to, 
572, 1176 _ 

Funston, F.: id., ii, 1014; Aguinaldo cap- 
tured by, 35; denounced by mugwump 
press, 69; m., 49; letter to, 35 
Furry, S. E.: id., 51; letters to, 51, 91 


Gaffney, T. St, J.: letter to, 76 
Gage, L. J.; and Alaska coUectorship, 207 
Games, John H.; id., 972; re-election to 
Congress, 972 

Gaines, J6hn W.: and cigar stamp agita- 
tion, 948-49 

Gallinger, J. H.: id., 296; m,, 296; letters to, 
1088, H30 

Gamble, R. J.: id., 729; and sale of Indian 
lands, 729; letter to, 729 
Game: preservation of, 630. See also Hunt- 
ing 

GA.R.: see Grand Army of the Republic 
Garber, J.; 7330 

Gardener, C.: id., 259; on Army atrocities 
in Philippines, 259 

Gardiner, A. B.: id., ii, 1034; removal of, 
920 

Gardner, A. P.: id., i, 261; and Haverhill 
postmastership, 1002-03, 1006, 1008; and 
Newfoundland fishing rights, 1031, ii8r, 
1192; m., 331; letter to, 1002 
Gardner, C. L.: 331 

Garfield, H. A.: id,, 1035; letter to, 1035 
Garfield, J. R.: id., ii, 1012; appointed to 
Keep Commission, 1201; and Bureau of 
Corporations, 445, 960-61; and Collier, 
953-54; and fourth-class postmasters, 602; 
in oil industry and beet trust investiga- 
tions, 1160; and Miller case, 607; and 
political assessment circulars, 331; R’s ad- 
miration for, 615; work of, 944; m., 256, 
406, 539, 615, 724, 798, 815, 891, ion, 
1280; letters to, 325, 856, 960, 1159 
Garland, H.: id., i, 379; m., 223, 523; letters 
to, 40, 257, 520 

Garrison, W. L.: 36, 276-77, 647 
Garrison, W, L., Jr.: id., 326; m., 326 



Gary, J. A.: and Maryland election (1903), 
630; letter to, 630 

Gaston, W. A.: and Massachusetts election 
(1903), 610-11, 633-34 
Gatacre, W. F.: 47 

General Immigration Act: see United 
States Government, Legislation 
General Paper Company: see Trusts, paper 
General Slocum: disaster of, 980-81 
General Staif Bill; see United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation 
Geological survey: 55 
Georgia: federal patronage in, 206, 226-28, 

419, 431-32, 1068 

German Lutherans: and German ambassa- 
dorship, 318; service at Sioux Falls, 550. 
See also Lutherans 

German- Americans: Halle and, in R’s cam- 
paign (1904), 980; and MacArthur*s 
statement on war with Germany, 676- 
77; R on, 1041*, in St. Louis, 126 
Germany: arbitration treaty with, 1092; 
army organization, imitation of, 1260-61; 
borax, troubles over, 252; in Boxer rebel- 
lion, 6; in Caribbean, 821-22; and China, 
territorial integrity of, 1099, 1106-07, 
1122, 1182; and China, troops in, 23, 70; 
and Chinese neutrality in Russo-Japanese 
war, 731; and Danish West Indies, 1192; 
expansion of, 106; future of, 15, 16, 112, 
173; German- American friendship, Ed- 
ward VII on, 1128; and Great Britain, 
relations with, 1189; MacArthur on im- 
pending war with, 676; military maneu- 
vers, U.S* representation at, 70, 243, 297; 
productive scholarship in, 72; R on, 109; 
and Russia, alleged alliance with, 1194; 
and Russians in Manchuria, 112, 532; and 
South America, 98, 109; tariff agreement 
with UB., 1329; threat of, 31^32, 52; 
U.S, relations with, 239-^0, 1178, 1289; 
Venezuelan situation, 386, 396^8, 400, 
423, 8n, 1123; West Indies, threat in, 
465. See also Moroccan crisis; Russo- 
Japanese War; William II 
Gettemy, C» F.: id., 1113; letter to, 1113 
Gibbons, J.; id., i, 237; and PhiHppme in- 
dependence, 779-80; and Taft’s Vatican 
mission, 306; m., 398; letter to, 779 
Gibson, P.: id., 757; and irrigation bill, 317; 

757 

Gilder, R. W.: id., i, loi; editorial on R, 
420-21; and life of R, 149; letters to, 149, 

420, 645, 1155 
Gillespie, G. L.: 547 

Gillett, F. H.: and tariff reduction, 1028 
GiDis, M.: at White House, 654 
Gilman, D. C-: id., 671; letter to, 671 


Gitterman, A. S.: id., 1130; letter to, 1130 
Glacier: see United States Navy, Ships 
Gladstone, W, E.: 1173 
Glasgow Herald: see Newspapers 
Glass, H.: 475 

Gleason, L. B.: id., 982, letter to, 982 
Gleaves, A.: id., 310; m., 773; letter to, 310 
Gleed, C. S.: id., 189; and Burton-Leland 
controversy, 208; and Alissouri patron- 
^97i 201; m., 189; letter to, 201 
Gleed, J. W.: id., 189; m., 189 
Glover, A.: letter to, 1027 
Goddard, F. N.: id., ii, 1178; and elections 
(1902), 400; and Harvard degree for 
McKinley, 70; and Low’s renomination, 
538; at meeting of college boys, 91; m., 
209, 217; letters to, 313, 1015 
Godkin, E. L,: id., i, 74; R on, 60, 671-72; 
m., 18, 32, 36, 50, 1 12, 135. See also Au- 
thors 

Goepp, P, H.: id., 17; letter to, 17 
Goethals, G. W.: id., 1260; m., 1260 
Goff, J. B.: id., i; hunting trips with R, 
379-80, 413, 425, 430, 437-38, 1081; R on, 
42-43; m., I, 6, 45-46, 91, 656; letters to, 
9, 1029 

Gold Democrats: appointment of, by R, 
257n; in election (1904), 851-52 
Gold standard: as campaign issue (1904), 
926-27; R’s belief in, 2030 
Gold Standard Act: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Goldsborough, P. L.: id., 460; and Mary- 
land senatorship, 46n 

Gompers, S.: and cigar stamp agitation, 
948-49; and Miller case, 5i4n, 606-07, 
617-18; letter to, 1065 
Goodnow, J.: id., 901; and U.S. neutrality 
in Russo-Japanese war, 9oi--o2, 904 
Goodrich, D. M.: id., ii, 833; m., 13, 118, 
484 

Goodwin, E. H,: id., 596; and fourth-class 
postmasters, 596 

Gordon-Cumming, W.: appointment to In- 
ternational Bureau of American Repub- 
lics, 1165, 1167 

Gorgas, W. C.; as chief sanitary officer at 
Panama, 738, 1095, 1141, 1158, 1165, 1302; 
and Isthmian Canal Commission, 733 
Gorman, A. P.: id., i, 153; and Baltimore 
fire, 722; campaign (1904), 976; and Cu- 
ban treaty, 445; and Democratic organi- 
zation in Maryland, 630; and Dominican 
treaty, 1150; and election (1903), 639, 
645, 646-47; and Isthmian Canal Commis- 
sion, 1130-31; and Maryland senatorship, 
46n; and Miles as commander of Grand 
Army, 545; and Panama treaty, 445, 673, 


1397 



689; and Parker's acceptance letter, 95^; 

735 - 3^1 ”33 

Gottschalk, A, M.: consul at Callao, 301 
Government Printing Office: investigation 
of, 537, 569, 592, 680, 81 1 ; modernization 
of, 539; union troubles with, 514-16, 
<ji8-i9, 522, 531, 585-87, 617-18. See also 
MiUer, W. A, 

Gracie, J. K.: death of, 660 
Grand Army of the Republic: Boston en- 
campment (1904), 864, 870-71, 884; and 
Miles’s retirement, 585, 587; R’s good 
wishes to, 915-16; and Wood, 597, 759 
Grand Canyon: R at, 548, 557 
Grant: 1107 

Grant, R,: id., i, 60; m., 18, 53; letters to, 
782, 914, 1139. See also Authors 
Grant, U, S.: R on, 1049; Wister’s biogra- 
phy of, 9-10; m., 126 
Gray, D.: see Authors 
Gray, G.: id., 352; and anthracite coal 
strike, 352-53, 493, 909; and anthracite 
coal trust investigation, 781; Parker sup- 
porter, 991; letter to, 493 
Gray, H.: id., 289; resignation from Su- 
preme Court, 289-90, 301, 302 
Great Britain: arbitration treaty with, 1092; 
in Asia and Africa, 16; Bering Sea con- 
troversy, 1125-27; in Boxer rebellion, 6; 
in Caribbean, 821-22; and China, 23, 
noo-oi, 1106-^7, 1122; and China, troops 
in, 1 17; and Clayton-Buhver treaty, 19- 
20, 32, 65; decline of, 173; and Egypt and 
Sudan, 105; expansion of, 106; future of, 

1 12; and Germany, 1157, 1162, 1178, 1189, 
1194; and Hankow-Canton railway, 1109; 
Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, 64, 154, 161, 170, 
284,^ 445» 45*» 628, 644, 673, 685; Hull 
fishing fleet affair, 1084; and India, 116- 
17; and Isthmian canal treaty, 154, 170, 
1271; and Italy, 1175; and Manchuria, 
J12, 896; and Monroe Doctrine, 116; 
naval squadron, visit of, 1206-07, 1298^ 
99; navy tonnage and offensive power, 
368; and proposed Nicaragua canal, 8-9, 
19-21, 23, 65; relations with, 20, 52, 1128, 
1178, 1207, 1221; U.S. and, compared, 761; 
Venezuelan situation, 386, 396-98, 8n; 
and Yangtze valley, 732, 896. See also 
Alaska, boundary dispute, Anglophobia; 
Boer War; English-speaking peoples; 
Moroccan crisis; Russo-Japanese War 
Greece: ancient, society in, 108 
Greeley, H.: 300-01 

Green, G. E.: indictment of, 607-08, 612, 
621, 637 

Greene, A. R.: and Oregon land frauds, 
1127-28 


Greene, F. V.: id., i, 512; at meeting of 
college boys, 91; and Schmittberger, 429; 
m., 50; letters to, 410, 646 
Greene, H. F.: and classification of post- 
masters, 588 

Greenland: purchase of, considered, 1192 
Greenway, J. C.: id., ii, 1009; at White 
House, 182; m., 13; letter to, 616 
Greenwood Cominonviealth: see News- 
papers 

Gresham, O.: id., 662; letter to, 662 
Grew, J. C.: id., 1096; promotion requested, 
1096 

Grey, A. H. G.: id., 251; letter to, 251 
Grindell, T. F.: id., 87; letter to, 87 
Grinneil, G. B.: id., i, 367; Indians, interest 
in, 756-57, 864; m., 523, 606; letter to, 467 
Griscom, C. A.: id., 393; letter to, 393 
Griscom, L. C.: id., 393; as minister to 
Japan, 393, 1090, 1240; and Russo-Japa- 
nese peace negotiations, 1228-29; letter 
to, 1274 

Grosscup, P. S.: and Jamieson appointment, 
718-23 passim, 818 

Grosvenor, C. H.: id., i, 220; and Civil 
Service Commission, 263; tariff, views on, 
1028; m., iiSpn; letter to, 282 
Grote, G.: see Authors 
Grunsky, C. E,: member of Isthmian Canal 
Commission, 733, 1141 
Guam: cable to Japan, 755; supervision of, 
765-66 

Guaranty Trust Company: U.S. fiscal 
agents in Philippines and China, 265 
Guffey, J. McC.: id., 1009; in Democratic 
campaign (1904), 1009, 1010, 1016 
Guild, C., Jr.: id., i, 564; m., 61 1, 1008; 

letters to, 144, 184, 633 
Guiney, L. L: see Authors 
Gunby, E. R.: appointment for, 430 
Guns: 47. See also Hunting 
Gunther’s Sons, C. G.: exhibition of R’s 
skins, 63-64; letter to, 63 
Gunton, G.: id,, ii, 959; and Institute of 
Social Economics building, 42; R on, 30; 
letters to, 30, 42, 134 
Guntofi^s Magazine: see Magazines 

Hackett, F. W.: id,, ii, 1278; m., 153 
Hadley, A. T,: id., ii, 1106; m., 115, 184, 
1041; letter to, 772. See also Authors 
Hague Conference, Second: and Armenian 
situation, 958; plans for, 987 
Hague Tribunal: and arbitration treaties, 
1092-93, 1118-19, H2I, 1208-09; constitu- 
tion, 169; Latin America and, 168; Mexi- 
can issue, 811-12; R on, 584; Straus 
appointed to, 217; use of, 923; Vene- 



zuelan arbitration, 396-98, 81 1; m., 737 
Hains, P. G.: and Isthmian Canal Commis- 
sion, 458, 1047 
Haldane, R. B.: 546 

Hale, Edward E.: id., i, 60; eightieth birth- 
day celebration, 248; m., 5280; letter to, 
209 

Hale, Eugene: id., i, 752; and Darling, 849; 
on Massachusetts gubernatorial election 
(1904), io43n; and Peirce-Cridler matter, 
184; and Spanish-American war, 1295; 
tariff, views on, 1028; and treaty legisla- 
tion, 1144-45; m., 186, 731, 1205; letters 
to, 77, 266, 880, 894 
Hale, J.: 90 

Hale, M.: id., 983; on Moody's presentation 
of beef trust case, 1097; ^ tutor of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt, Jr., 983-84, 985; m., 1273 
Hale, N.: 49 

Hale, W. B.: id., 740; letter to, 740 
Hall, C. C.: id., 897; letter to, 897 
Hall, F.: id., i, 767; m., 47, 422, 1316 
Hall, J. H.: and Oregon land frauds, 1127- 
28, 1176 

Hall, P. F,: id., 824; m., 824 
Halle, E. G.: id., ii, 1378; and R’s campaign 
(1904), 980; m., 583 

Hamlin, C. S.: in Democratic campaign 
(1904), 974 

Hammer, J. S., Jr.: id., 100; letter to, 100 
Hammond, C.: 412 

Hammond, E. S,: id., 312; letter to, 312 
Hammond, H.: 412 

Hammond, J. H.: id., 920; and Gardiner, 
920 

Hamner, E. C.: 544, 605 

Hanbury, H, A.: id., 453; appointed U.S. 

shipping commissioner, 452-55 
Hanna, H. H.; id., 413; and currency re- 
form, 4140; letter to, 413 
Hanna, M. A.: and antliracite coal strike 

(1902), 323, 332, 342-'43» 347--49» 354* 359* 
366; and Colorado political situation, 
i5on; and currency question, 521, 571; 
death of, 705n, 730-31, 732; and election 
(1900), 43; and elections (1903), 582, 613, 
640, 647; and Foraker, 1340, 4790, 496; 
and Heath as assistant postmaster general, 
5oon; and Hurst, 685; and McCook, 569; 
marriage of daughter, 475, 480; and Na- 
tional Civic Federation, 1065-66; and 
Ohio patronage, 705; at Oyster B2.y con- 
ference, 324, 327; presidential candidacy, 
2570, 647, 695, 699-700, 713-14; and Rath- 
bone case, 264; Republican national com- 
mittee, speculation on retirement from, 
504; R on, 57, 450, 730^3*; and R, support 
^35* ^37* 139* 479^3* 

I' 


South, handling of, 647-48; and tariff 
reduction, 466, 471, 476; and Tom Quartz, 
412; and trust legislation, 450; and w’ar 
taxes, removal of, 1301; Wood, opposi- 
tion to, 492, 540, 759, 827; and Wright 
appointment, 640, 646; m., 151, 216, 265, 
272, 28in, 282, 326, 526, 564, 568, 625, 839, 
1037; letters to, 163, 176, 211, 219, 255, 
3*8, 329, 333, 337, 342, 354, 374, 410, 475, 
480, 590, 625, 640, 646, 664, 695 
Hanrahan, J. J.: 992 

Hansbrough, H. C.: id., 424; and currency 
legislation, 568; and German tariff law, 
1329; m., 424; letter to, 834 
Hanson, J. F.: and Georgia patronage, 227, 

Hapgood, N.: id., 814; attacks on R m 
Colliei^Si 814-17; and Missouri guberna- 
torial campaign (1904), 999-1000, 1004, 
1005; and southern problem, 1050, 1071; 
m., 998 

Harding, W, G.: and Washington Fosty 
1207-08 

Hardy, A. S.: as minister to Spain, 326, 
1090 

Hardy, C: id,, 443; letter to, 443 
Harlan, J. M.: id,, 722; letter to, 722 
Harlow, J. B.: id., 27; transfer of, 178; m., 
27; letter to, 178 

Harmon, J*; id., 1210; in Atchison rebate 
matter, 1210 

Harper, W. R.; id., 818; and Jamieson ap- 
pointment, 818 

Harpefs Monthly: see Magazines 
HarpeFs Weekly: see Magazines 
Harries, General: 220 
Harriman, E. H.: id., 285; and Aldrich bill, 
524-25; Black supported by, for Senate, 
1064; and Depew, ambassadorship for, 
979-80, 106411; and Equitable Life As- 
surance Society, 1208; and presidential 
campaign (1904), 946, 950, 979, 983; and 
rebate investigation, 1243; R invites to 
White House, 285; and R’s use of Union 
Pacific Railroad, 609-10; m., 316, 657, 796, 
821; letters to, 326, 627, 849, 979, 983, 
1053, 1112 

Harris, Joel Chandler; R’s interest in, 857. 

See also Authors 
Harris, Joseph H.: 1930, 204 
Harris, WiUiam Alexander: id., 207; and 
Alaska collectorship, 207 
Harris, William Hall: appointed to Balti- 
more postmastership, 1074 
Harrison, B.: Vatican, relations with, 452; 
m., 24 

Harrison, C.: as mayor of Chicago, 548 
Harrison, F.: id., ii, 914; letter to, 66 


Harrison, R. B.: letter to, 195 
Harrison Republicans; R’s appointment of, 

257n 

Harrod, B. M.; member of Isthmian Canal 
Commission, 733, 1047, 1113 
Hart, A. B.: id., 594; m., 594 
Harte, B.: see Authors 
Harty, J, J.; id., 8430; on Filipinos in 
sectarian colleges, 1291; as successor to 
Guidi, 869-70; m., 8430, 855 
Hartzell, C.; id., 151; and Porto Rican 
governorship, 775; secretary of Porto 
Rico, 151-52 

Harvard University: course, length of, 28; 
football season (1903), 652, 653; and Ger- 
man standards, 72; graduates evaluated, 
107-08; Holleben, honorary degree to, 
478; interchange of professors with Ber- 
lin, 1182; Lodge, LL.D, to, 782; Mc- 
Kinley, honorary degree to, 53, 54, 70-71, 
96; R’s allegiance to, 130; R, honorary 
degree to, 247; and R’s meeting with 
college boys, 1 13-15; R as Overseer, 42; 
and R’s statement on administration of 
island possessions, 282; Taft at, 849; 
Union, 80, 102 

Harvey, G. B. M.: id., 673; and Wood’s 
major generalcy, 702-03; letter to, 673, 
702, 717, 947 

Hasbrouck, G. D. B.: id., 860; presidential 
electorship, desire for, 860; letter to, 980 
Haskell, E. B.: id., 1062; letter to, 1063 
Hatch, E. W.: id., 965; letter to, 965 
Hawaii: administration of, mo; cable to, 
i53» 1 71; defense of, 1198; federal pa- 
tronage, 221, 222-23; future of, 416; and 
Japan, 1205; labor conditions in, 1118, 
1169, 1235; political situation in, 180; 
supervision or, 765-66 
Hay, Clara S.; letter to, 1216 
Hay, A. L.: death of, 1034 
Hay, J.: age affectation, 160-61; and Alaska 
boundary question, 65-66n, 546, 601; and 
arbitration treaties, 1092, 1114, 1117, 1121; 
and Bering Sea controversy, 1125-27; and 
Bowen-Loomis controversy, 1243-45; 
British Panama Canal negotiations, 1271; 
and Canton-Hankow railroad concession, 
1278; and China, territorial integrity of, 
1099-1101, 1271; and Chinese neutrality, 
1102-03; Colombian situation, 651, 
674; and Congo Free State, 958; death of, 
1258-59, 1260; and Dominican treaty, 
1143-44; French decoration, 851; gift of 
ring to R, 1131, 1133; Hay-Herran treaty, 
rejection of, 565; health, 1172, 1175, 1216, 
1271; and Isthmian cand treaty, 161, 284; 
Jackson, Michigan, speech, 730, 851; and 


Jewish massacre in Russia, 508-09, 517-18, 
532; Kaiser, dislike of, 1271; and Man- 
churian situation, 497; on Meyer, 1262; 
Newfoundland reciprocity treaty, 1031- 
32; and Panamanian independence, 648- 
49; and Peirce-Cridler matter, 183-85; 
and Perdicaris, 924; and Pius X, R’s mes- 
sage to, 537; and reciprocity delegation 
from Massachusetts, 824-25; in R’s cam- 
paign (1904), 968, 970-71, 982, 1012, 1036, 
1045; R praised by, 409; R’s regard for, 
532, 1258-60, 1262-63, 1269-71, 1275-76, 
1279, 1286-87; and Russo-Japanese war, 
721; and B. Storer, 4, 318, 685-86; and 
Venezuelan situation, 386, 396-98, 918; 
m., 64, 68, 152, 170, 195, 21 1, 24on, 422, 
683-84, 878, 904, 1192, 1203; letters to, 93, 
154, 160, 164, 190, 21 1, 212, 219, 230, 237, 

264, 282, 284, 286, 293, 294, 300, 309, 310, 

315, 326, 367, 370, 405, 409, 438, 445, 446, 

4<55, 473» 474* 477. 478. 5^7. 5U. 53^ 

547. 5 < 5 < 5 , 59 < 5 , 599. <^03, 648, 649, 674, 

712, 851, 865, 869, 888, 901, 904, 913, 914, 

916, 945, 946, 952, 1034, 1043, 1073. 1100, 
1102, 1109, nil, 1128, 1131, 1150, 1156, 
1168, 1190, 1216, 1258. See also Authors 
Hay-Bond Treaty; see Treaties; New- 
foundland fisheries 

Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty: see Treaties 
Hay-Herran Treaty; see Treaties 
Hay-Pauncefote Treaty: see Treaties 
Hays, W. M.: appointed assistant secretary 
of agriculture, 860 

Hearst, W. R.; and anarchists, 142; en- 
dorsed by letter carriers’ convention, 518; 
m., 1037, 1047 

Heath, P. S.: id., 37; and Nevins, 37-38; 
newspaper curiosity concerning, 664; and 
Post-Omce Department investigation, 
444. 498-500. 599. <53^-33. ^3^37; na-i <^99 
Hecker, F. J.: id,, 476; and Isthmian Canal 
Commission, 476, 792, 962, 1033, noo 
Heflin, J. T.: on R and B. T. Washington, 
972 

Heins, G. L.: id., ii, 969; m., 44 
Heinze, F. A.: 558-60 passim 
Hemenway, J. A.; id., 899; and R’s accept- 
ance letter, 899, 912 

Henderson, D. B.: id., ii, 1092; and Philip- 
pine currency reform, 428; on R’s first 
message, 200; withdrawal from 1962 cam- 
paign, 327; m., 61, 399; letters to, 436, 438 
Hendrick, T. A.: appointed Bishop of 
Philippines, 534; and Philippine church 
properties, 779-84; m., 566, 855; letter to, 

783 

Hendricks, F. J.: id.* ii, 891; national com- 
mitteeman, suggested for, 784-85; m., 945 


1400 



Heney, F. J.: id., 11x7; and Oregon land 
fraud cases, 1127-28, 1176-77; m., 1301- 
02 

Henkel, W.: 209-10, 1075 
Henry of Prussia, Prince: visit to U.S., 
219-31 passiifi, 236-42 passim 
Hepburn, W. P.: id., 420; railroad rate bill, 
1122-23; tariff, views on, 1028; letters to, 
420, 774 

Hepburn Bill: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 

Herbert, M, H.; id., i, 167; and Alaskan 
boundary dispute, 546 
Hermann, B.: id., ii, 976; and grazing in 
Yellowstone National Park, 258-59; and 
Oregon land frauds, 1127-28; and 
Pinchot, 177 

Herodotus: see Authors 
Herrick, D. C: N.Y.S. gubernatorial candi- 
date (1904), 950, 961, 966 
Herrick, M. T.: id., 152; elected governor 
of Ohio, 590; proposed ambassadorship 
to Italy, 152; m., 1198-99; letter to, 152 
Herschell, A. S,: and Alaska boundary 
question, 6$-66n 
Hess, C.: 17 1 

Hester, W.: id., 1016; m., ioi6 
Hewitt, A. S.: R on, 249 
Heyburn, W. B.: id., 742; letters to, 742, 
1216 

Higgins, F. W.: id., ii, 990; and Depew’s 
re-election to Senate, 1064; N.Y.S. lieu- 
tenant governor, campaign of, 328-29; 
N.Y.S. gubernatorial candidate (1904), 
945i 949* 959-i)<52 passim, 968, 970, 994~95; 
letters to, 328, 961, 1282 
Higginson, F. J.*. id., i, 756; and Davis, 
squadron command for, 1032 
Higginson, H. L.: id., 102; interview with 
Shaw, 636; letters to, 102, 203, 394, 488, 
627 

Hill, B.: pardon for, 528 
Hill, David Bennett: id,, i, 89; and election 
(1902), 374; and election (1904), 852-53, 
1006; and franchise tax biU, 417; and 
nationalization of corporations, 592; and 
Parker, 874; m., 135, 197, 268, 349, 1038, 
1050, 1083; letter to, i 
Hill, David Jayne: id., 299; m., 299, 301; 
letter to, 386 

Hill, E. J.: id., 522; and currency reform, 
522, 570-71; letters to, 522, 1021 
HSI; J. J.; campaign contribution (1904), 
886; ZVIiles quotes R on, 627-285 and 
Northern Securities case, 591, 1037; m., 

<557 

Hilliard, G.: removal of, demanded, 647 
Hinchman, W» S*: 269 


Hinman, G. W.: id., 113; m., 123; letter to, 
399 

Hirschberg, AL H.: appointment to N.Y.S. 

Supreme Court, 78-79 
History: study of, 706-08 
Hitchcock, E. A.: id., i, 680; m., 127, 177, 
185; letters to, 131, 187, 222, 223, 238, 252, 
258, 277, 280, 284, 425, 475, 523, 692, 729, 
744, 864, 1182, 1266, 1301 
Hitchcock, F. H.: id,, 1201; appointed to 
Keep Commission, 1201 
Hitt, R. R.: id., i, 167; and Panamanian situ- 
ation, 649; as vice-presidential prospect, 
798, 799 

Hoar, G. F.: id., i, 92; and A.P.A,, 484; 
attempted antitrust legislation, 429; death 
of, 967; and Alabini, 394-95, 398-99, 403- 
06; and Newfoundland reciprocity 
treaty, 1031; and Panama Canal treaty, 
685, 689, 731; and Philippine independ- 
ence, 768; m., 28, 416, 540; letters to, 22, 
54, 248, 276, 301, 302, 312, 354, 394, 403, 
405, 484, 762 

Hodges, J. L.: removal of, 205 
Holland: expansion of, 106; vanished great- 
ness, 16 

Holland, J. M.: id., 219; appointed deputy 
collector of customs, 219 
Hollander, J, H.: appointed commissioner 
to Santo Domingo, 1148; letter to, 1259 
Holieben, T. von: departure from Wash- 
ington, 478; honorary degree from Har- 
vard, 478; R’s relations with, 208, 405; 
m., 172, 2400; letter to, 478 
Holls, G. F. W.: id,, ii, 1050; and Alaskan 
boundary question, 85; death of, 537; 
on Hitchcock at St. Petersburg, 131; and 
Manchurian situation, 509; and Storer, 
318; m., 18, 131; letters to, 418, 509, 517 
Holmes, E. S.: dismissal from Department 
of Agriculture, 1273 
Holmes, O. W.: see Authors 
Holmes, O. W., Jr.: and Alaskan boundary 
dispute, 665-66; Supreme Court appoint- 
ment, 288-90, 301, 302, 312, 315-16, 319; 
at AA^ite House dinner, 437; letters to, 
319, 529, 634, 879, 989, 1059 
Holmes, W, H.: appointed to Board of 
Scientific Surveys, 443 
Holt, G. C.: appointed U.S, District Judge, 
434'“3<S, 453i S^S\ letter to, 593 
Holy See: see Vatican 
Homestead Act: 257-58 
Hood, C*: id., 134-35; support of R for 
president, 134-35, 136 
Hopkins, A. J.: id., i, 281; and Illinois 
election (1904), 799-800; and Elinois 
patronage, 234; and Jamieson appoint- 


1401 



ment, 718-23 passim; on Root as guber- 
natorial candidate, 877; letter to, 886 
Hornblower, W, B.: and Constitution 
Club, 884 

Horses: Algonquin, 984; Black Friar, 427; 
Bleistein, 160, 178, 202, 224, 372, 402, 406, 
412, 427, 545, 615, 652, 743; Diamond, 73; 
The Philosopher, 255; Renown, 372, 389, 
406, 427, 545, 615, 652, 743, 821; Rusty, 
798, 833; Texas, 73; Wyoming, 743; 
Yagenka, 73, 179, 224, 389, 402, 406, 412, 
427, 724, 743, 1107 

Howard, O. O.: id., 884; and GA.R. en- 
campment, 884; letter to, 884 
Howbert, F. W.: retained as collector of 
internal revenue, 187, 204 
Howe, J. W.: see Authors 
Howell, C.: id., 430; m., 685, 1068; letter to, 
430 

Howell, W. E.: appointed collector of 
internal revenue, 285 
Howells, W. D.: id., i, 173; m., 142 
Howland, W. B.: id., 564; and Hanna, 
564 

Howze, R. L.: id., ii, 892; accusations 
against, 460; West Point appointment, 12; 
m., 96, 447 

Hoy, L, H.: appointed appraiser at Chi- 
cago, 728 

Hoyt, C. M.: and Haverhill postmastership, 
1002-03 

Hoyt, H. M.: id., 1015; letter to, 1015 
Hubbard, T. H.: id., 702; m., 702 
Hudson, W. H.: see Authors 
Hughes, C. E.: insurance company investi- 
gation, i2o8n, 1282 

Hughitt, M.: id., 347; and anthracite coal 
strike, 347; letter to, 821 
Hull, J, A. T,: id., 877; alleged interview on 
Japan and Philippines, 1140-41’, on Root 
as gubernatorial candidate, 877; m., 316; 
letter to, 1140 
Humboldt, A. von: 72 
Humphreys, A. S.; and political situation in 
Hawaii, 180 

Hunt, L. S. J.: id., 725; letter to, 725 
Hunt, W. H.: id., 15 1; governor of Porto 
Rico, 151-52, 267, 678, 775, 862; letters to, 
151, 862 

Hunting: bear hunt in Mississippi, 372, 378, 
1140; Colorado trip (1901), i-^^passimf 14, 
16, 19, 42, 45-46, 63-64; 'wiik Gofp, second 
trip jplanned, 378-^80, 1029-30, io8i; with 
greyhounds, 89-90; western trip (1905), 
437-38, 443, 447, 1156, iiS 9^1 
passim, 1179, 1 190-91; wolves in Texas, 
X140 

Hurlbut, B. S.; id., 1273; letter to, 1273 


Hurst, C. B.: id., 684; replaced at Vienna, 
684, 685— 86 

Huxley, T, H.: see Authors 
Hymns: 448 

H)mes, T, W.: member of Ellis Island 
investigation commission, 659-60 
Hysteria: in American people, 1294-95 

Ibsen, H.: see Authors 
Idaho: elections in, see Elections, state 
Ide, H. C.: id., 382; appointed vice-gover- 
nor of Philippines, 382, 585 
Illinois: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 234, 718-23, 799; 
Republican party in, 718-20 
Illinois: see United States Navy, Ships 
Immigration: Chinese, 709-10; Chinese 
labor excluded, 249, 803, 849; of Chinese 
merchants and students, 1184, 1235-36, 
1240, 1251-52, 1327-28; Japanese, exclu- 
sion of, ii8a-8i; Japanese, restriction of, 
1168-69, 1205; literacy test proposed, 659, 
664; in Republican platform (1904), 803; 
steerage travel, investigation of, 1313-14 
Immigration, Bureau of: Ellis Island con- 
cessions, 280; Ellis Island, deportation of 
aliens from, 411-12; Ellis Island, investi- 
gation of, 171-72, 221, 250, 659-60, 664; 
and McSweeney, 171-72, 221, 250, 428- 

29 

Inauguration: R favors Jan. i, 1118 
Inauguration medal; 1103-04 
Independence Jackson County Judge: see 
Newspapers 

bidependent: see Magazines 
Independents: see Mugwumps 
India; British in, 116-17; polo playing in 
army, 239; Russia and, 117; troops in 
Boxer rebellion, 6 

Indian ^propriation Bill; see United 
States Government, Legislation 
Indian Office: corruption in, 620; Indian 
rations and hair-cutting regulations, 280. 
See also Indians 
Indian Rights Association: 692 
Indian Territory: admission to statehood, 
41; government of, 89; land speculation 
in, 739-40; prohibition in, 1061 
Indiana: elections in, see Elections, state 
Indiana: see United States Navy, Ships 
Indianola affair: see Post-Office Depart- 
ment, Post Offices, Indianola 
Indians: agency appointments, 254, 590, 
756-57; artistic ability, encouragement of, 
523; Chief Joseph in Washington, 744; 
CMef No Shirt, R answers complaints of, 
1185-88; condition and progress of, re- 
ports on, 864; custodianship and educa- 


1402 



tion of, 280, 590-91; Delaware and Chero- 
kee lands, 692; hair-cutting, 280, 523; 
information on, requested, 460; lands, 
sale of, 743; Miles’ charges of army 
cruelty towards, 232-33; in Oklahoma, 
complaints of, 503; progress of, in North- 
west, 529; reservations, 223, 729; R on, 
528-29, 812; Rosebud Reservation lands, 
729; school question, 739-40, 1 120-21 
Industrial Commission: investigation of 
N.Y.C. Immigration Office, 250 
Ingalls, M. E.: in Democratic campaign 
(1904), 974 

Institute of Social Economics, N.Y.C.; 

building for, 420 
Insular cases: 88-89 

Insurance companies: see Corporations 
Interdepartmental Lighthouse Board: and 
wireless telegraphy jurisdiction, 862-63 
Interior, Department of the: Alaska forest 
reservation scheme, 252; Yellowstone 
National Park, grazing in, 258-59, See 
also Conservation; Forest Reserves; 
Hitchcock, E. A.; Land offices; Land 
policies; Indian Office; Indians 
Internal revenue; see Treasury Depart- 
ment 

International Banking Corporation: and 
Panama, 702; U.S. fiscal agents in Philip- 
pines and China, 265 

International Brotherhood of Teamsters: 
see Strikes 

International Bureau of American Repub- 
lics: 1165 

International Conference of American 
States (1901): 164-70 

International Court of Claims: U.S, policy 
on, 169-70 

International Harvester Company; investi- 
gation of, 1088, 1211, 1237-39 
International Monthly: see Magazines 
International Monetary Conference: pro- 
posal for, 433-34 

International Paper Company: see Trusts, 
paper 

International Union of American Repub- 
lics: Conference of American States 
(1901), 164-70 

Interstate Commerce Commission; and 
anthracite coal combination, 764, 781; 
Cockrell appointed to, 1033, 1057; Lane 
appointed to, 1056-57; powers and salary, 
increase of, 1058, 1098, see also United 
States government, Legislation, Elkins 
Rebate Act, Esch-Townsend Bill, Hep- 
burn Bill, Hepburn Act; and rebate 
question, 1053-54, 1122-23, 1210-X4, 1237- 
39; work of, 580 


Investments, foreign: in Ladn America, 166 
Iowa; elections in, see Elections, state; fed- 
eral patronage in, 283 
Iowa: see United States Navy, Ships 
Ireland, J.: id., ii, 954; and cardinalate, 2i8n, 
304, 683, 853-54; LL.D. from Yale, 126; 
and Missouri patronage, 193-94; ^tiid Phil- 
ippine friar problem, i89n, 536-37, 1188- 
89; and Taft’s mission to Vatican, 296n, 
303-04, 306; letters to, 193, 536 
Iris: see United States Navy, Ships 
Irish-Americans: R on, 1041 
Ironquill; see Ware, E. F. 

Irrigation; Arizona, government work in, 
504-05; and Geological Survey, 277, 510; 
Maxwell and, 474; Newlands act, 272- 
73, 284, 317, 599^01. See also Conserva- 
tion 

Irrigation Congress; message to, 599 
Irvmg, W.: see Authors 
Island possessions: supervision of, 
Isthmian canal: engineering factors in- 
volved, 566-67. See also Nicaragua Canal; 
Panama Canal 

Isthmian Canal Commission: California 
representation on, 1056-57; and civil 
service, 902, 1318-19; coal contract, 870- 
71; establishment, powers, and duties of, 
786-93; inefficiency of, 962; legislation on, 
1 1 13, 1 1 30-3 1 ; membership, 476, 487^1, 488, 
733i inem- 

orandum to, 871; Reed^s attack on, 1141- 
42; R’s instructions to, 745-46; salaries, 
1095; sanitary officer, appointment of, 
738; secretaryship, 753-55i 779 ^ 

781, 784-85; Shonts’s criticism of, 1302; 
Taft and, 985-86. See also Canal Zone; 
Panama Canal 

Italy: arbitration treaty witli, 1092; British 
championship of, 1175; and China, terri- 
torial integrity of, 1106-07; and China, 
troops in, 117 

Ito, Marquis: 173, 1084, 1276 

Jackson, A. H.: id., 774; and Sandusky post- 
mastership, 774 
Jackson, C C.: 58 

Jackson, J. B.: id., 183; minister to Greece, 
Roumania, and Serbia, 310; and State De- 
partment appointment, 183 
Jackson elm; 798 
James, D, W.: 39 
James, H.; iroz, 1313 
Jamestown celebration: 1055, 1239 
Jamieson, T. N.: appointed naval officer at 
Chicago, 718-23 passim^ 728, 817-19, 886; 
letter to, 728 

Japan: arbitration treaty with, 1092; army, 



imitation of, 1260-61; in Boxer rebellion, 
6; and China, troops in, 23; Christianiza- 
tion of, 897; future of, 760, 777-78, 829- 
33; and Hull fishing fleet affair, 1084; 
Korean protectorate, rii2, 1116, i276n, 
1293; navy, 1326; and Philippines, 1140- 
41; R on, 917, 1079-80, 1 1 15, 1140, 1168- 
69, 1174, 1205-06, 1230, 1240-41; and Rus- 
sia, 15, 1 12; threat of, 1233-34. See also 
Immigration; Russo-Japanese War 
Japanese: agitation against, on Pacific 
Coast, 1274-75, 1286; in Hawaii, 1118 
Jenkins, James C.: 629 
Jenkins, John J.: id., 299; letter to, 299 
Jenkins, M. J.: id., 237-38; appointed in- 
ternal revenue collector, 388; presenta- 
tion to, 237-38; letter to, 237 
Jenkins, S. A.: 198 

Jenks, J. W.; id., 68, 1038; recommended 
by R., 68; letter to, 1058 
Jerome, W. T.: and Low’s renomination, 
538, 612; on R’s support of Low, 602 
Jerusalem Exhibit Company: R’s repudia- 
tion of endorsement of, 502 
Jesup, M. K.: id., i, 796; member of New 
York County Advisory Committee, 706; 
letter to, 279 

Jewell, J. A.: resignation from N.Y. Board 
of General Appraisers, 526 
Jews: American, passports refused by Rus- 
sia, 300, 810, *81 3, 882, 952; and Ellis Island 
management, 411-12; Hay correspond- 
ence on, 960; R on, 78-79; in Roumania, 
persecution of, 299, 439; in Russia, mas- 
sacre of, 508-09, 517-18, 520, 525-26, 527, 
532, 810, 813; in Russia, problem of, 1175; 
in Russia, relief of, 477 
Johnson, B. T,: 177 

Johnson, R, U.: id., i, 770; letters to, 215, 
1030, 1104 

Johnson, T, L.: id., 326; repudiated in Ohio 
elections (1902), 374-75; m., 326, 349 
Johnson, W.: R’s adviser on Georgia pa- 
tronage, 227-28, 431, 1147 
Jones, A.: and assistant secretaryship of 
agriculture, 872-73 

Jones, Buffalo: on Yellowstone animal life, 
461-62, 890 

Jones, Hell-Roaring Bill; anecdotes of, 
552-'54 

. Jones, H. V,: id., 140; m., 140; letters to, 
236, 286 

Jones, J. P.; celebration, 1294; reburial of, 
1250 

Jbnes* J. W-; reappointed pension agent, 
282 

Jones, T. G.: id., 161; judgeship for, 161, 
i8m, 1146; and Negro peonage decisions, 


501-02, 680; southern question, confer- 
ence with R on, 1099-1100; m., 419, 432, 
885, 1050, 1067 

Jones, \y. A.: id., 451; and Indian mission 
school funds, 1120; m., 451 
Jordan, D. S.: id., 180; m., iiio; letter to, 
180 

Joseph, Chief: Washington trip, 427, 
744 

Judiciary: and governorship, i. See also 
applicants and appointees by name; 
United States Supreme Court 
Judson, C. A.: appointed collector of cus- 
toms, 774 

Judson, F. N.: id., 1210; in Atchison re- 
bate matter, 1210 
Jung, Dr.: 379 

Jusserand, J. J.: and Moroccan crisis, 1272- 
73; R on, 422, 1298; and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1157-58, 1204, 1205, 
1222, 1242; m., 424, 832, 1207, 1250, 1256, 
1294; letters to, 718, 1268, 1287, 1307 
Justice, Department of: Alabama, political 
coercion in, 885; and Colorado miners* 
strike, 903, 905, 909; and federal pardons, 
715-16; patronage, 73511. See also Knox, 
P. C.; Moody, W. H.; Post-Office De- 
■ partment, investigation of 

Kai Kah: 1293 

Kaiser William: see William II 
Kalanianaole, J. K.: elected delegate from 
Hawaii, i8o 

Kaneko, K.: id., 777; on future of Japan, 
829-31; and Russo-Japanese peace nego- 
tiations, 1308-10, 1 3 19-21, 1323; letters 
to, 777, 1198, 1293, 1308, 1312 
Kansas: federal patronage in, i54”-55n, 257n, 

Kansas City Star: see Newspapers 
Katsura, T,; id,, 1240; m., 1240, 1293 
Kean, J.: and Cortelyou as nation^ chair- 
man, 838-39; and Murphy, 772; m., 796, 
858 

Kearns, T,: 561 

Keep, C. H.; id., 1201; as chairman of Keep 
Commission, 1201-02; letter to, 1201 
Keep Commission: 1201-02 
Kelley, J, E.: letter to, 71 
Kelley, M,; id., 1287; letter to, 1287 
ICemeys, E.; id., 532; and St. Louis Expo- 
sition, 532 

Kennan, G.; id,, 456; observer with Jap- 
anese army, 1115; m., 502, 729; letters to, 
456, 743, 1168 

ICennedy, A, B,: appointed receiver at New 
Orleans, 281-82 


1404 



Kent, E.: id., 270; appointed Chief Justice 
of Arizona, 270; and Colorado appoint- 
ments, 182; m., 205 

Kentucky: elections in, see Elections, state; 

federal patronage in, 185, 432 
Kerens, R. C.: id., ii, 1174; iii, 193; and 
Missouri patronage, 193-94, 201, 257n; m., 

247 

Kernan, J. D.: id., 347; and anthracite coal 
strike, 547-48, 350, 362; letters to, 348, 350 
Key, A. L.: id,, no; letter to, no 
Kiggins, F. M.: id,, 25; and Civil Service 
Commission, 25, 28 
King, C.: id., i, 304; death of, 211 
King, H. C.: id., ii, 1158; m., 971; letter to, 
loid 

Kinnicutt, E. K.: id., 102; letter to, 102 
Kipling, R.: letter to, 1007. See also Au- 
thors 

Kitchen cabinet: R’s, 1055, 1102 
Kitson, G. C.: id., 69; and Alaskan bound- 
ary dispute, 546; letter to, 69 
Kittredge, A. B.: id., 758; and Wood’s ma- 
jor generalcy, 758; m., 550 
Knott, R. W.: id,, 601; letter to, 601 
Knox, P. C.: id., 94; and anthracite coal 
combination, 764, 781; on anthracite coal 
strike, 323, 337-39, 357» 359* 3 < 5 o, 362; 
antitrust law, enforcement of, 314, 317, 
406-07, 416, 420, 4290, 473, 580; beef 
trust, restraint df, 261-62; and Colorado 
labor troubles, 883; criticism of R and 
Hanna campaign, 640; on Cromwell, 
1262; and Dominican treaty, 1150; and 
federal pardons, 715-16; holiday ordered 
by Ri 390; and Interstate Commerce 
Commission legislation, 1073; and Isth- 
mian canal negotiations, 284; and New 
Panama Company, 333; and Northern 
Securities case, 236, 1053-54, 1237-38; in 
R’s campaign (1904), 861, 951, 959, 962, 
967, 968, 971, 993, 1009, 1012, 1036, 1045; 
R’s estimate of, 464, 828-29; senator from 
Pennsylvania, election as, 828-^29, 833, 
1022-24; and Sherman Antitrust act, 715; 
m., 21 1, 383, 634, 840, ion, 1058, 1208; 
letters to, 94, 154, 258, 265, 323, 390, 473, 
496, 528, 538, 625, 764, 765, 828, 1022, 
1073, 1088 

Koester, G. R.: id., 194; charges against, 
194 

Kohlsaat, H. H.: id., ii, X045; and Bozzie 
at White House, 265; m., 123, 124, 5050, 
570, 648n; letters to, 92, 248, 265, 271, 862 
Kohrs, C.; 560 

Komura, J.; id., 1290; R on, 1290; and 
Russo-Japanese peace negotiations, 1319- 
20, 1326; m., 1293; letter to, 1319 . 


Koons, B. F.: letter to, 33 
Korea: Japan in, 831, 1112, 1116, i276n, 
1293 

Kuhn, Loeb and Company; 1259 

Labor: in Canal Zone, 1283, 1318-19; and 
capital, 591-93, 679-80; Chinese, exclu- 
sion of, 803, 849; in Colorado (1903- 
1904), 632, 838, 849; N.Y.S. laws, 44; R’s 
attitude toward, 373, 876-78, 908-rz, 
1023-24; and R’s campaign O904), 808, 
927-29. See also Capital; National Civic 
Federation; Strikes; Unions 
Lacey, J. F.; id., 775; letter to, 775 
La Farge, C. G.: id., i, 428; Sagamore Hill 
library, iiio-ii, 1280; m., 34, 412, 606, 
920; letters to, 423, 883, iiio 
La Farge, F. L.: m., 34, 412; letters to, 34, 
594 

La Follette, R. M.: and Wisconsin political 
situation (1904), 802, 863-64, 972, 973-74i 
977; m., 2im 

La Gorce, P. de: see Authors 
Lambert, A.: id., i, 401; guest at Oyster 
Bay, 1316; hunting trip with Ted, 977- 
78; with R on western trip (1905), 1160- 
6i, 1164, 1172; m., 82; letter to, 13 
Lament, D. S.: id., i, 396; in elections 
(1903), 641, 645; letter to, 517 
Lamp, A. C: id., 29; letter to, 29 
Lamsdorf, V. N.: and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1222-32 passim^ 1242, 
1263; m., 904 

Lance; use of, in warfare, 84, 117 
Land offices: appointments to, 572-73, 579. 
See also Patronage 

Land policies: inadequacies of, 257-58 
Landon, F. G.; id., 944; diplomatic appoint- 
ment for, 944 

Lane, F. K,: id., 1056; Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, appointed to, 1056-57 
Lanning, W^, M.; appointed U.S. dfetrict 
judge, 796 

Lansdowne, H. C. K.; and Alaskan bound- 
ary question, 85, 294; and Chinese neu- 
trality in Russo-Japanese war, 731; and 
Russo-Japanese peace negotiations, 1284, 
1292; m., 32, 1190, 1204, 1207, 1283 
Larcombe, Mr.: 57 ^ 

Latin America; Caribbean coast of, infor- 
mation on, sought, 447; and continental 
powers, 36; and Germany, 31-32, 239-40; 
and Hague Tribunal, 168; intervention 
in, 209, 740, 801-02; open door in, 17^; 
R on, 98, 107, 109, ir6; trade with, 166- 
^7; m., 154. See also International Bu- 
reau of American Republics; Interna- 
tional Union of American Republics; 


1405 



Monroe Doctrine; and individual coun- 
tries by name 

Laurier, W.: and Alaskan boundary settle- 
ment, 448-49; meeting with Fairbanks, 
1093-94 

Lauterbach, E.: id., i, 483; and Odell, 749; 

and Root for governor, 850-51 
Lawrence, W.: id., 53; and Army atroci- 
ties in Philippines, 259; m., 53, 422, 683, 
1107, 1210; letters to, 259, 782 
Lawson, T. W.: id., 987; letter to, 987 
La^vton, A. R.: 227 
Lawton, H. W.: 183 
Lea, H. C.: id., i, 152; m., 72, 300 
Leavitt, S. B.: id., 161; letter to, 161 
Ledwith, M.: id., 74; m., 74 
Lee, A, H.: id., ii, 836; letters to, 19, 64, 
665, 1206 

Lee, F.: letter to, 1055 
Lee, R. E.; R on, 947-48, 1049 
Le^lation: see New York State, Legisla- 
tion; United States Government, Legis- 
lation 

Lehr, H.; 535 

Leishman, J. G. A.: and American mis- 
sionaries in Turkey, 885; negotiation of 
American claims in Turkey, 5S4, 588, 
S92; letter to, 892 

Leland, C.: id., 132; and J. R. Burton, i54n; 
and Kansas patronage, 257n; reappoint- 
ment controversy, 188-89, 197, 201, 208; 
R’s distrust of, 1540; on R and N.Y,S. 
backing, 132; R supported by, for presi- 
dent, 132, 135, 137, 139 
Leo XIII, Pope: death of, 582 
Leopold II: and Canton-Hankow railroad 
concession, 1277-79; and development of 
Africa, 391 

Leupp, F. E.: id., i, 269; and anthracite 
cod strike, 504; commissioner of Indian 
affairs, appointment as, 1040; investiga- 
tion of Indian complaints, 503; m., 491- 
92, 793, 1016, 1039; letters to, 503, 1100 
Lewis, A. H.: id., i, 718; letter to, 702 
Lewis, J.: reappointment of, 793 
Lewis, W. G.: appointed Surveyor Gen- 
eral of Colorado, 1236, 1266-67 
Lewisohn, A.: id., 1062; m., 1062 
Lewiston Journal: see Newspapers 
Life: see Magazines 

Lily White Republicans: denunciation of 
R in Texas, 612; in Louisiana, 825- 
26 

Lincoln, A.: compromises of, 819; crises 
faced, 652; on lynching, 606; patronage 
difficulties, 1173-74; re-election of, 619, 
1046-47; R’s admiration for, 300, 343, 615, 
1049-50, 1132, 1259, 1281; and Schurz, 


819; and slavery, 276-77; statue of, 83; 
m., no, 126, 141, 343, 647, 1070, 1083 
Lindsey, B. B.t 814 
Linehan, J. C.: id., 86; letter to, 86 
Littauer, L. N.: id., ii, 967; and currency 
reform, 524-25; on Ellis Island manage- 
ment, 411-12; and Jewish persecution in 
Roumania, 299; and Odell, 749; and post- 
office patronage, 735; re-elected to Con- 
gress, 3 1 in, 315; and tariff plank in 1904 
platform, 834; and War Department 
glove contract, 524; m., 25, 163, 2 Son, 
91 1; letters to, 26, 181, 524 
Littlefield, C. E.: id., 429; attempted anti- 
trust legislation, 429, 450 
Littlefield Bill: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 

Livernash, E. J.: id., 1274; in anti-Japanese 
agitation, 1274-75 
Living Age: see Magazines 
Livingston, L. F.: id., 250; m,, 250 
Llewellyn, W. H. H.: id., ii, 902; on Com- 
rade Ritchie, 555-56, 896; with R on 
western trip, 556; letters to, 54, 118, 179 
Lodge, Anna C, M. D.: id., i, 75; m., 3, 37, 
683, 1272; letter to, 1025 
Lodge, George C.: id., i, 164; m., 3, 288 
Lodge, Henry C.: accused of drunkenness, 
37; and Alaskan boundary dispute, 448- 
49» 507* 53 anthracite coal 
strike (1902), 323; arbitration agree- 
ments, Senate ratification of, 1092-95; 
Buffalo speech, 49, 97-98; and Central and 
South American Telegraph Company, 
916; on Danish West Indies, purchase 
of, H92; and Dominican treaty, 1150; 
Foss’ attack on, 871; and German tariff 
law, 1329; Harvard LL.D., 782; and Hay- 
Bunau-Varilla treaty, 689-91; and Immi- 
gration Act of 1903, amendment to, 659; 
inherited wealth, 108; and Leopold II, 
conversation with, 1277-79; McClure'^ s ar- 
ticle on R, 990; and Mc^eeney, J72n, 
250; and Newfoundland reciprocity 
treaty, 1031; at Oyster Bay conference, 
324; and Peirce appointment, 184-85; and 
Philippine currency reform, 428; and 
Philippine shipping, 712; and reciprocity, 
913; and Republican National Commit- 
tee, 504; tariff views, 913, 1300; and 
Wood’s major generalcy, 827; m., ii, 14, 
28, 53, 64, 98, 126, 144, 154, 224, 242, 

408, 415, 422, 428, 534, 546, 650, 683, 733, 
761, 763, 798, 903, 1 1 13 
As R^s friend and adviser: Holmes ap- 
pointment to Supreme Court 288-90; K 
on, 450; R’s appreciation of pamphlet by, 
49; in R’s campaign (1904), 798, 977, 


1406 



1009, I on; on R’s presidential aspira- 
tions, i25n; riding with R, 389; letters 
to, 3, 49, 99, i04» 128, 141, 150, 179, 

184, 221, 288, 331, 432, 448, 481, 485, 545, 
585, 606, 616, 690, 796, 803, 808, 813, 824, 
833, 834, 849, 857, 863, 870, 887, 890, 948, 
965, 989, rood, roo8, 1018, 1021, 1031, 1032, 
1093, 1179, 1191, 1202, 1221, 1270, 

1279, 1305. See also Authors 
Lodge, John E.: id,, i, 256; and E, A. Rob- 
inson, interest in, 1303 
Loeb, W,: id., ii, 1061; desire for army ca- 
reer, 695; and hunting trip with R, 379; 
and N.Y.S. election (1902), 3280; on 
Ohio patronage, 1198*, at St. Louis expo- 
sition, 1047-48; and Utah Federation of 
Labor, 609-10; m., 401, 472, 482, 484, 547, 
561, 664, 685, 691, 699, 857, 893, i028n, 
1193, 1208, 1328; letter to, 1015 
London Telegraph: see Newspapers 
London Thnes: see Newspapers 
Long, J. D.: id., i, 72, 603; resignation of, 
242-43; as Secretary of the Navy, 1296; 
statement on R and Spanish fleet, 628-29, 
^30""3ii letters to, 216, 235, 242, 628, 631 
Long, W, J.; id., 468; exposed by Bur- 
roughs, 467-70, 489, 1196-97 
Longfellow, H. W.: see Authors 
Longino, A. H.; id., 419; m., 419, 638 
Loomis, F. B.: id., 508; and Alaskan bound- 
ary dispute, 545; appointed Assistant Sec- 
retary of State, 310, 1090; controversy 
with Bowen, 1163-64, 1167, n68, 1x71, 
1180, 1190-92, 1216, 1239, 1243-50; and 
Hay-Bunau-Varilla treaty, 688, 691; and 
Jolm Paul Jones reburial, 1250; and Santo 
Domingo commission, 734; m., 517, 520, 
566, 710, 836, 960, 1199, 1216, 1278; let- 
ters to, 508, 509, 1165, 1250 
Lorimer, W.; id., 139; and Chicago team- 
sters’ strike, 1195-96; and Illinois election 
(1904), 799-800; and Illinois patronage, 
234; m., 139 

Loubet, E.: saluted by U.S. naval units, 
473 

Loud, E. F.: id., 444; and Post-Office De- 
partment investigation, 444 
Louisiana: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 219, 281-82, 285, 291, 
419, 432, 739, 793, 825-26, 1146; Republi- 
can party in, 739, 793, 825-26 
Louisville Cotmer-Jourml: see Newspapers 
Lounsbury, T. R.; m., 72; letters to, 424, 
765. See also Authors 
Low, M,: id., 1316; and Sakhalin, statement 
on, 1315-16, 1317 

Low, S.: id., i, 136; and anthracite coal 
strike, 336-37, 359, 680; appointments as 


mayor, 200-or; in election (1902), 374n; 
Kaiser’s admiration for, 371; mayor- 
alty campaign (1901), 162, 180-81, 182; 
mayoralty campaign (1903), 538, 612, 
640-41, 645, 648; and N.Y.C postmaster- 
ship, 1029, 1040; N.Y. Sun editorial on, 
341, 645-46; and Odell, 182, 575; R’s sup- 
port of, 602; and visit of Prince Henry, 
224; and Yale LLD., 126; m., 120, 130, 
136, 154, 2i7n, 220, 594, 1057; letters to, 
162, 180, 200, 224, 231, 336, 371, 404, 538, 
602, 640, 1127 

Lowden, F. O.: and Illinois election (1904), 
799-800; R’s alleged support of, 756 
Lowell, A. L.: id., ii, 1002; m., 18, 62, 114; 
letters to, 69, 488 

Lowell, F. C: id., i, 489; m., 18, 95, 96, 98, 
99, 782, 1233 

Lowell, J. S.: id., i, 586; and army atroci- 
ties in Philippines, 259n; and Taylor case, 
278-79; m., 300; letters to, 256, 278, 874 
Lowndes, J.: id., 24; letter to, 24 
Lowndes, L.: and Maryland election 
(1903), 630 

Lucretius: see Authors 
Lummis, C. F.: id., i, 421; and Indian 
agency appointments, 756-57; letter to, 
317, 688 

Lunacy Commission: see New York State, 
Commissions 

Lutherans: R’s regard for, 583, See also 
German Lutherans 

Luzon: see United States Navy, Ships 
Lyman, C.: id., i, 172; and civil service 
commission, 25, 27 

Lyman, G. H.: id., i, 489; m., 129; letters 
to, 52, 62, 69, 95, 98, 99 
Lynching: Evening Post support of R’s 
statements on, 513; law and, 528, 540-43; 
Lincoln’s speech on, 606; R on, 268-69, 
585, 680 

Lyon, C. A.: id., 1x40; m., 1160; letter to, 
1x40 

Lyon, E. R.; and War Department glove 
contract, 524 

Lyons, J. W.: id., 206; reappointment of, 
206; m., 794, 79S 

Mabini, A.: id., 394; problem of, 394 - 95 » 
398-99, 403-06 

McAdoo, W. G.: id,, 655; appomtxnent to 
second Isthmian Canal Commission re- 
quested, 1047; letters ro, 655, 1047 
MacArthur, A,: rebuked by R, 744*, war 
with Germany, statement on, 676^7; m., 
245, 246 , 

Macaulay, T* B.: see Authors 


1407 


McBee, S.: id., 268; southern question, con- 
ference with R on, 1099-1100; m., 1073; 
letters to, 268, 345, 418, 857, 1121 
McCaleb, W. F.: id., loi; letter to, loi 
McCall, H.: appointed customs collector at 
New Orleans, 281-82 
McCall, J. A.; R supporter (1904), 859 
JVlcCall, S, W.: in Atla 7 itic Monthly debate 
(1904), 966 

McCarren, P. H.: id., 963; in Democratic 
campaign (1904), 1006; m., 963 
McCleary, J. T.: id., 834; and tariff plank 
in 1904 platform, 834 
McClellan, G. B.; 12, no, 230, 300, 301, 652 
McClellan, G. B., Jr.: mayoralty campaign 
(1903), 53 8n, 639, 648; in., 715; letter to, 
1298 

McClelland, C. P.: id,, 526; appointed to 
N.Y. Board of General Appraisers, 526, 
568 

McClintock, J. H.: id., 87; post-office ap- 
pointment solicited, 87 
McClure's Magazine: see Magazines 
McCoach, W.: appointed collector of 
internal revenue, 2020 
McComas, L, C.; and Maryland Demo- 
cratic organization, 630; and Maryland 
senatorship, 46; letter to, 1074 
McCook, J. J.: id., 569; recommended for 
secretaryship of war, 569, 578, 613, 646; 
letter to, 1097 
McCormick, C, H.: id., 805 
McCormick, J. M.: id., 881; on Interna- 
tional Paper Company, 898; letter to, 881 
McCormict, Robert R.: id., 40 
McCormick, Robert S.: id., 4; ambassador 
to Russia, 310, 315, 318, 326*, minister to 
Austria-Hungary, 10; m,, 686, 9520, 1262 
McCoy, F. R.: id,, 402; singlestick with R, 
402, 427; m., 820 

McCreary, J. B.; id., 685; and Panama Canal 
treaty, 685 

McDondd, J. B.; id., 781 
McDonough, J. T.: id., ii, 908; appointed 
judge in Philippines, 426; and Philippine 
friars problem, 533, 536-37; letters to, 
533i 5<54 

McDowell, H. C.: id., 179; judgeship for, 
179 

Macfarland, H. B. F.: iign 
McFaul, J. A.: id., 534; and Philippine 
poHcy. 534 

Machen, A. W.; id., 37, 461; and post-office 
investigation, 461, 473, 495-96, 499, 621, 
625, 637; m., 37, 6n 

McUhenny, J.; id., ii, 1217; at White House, 
415; m., 91, 96, 97, 419, 432 
McIntyre, F.: 1259 


Mackay, C.: 755. See also Postal Telegraph 
Company 
Mackaye, E.; 605 

McKelway, St. C.: id., ii, 1162; and R*s 
campaign (1904), 1016; m., 162; letters to, 
154* 217, 251, 753n 
Alackenzie, A.: 552 

McKim, C. F.: and White House restora- 
tion, 816-17; letter to, 470 
McKim, Mead and White: see White 
House, restoration of 
McKinley, Ida S: health of, 74, 80, 91 
McKinley, W.: assassination of, 139, 140, 
141-43, 144; and Colorado political situa- 
tion, i5on; and Cuban tariff issue, 1960, 
603; and Hanna, 1255-56; honorary de- 
gree from Harvard, 42, 53, 54, 70-71, 96; 
memorial service in Bulawayo, 252; and 
Miles, 240-41, 246; Negro appointees, 
1068; nomination, 1255-56; pension prin- 
ciple, 809, 924; and Peirce-Cridler matter, 
183-85; and Philippine Commission, 295; 
on Philippine independence, 939; on 
Republican principles of liberty and 
emancipation, 941; R on, 56, 60, 141-43; 
southern vote (1896, 1900), 868; special 
cars, use of, 577-78; and Storer, 4-5, 10, 
68; and war taxes, removal of, 1301; and 
Wood’s brigadier generalship, 5; on 
Young and Wood, 12; m., 203, 216, 218, 
421; letters to, 26, 80, 91 
AlcKinley tariff: see Tariff 
McLaurin, J. L,: id., 176; consulted by R, 
176; m,, 194 
Maclay, E. S.: id., 278 
McLean, J. R.: and Washington Fost, iioyn 
McLean, J. R., Jr.: and Washington Post, 
i207n 

McMackin, J.: id., ii, 908; m., 17 1, 174 
McMichael, C.: id., 201-02; appointed post- 
master at Philadelplua, 201-02, 686-88; 
and Woodruff, 215; letter to, 687 
MacMonnies, F. W.: id., 1035; letter to, 
1035 

MacNaughton, Mrs. A.: see Kelly, Myra 
MeSweeney, E. F.; and Boston Herald arti- 
cle, 522-23; as deputy commissioner of 
immigration, 171-72, 221, 250, 428-29; as 
issue in Massachusetts election (1903), 
611, 633, 636 

MaeVeagh, L and anthracite coal 
strike, 657; and arbitration treaties, 1121; 
and corporation matters, 173-74; 
Dominican treaty, 1144; and Panama 
treaty negotiations, 689, 690; and Reyes, 
674n; R on, 1190; m., 657, 949 
Madden, E< C.: id., 506; and Post-Office 
Department investigation, 506 


1408 



Maddocks, Mr.; 62 

Magazines: Army and Navy Journal, at- 
tack on Taft, 772-73; and Cowles’ court 
of inquiry, 767 

Atlantic Monthly, Adams article, 153; 
Atkinson article, 304; Browning, article 
on, ^4; Burroughs article, 441; debate on 
presidential campaign C1904), 966; Miin- 
sterberg article, 71; Wilson address, 391; 
m., 467 

Booklovers\ i03n; Cafial Record, 1283; 
Century, and anthracite coal strike settle- 
ment, 645; editorial on R, 420; on White 
House restoration, 753 
Collier's Weekly, on “asphalt scandal,” 
1171; and Missouri gubernatorial contest 
(1904)1 990, 999> 1004; and Negro prob- 
lem, 1071; on R, 814-17, 993-94 
Contemporary Review, on Philippine 
question, 1188-89; Engineering and Min^ 
mg Journal, on R and unions, 653-54, <^57- 
58; Forest and Stream, 95, 467-70, 512; 
Fortnightly, on Japanese victory over 
Russia, 856; GumorHs, attitude on tariff, 
482-83; Harper^ s Monthly, attack on Bur- 
roughs, 1196-97; Harper^ s Weekly, on 
Miles, 717; and Northern Securities case, 
591; and panic (1903), 591; on R, 43, 
593* 815; on Wood, 598, 702-03, 717; m., 
61, 237 

Independent, 306; International 
Monthly, 22; Life, 63; Livhig Age, 856 
McClure^ s, and Colorado miners’ strike, 
891 ; Lodge and Cleveland articles in, 990; 
on Payne, 965; on Platt, 2i4n; on R, 189; 
Steffens’ “Ohio” article, 1254-56 
Missionary Review of the World, on 
Philippine question, 1188-89; Nation, on 
OdeU, 39; m., 52; Newsboy^, iioo; 
North Afnerican Review, on American 
government of Cuba, 493; Outing, Whit- 
ney as editor of, 17, 467, 487 
Outlook, on Delaware machine, 456- 
58; and Indian mission schools, 1 120-21; 
life of R, 564; Long’s statement on R and 
Spanish- American war, 628-29, 631-32; on 
Republican platform (1904), 866; White’s 
article in, 1276; and Wood’s major gener- 
al<w, 827; m,, 48, 306 
Out Public Opinion, 1139; 

Reedy^s Mirror, 204; Review of Reviews, 
on Panamanian situation, 649; R on, 
625-26; and Wood’s major generalcy, 
827 

Saturday Evening Post, White’s article 
on R and Republican party, 1058; Scrib‘d 
nefs, on presidential campaign (1904), 
10585 UL, 23, 171, 182; Sentinel of the 


Blessed Sacrmnent, 1022; Spectator, 8; 
Voice, 8; Youth^s Companion, 6r 
Magelssen, W. C.: reported assassination of, 
584, 588, 596 

Magoon, C. E.: and Gorgas, criticism of, 
1302; member of second Isthmian Canal 
Commission, 1047, 1156 
Mahan, A. T.; quoted on army or navy 
career, 694; letters to, 23, 368 
Mahany, R. B.: id., ii, 1049; m., 237 
Maine: see United States Navy, Ships 
Manchuria; Chinese viceroy for, 896; Open 
Door in, 24on, 508, 520, 532; R’s views 
on aption in, 509; Russians in, 15, 112, 
^93i 478, 497-98, 831; m., 106, 474 
Manley, G. C.; m., i5on 
Mann, J. R.: id., 399; and Department of 
Commerce bill, 399 

Manufactures: agriculture and, interde- 
pendence of, 934-35 

Manufacturers’ Association; see National 
Association of Manufacturers 
March, P. C.: observer with Japanese army, 

Marconi Wireless: see Wireless telegraphy 
Markle, J.: id,, 334; and anthracite coal 
strike (1902), 334, 360 
Marks, M,: id., 1015; N.Y.C. postmaster- 
ship, candidate for, 1015, 1029, 1057 
Marroqufn, J. M.: and Panamanian revolt, 
662-63 

MarshaU, J.: R on, 289; m., 89 
Martin, Eben W.: id,, 526; m., 526 
Martin, Edward S.: id., ii, 1433; letters to, 
^3i 535 

Martin, T. S.: id., iiii 
Maryland: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 639; Republican 
party in, 630 

Mason, W'. E.: id., i, 780, ii, 1147; and 
Illinois patronage, 234; m., 32, 37 
Maspero, G. C. C: see Authors 
Massachusetts: elections in, see Elections, 
state; Republican party in, 633-34 
Massachusetts: see United States Navy, 
Ships 

Matthews, G. E.: id., ii, 1360; letter to, 202 
Matthews, J. B.: id., i, 147; m., 1062; letters 
to, 213, 714, 823 

Maude, Colonel: on Boer war, 117 
Maxwell, G. H.; id,, 474; m., 474 
Mayer, J. H.; id., 971; and R’s campaign 
(1904), 977; m., 971 

Mayflower: see United States Navy, Ships 
Mead, F.: reports to, on Indian conditions 
and progress, 864; m., 5230, 1007 
Mellen, C. S.; id., 481; elected tp presi- 
dency of New York, New Haven and 


1409 


Hartford Railroad, 605; as R’s adviser, 
481-82; m., 496, 870, 887; letters to, 605, 
750, 871 

Melville, H.: 232 

Melville, J. E.: appointed postmaster, 774 
Memphis Appeal: see Newspapers 
Merchant marine: subsidization of, 936, 
1089 

Merriam, C. H.: id,, i, 612; on animal intel- 
ligence, 1197; appointed to Board of 
Scientific Surveys, 443; on field work 
assistants, 72; Indians, information on, 
requested by R, 460; rebuked for criti- 
cism of R’s appointees, 756-57; R urges, 
to write book, 463-64; skins and skulls to, 
63, 95; ni., 125, 191, 709; letters to, 45, 
460, 461, 463, 756 

Merriam, W. R,: candidate for commerce 
and labor secretaryship, 424 
Merrifield, A. W.: 1107 
Merritt, J. A.: 1029 
Merritt, W. G.: see Authors 
Merry del Val, R.: appointed papal secre- 
tary, 853-54 

Metcalf, V. H.: id., 794; appointed Secre- 
tary of Commerce and Labor, 800, 821, 
833, 837; letters to, 837, 1235, 1240 
Metcalf, W, S.: id., i88n; appointed com- 
missioner of pensions, i88n, 197, 208; and 
post-office investigation, 637 
Methodists; and R’s campaign (1904), 892 
Metropolitan Police Bill; see New York 
State, Legislation (1899-1900) 

Mexican War: 276 

Mexico: arbitration treaty with, 1092; 
clericals in, 802; Hague Tribunal arbitra- 
tion, 811-12, 1118-19; U.S. and, 166 
Meyer, A. N.; id., 33; letter to, 33 
Meyer, C.; id., 852; in Democratic cam- 
paign (1904), 852, 1009, 1010, 1016 
Meyer, G. von L.: id., i, 489; ambassador 
to Italy, 152, 264; ambassador to St. 
Petersburg, 1078-80, 1084; Berlin appoint- 
ment opposed, 326; R’s plans for, 890; 
and Russo-Japanese peace negotiations, 
1203-04, 1222-32 passim, 1241-42, 1306- 
07; suggested as Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, 1192; m., 849, 870, 1179; letters to, 
52, 252, 838, 1078, 1115, 1189, 1190, 1241, 
1262, 1275, 1312, 1314 
Michelis E. de; see Authors 
Michener, L. T.; id., i, 69; R’s relations 
vwth, 257n 

Milbum, J. G-: id., ii, 899; and Constitution 
Qub, 884; and franchise tax bill, 417; 
Parker’s letter to, on Philippine inde- 
pendence, 906-07; m., 34 
Miles, N. A.; id., ii, 840; ambition and 


danger of, 240-42, 244-47, 248, 271, 300, 
567-68, 587; army cruelty, charges of, 
232-33; and Grand Army, 545; Harper^s 
Weekly on, 717; LL.D. to, 126; and 
Mabini, 394, 399, 403; Massachusetts gu- 
bernatorial campaign, issue in, 61 1; and 
medal of honor for R, 98; Murphy 
quoted on R by, 627-28; and Philippine 
independence, 769; Philippines, report on, 
585; presidential ambitions, 98; in presi- 
dential campaign (1904), 974; record of, 
704-05; retirement, 247n, 567-^8, 585, 587; 
on R at San Juan hill, 96, 98; Root, 
attack on, 308; and Sampson-Schley con- 
troversy, 210, 213; Taft on, 460; as vice- 
presidential candidate, movement for, 
545; and Wood’s major generalcy, 539, 
57<5» 597'-98; m., 128 

Millard, J. H.; id., 1200; and railroad rate 
question, 1200-01 

Miller, C. R.: id., ii, 1082; m., 1016; letters 
to, 2 1 1, 274, 290 

Miller, W. A.; dismissal and reinstatement 
in Government Printing Office, 514-16, 
518-19, 531, 537, 577, 579, 581, 586-87, 592, 
606, 610, 617-18, 680, 81 1 
Millet, F. D.: id., 1103; inauguration medal, 
1103-04 

Mills, A. L.: promotion for, 531, 820, 
827 

Mills, P.: 412 

Mills, W. E.: id., 1127; m., 1127 
Milner, Lord: 47 

Mine Owners’ Association: see Strikes, 
Colorado miners’ 

Mining Congress: at Deadwood, South 
Dakota, 526 

Minneapolk Commercial West: see News- 
papers 

Missionaries: American, in China, treat- 
ment of, 1184; American, in Turkey, 885, 
892; misconduct of, in China, 23 
Missionary Review of the World: see Mag- 
azines 

Mississippi: federal patronage in, 216, 291, 
419, 432, 681-82, 1068-70, 1146 
Mississippi flatboat; 41-42 
Missouri: Elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 193-94, 201, 204, 247, 
257n; Republican party in, 771, 1097 
Missouri: see UnitedT States Navy, Ships 
Mitchell, John: id., 323; and anthracite 
coal strike (1902), 323, 327, 332, 334, 336- 
54 passim, 360-67 passim; and Miller case, 
5140, 606-07; m., 493, 617, 880; letters to, 
334* 353» W 

Mitchell, John H,: id., 207; and Ala^ 
collectorship, 207; and Oregon land 


1410 


frauds, 1127-28; and Oregon patronage, 
231; m., 735; letter to, 207 
*Vlitchell, John J.: and Jamieson appoint- 
ment, 718-23 passhn, 818 
Mitchell, S. W.; id., i, 520; letters to, 175, 
528, 532 

A^oe, A. K.: consular appointment, 237 
Mommsen, T.: see Authors 
Mondell, F. W.: and irrigation bill, 317; 
m., 258 

Monetary Commission: 1038 
Money, H. D,: id., iiii; and arbitration 
treaties, 1092, iiii 

Monopolies: common law and, 957, 962-64, 
993, 968; regulation of, 928. See also 
Trusts 

Monroe Doctrine: and Germany, 32; Reid’s 
speech on, 527; R on, 97-98, 109, 116, 172, 
446, 548, 865, 11090; use of, 1286; and 
Venezuelan crisis, 397-400, 81 1; m., 36 
Montage, A. J.: id., 1155; letter to, 1155 
Montaigne, M. de: see Authors 
Montana: elections in, see Elections, state; 

federal patronage in, 254 
Montant, G.: 920 

Monteath, J. H.: as Indian agent, 756- 

Moody, W. H.: id., i, 489; Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe investigation, 1180, 
1192, 1210-13, 1237-39; as Attorney Gen- 
eral, 833, 8370; beef trust case, presenta- 
tion of, 1096-97; Boston speech, 631, 633; 
and Cain, 870; and Cowles’ court of 
inquiry, 766-67; and Davis, squadron 
command for, 1032-33; and Haverhill 
postmastership, 1002-03; and Hay-Bunau- 
Varilla treaty, 691; on Hepburn bill 
(1905), 1122-23; Maine speech, 880; and 
Miller case, 607; and naval maneuvers, 
283; and Northern Securities suit, 886, 
894, 896; and rebate question, 1053-54; 
Republican Club speech, 730; as R’s ad- 
viser, 481-82; in R’s campaign (1904), 
959, 967, 978-79, 1009, 1045; R’s estimate 
of, 847-48; and R’s letter to Eliot on 
Philippines, 772; as Secretary of the 
Navy, 253, 1220; speechmaking, 1291; and 
tariff situation, 813, 1300; western trip 
with R, 547-48, 561; m., 266, 422, 478, 
516, 531, 678, 731, 820, 862, 976, lOlI, 
1058; 1094; letters to, 255, 308, 441, 475, 
674, 711, 729, 766, 767, 776, 793, 885, 896, 
898, 903, 905, 962, 1096, 1105, 1108, 1122, 
1210, 1273 

Moore, C. A.: id., i, 772; m,, 1012-13; letters 
to, 494 ) 1^39 

Moore, E. F.; appomted postmaster at 
Columbiana, Ohio, 1198-1200 


Moore, J. B.: id,, 566; and Hay-Bunau- 
Varilla treaty, 689, 690-91; on U.S. rights 
in Panama, 566; letter to, 690 
Morales, C. F.: id., 1150; m., 1150 
Morgan, E. V: id., 917 
Morgan, John Pierpont: and anthracite 
coal strike (1902), 323, 330, 3480, 350, 
351-53* 35411, 363, 365, 366, 505-06; and 
Canton-Hankow railroad concession, 
1109, 1277-79, 1303; and currency legis- 
lation, 524-25; and Institute of Social 
Economics building, 30, 42; Miles quotes 
R on, 627-28; and Northern Securities 
case, 591; and panic (1903), 545; R’s 
apprehension of clash of views with, 30; 
m., 108, 159, 187; letters to, 30, i6r, 351, 
565, 627, 657, 796, 1277, 1303 
Morgai^ John Tyler; id., i, 414; and ar- 
bitration treaties, 1092, ini, 1144-45; 
and Dillingham-Sanchez Protocol, i io9n; 
and Hay-Bunau-Varilla treaty, 689- 
91; and Nicaragua Canal treaty, 19; and 
Reader treaty with Santo Domingo, 
1142-43 

Morison, G. S.: member of Second Walker 
Commission, 567n 

Morley, J.: visit to R, 696, 992, 1043, 1045; 
m., 698, 1031; letters to, 696, 917, 992. 
See also Authors 

Mormons: in R’s campaign (1904), 967-68; 
in Utah politics, 965 

Moroccan crisis: 1159, 1161-62, 1165-66, 
1178, 1194, 1207, 1250-51, 1256-57, 1272- 
73, 1286, 1287, 1289. See also Algeciras 
Conference 

Morris, R. C.: appointment for, 1064; 
county committee, resignation from, 
5o6n; m., 217 

Morrison, J. F.: id., 1115; as military 
attache with Japanese army, 1115 
Morrissey, P. H.: 992 
Morton, L. P.: id., i, 209; m*, 21 
Morton, P,; id., ii, 1019; m Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe investigation, n8o, 
1192, 1 2 10-14, 1237-39; and Davis, squad- 
ron command for, 10325 Dolphin, use of, 
896; in Equitable Life Assurance Society, 
1 2 14-15, 1240; and insurance investiga- 
tions, i282n; and Jamieson appointment, 
718-23 passhn, 818; and navy program 
curtailment, 1080-81; on railroad pools, 
1105; and rebate question, 1053-54; resig- 
nation as Secret^ of the Navy, 1180, 
1214; R’s appreciation of, 12205 as Secre- 
tary of the Navy, 837, 847"485 m., i 24 » 
132, 139, 821, 903, 1016, 1107, 1 1 125 letters 
to, 95, 123, 132, 141, 847, 856, 894, 901, 903, 
952, 956, 974, 1058, 1123, 1213 


I41 1 


Mosby, J, S,: in Civil War, 84 
Moses, B.: id., 305; m., 305 
Motley, J. L.: see Authors 
Mudd, S. E.: id., 46; and Maryland elec- 
tion (1903), 630; and Alaryland senator- 
ship, 46 

Mug^vumps: in N.Y.C. election (1903), 
612; and Odell, 120; and Panamanian 
situation, 652; and Philippine independ- 
ence, 881; in presidential campaign 
(1904), 874; R on, 135, 803, 914-15; on 
Washington, 22-23; m., 32, 52, 53 
Muir, J.: id., 447; with R in Yosemite, 447, 
476, 486, 548; and Yosemite, government 
protection of, 1104-05; letter to, 476 
Munroe, H. S.; proposed for coal strike 
commission, 352 
Munsey, F. A.: id., 971 
Miinsterberg, H.: id., 71; letters to, 71, 86, 
405 

Murphy, C. F.: as Tammany leader, 538 
Mui^hy, D. I.: id., 779; Isthmian Canal 
Commission secretary, 779, 822 
Murphy, E.: id., i, 396; and Parker’s candi- 
dacy (1904), 874 

Murphy, F.; and chairmanship of Republi- 
can National Convention, 772, 838-39; 
Miles and alleged quotation of R by, 627- 
28; on Root’s Union League Club speech, 
730; letter to, 627 

Murphy, J. R.: id., 882; and Colorado labor 
troubles, 882, 891-92, 903, 905 
Murphy, N.'O.: 93 
Alurray, C. H.: 706 
Murray, G. W.: id., 194 
Murray, J,: id., i, 246; appointed deputy 
commissioner of immigration, i72n, 1077- 
78; charges against, 250-51; employment 
for, 29, 39-40, 205; letters to, 250, 251 
Murray, L. O.: id., 723; appointed to Keep 
Commission, 1201; as Assistant Secretary 
of Commerce and Labor, 723, 8i8, 969; 
on General Slocum investigation com- 
mission, 981; and steerage travel, investi- 
gation of, 1 3 13-14; letter to, 1313 
Murray, L.: 55 

Nannie: see Lodge, Anna C.M.D, 

Nansen, F.: 671, 832 

Nast, T.: id., 237; consular appointment, 
^37 

Nation: see Magazines 
National Academy of Sciences; and ex- 
ploration of Philippines, 396, 443 
National Association of Manufacturers: 
and railroad rate problem, 1189; union 
men, protest at appointment of, 609 


National Civic Federation: work of, 1065- 
66 

National Congress of Mothers; R’s speech 
to, 1139 

National Economic League; work of, 458 
National Granger and assistant secretary- 
ship of agriculture, 872-73 
National Irrigation Law: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
National Republican League: activities of, 
2570. See also Republican party 
National Securities Company: see Trusts 
Nature fakers: 467-70, 511-12 
Navy, Department of the: and Colombian 
situation, 678; operation of, 847-48; and 
Panama, 71 1; secretaryship, 158. See also 
Long, J. D.; Moody, W. H.; Morton, P.; 
United States Navy 

Needham, H. B,: id., 1280; letter to, 
1280 

Needham, J. C.: id., 1091; letter to, 1091 
Negroes: disfranchisement of, in Maryland, 
460; in Jamaica, 638; Jamestown exposi- 
tion, participation in, 1055; in Louisiana 
politics, 825-26; lynching of, 541-43; 
problem of, in South, 680-82, 878-79, 
1050-51, 1066-73, 1125; at Republican 
National Convention (1904), 739, 794, 
798; and Republican party in South, 332- 
33; R’s Lincoln Day speech (1905) on, 
1099-1 100; R’s views on, 190-91 ; at White 
House, 638-39; Williams’ policy in Mis- 
sissippi, 866-67, ^75* ^067. See also Crum, 
W. D.; Lynching; Patronage, federal, 
Negroes; Peonage; Post-Office Depart- 
ment, Post Offices, Indianola; Washing- 
ton, B. T. 

Nelson, C. F.: complaint of Indians against, 

503 

Nelson, H. L.: id., ii, 1083; on MeSweeney 
case, 522-23; R’s aversion to, 618, 1043, 
1056, 1063; and Wood, 492; m., 64; letter 
to, 43 

Nelson, K.: id., 424; and Alaskan legisla- 
tion, 775; and amendment to Department 
of Commerce and Labor bill, 416-17; and 
Bering Sea controversy, 1125-27; and 
R, 143; letter to, 424 
Nelson, W. R.; id., 204; letter to, 204 
Nevada: elections in, see Elections, state 
Nevins, F. E.: appointment for, 37-38 
New, C. M*: letters to, 77, 1062 
New, H. S.: id., ii, 1435; appointed vice- 
chairman of Republican National Com- 
mittee, 1062; R on, 77; m., 27, 28, 37; 
letters to, 980, 982 

New Hampshire: see United States Navy, 
Ships 


1412 







Newell, F. H.: investigation of federal land 
policies, 2580; m., 277 
Newfoundland: fishing rights, 1166, 1181, 
1192, 1221, 1305-06; reciprocity with, 
10290, 1031-32 

Newhall, C. S.: id., 777; as forest superin- 
tendent, 777 

New Jersey: elections in, see Elections, 
state; federal patronage in, 796 
New Mexico: admission of, 389-90; m,, 89 
New Orleans Picayime: see Newspapers 
New Orleans Tbnes-DeiJiocrat: see News- 
papers 

Newlands, F. G.: 284, 317 
Newlands Bill: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 

Newsboys’ Lodging House: R’s speech at, 
54i 63' 

NenDsboys' Magazine: see Magazines 
Newspapers; Associated Press, and Nevins’ 
dismissal, 37-38; and Post-Office Depart- 
ment investigation report, 666; and R’s 
relations with Hanna, 664; and Takahira, 
alleged statements by, 1319-20; and 
Wood’s major generalcy, 670, 759; m., 
303 

Atlanta Constitution, 420, 680, 1068; 
Boston Herald, editorial dishonesty of, 
ro43, 105^^ 1063-64; and MeSweeney 
case, 522-23; and Wood, 492; m., 50, 914 
Boston Times, 62; Boston Transcript, 
and MeSweeney case, 523 
Brooklyn Eagle, and Cortelyouism, 
963; and Democratic gold plank rejec- 
tion (1904), 851; and N.Y.S. guberna- 
torial campaign (1904), 966; and panic 
(1903), 591; and Philippine independ- 
ence, 906; in presidential campaign 
(1904), 1025; on White House extrava- 
gance, 751-53 

Brooklyn Standard-Union, 29; Chicago 
Chronicle, 858; Chicago Evening Post, 
818; Chicago Inter Ocean, 123; ^cago 
Record-Herald, 503-04, 505-06, 799-800; 
Chicago Tribune, 123, 799-800; Cleve- 
land Leader, 29; Emporia Gazette, 94; 
Glasgow Herald, 104; Greenwood (Mis- 
. sissippi) Commonvoealth, 626; Independ- 
ence (Missouri) Jackson County Judge, 
133; Kansas City Star, 201, 1004; Lewis- 
ton (Idaho) Journal, 1218; London Tele- 
grapb, 1285; London Times, 97, 109, 258; 
Lotiisville Courier- Journal, 420; Memphis 
Appeal, 751-53; Minneapolis Commercial 
West, 140; New Orleans Picayune, 
1068; New Orleans Times-Democrat, 
420, io68j New York Age, i94n; New 
York Commercial Advertiser, and Me- 


Sweeney case, 523; m., 61, 120, 415 
New York Evening Post, on F. S. 
Black, 802-03; on Cortelyou, 967; and 
Democratic gold plank rejection (1904), 
851; dishonesty of, 715; and election 
(1900), 612; and election (1903)1 ^12; 
Gilder’s interview in, 420; influence of, 
8; and Negro problem, 513, 878, 1071; 
and N.Y.S. gubernatorial campaign 
(1904), 966; on Odell, 39, 43; and Pana- 
manian situation, 652, 675; and Parker’s 
candidacy (1904), 858; and presidential 
election (1904), 865, 874, 888, 1015, 1025, 
1037, 1038; R on, 60-61, 78, 94, 107, 254, 
988; on R and Hay, 1269; ^ opposed by, 
37, 38, 43, 45, 50, 51, 104, 121, 138, 300, 
820, 878, 919, 969, 976, 993-94; on Schur- 
man and Potter, 68; and telegram to 
Mrs. Quay, 819; and Wood’s major gen- 
eralcy, 539-40; ra., 37, 52, 53, 2i6n, 972, 
See also Godkin, E. L.; ViUard, O, G. 

New York Globe, 1009; New York 
Herald, and Bowen-Loomis controversy, 
11640, 1239, i^ 45 “ 47 » Eggleston’s inter- 
view with R., 252-53; and election (1903), 
648; and map of defenses, 1295; and presi- 
dential campaign (1904), 919, 1007, 1025; 
on Taggart, 874; and Wood’s major gen- 
eralcy, 676; m., 1316 
New York Journal, and Alice Roose- 
velt pictures, 772; attacks on R, 362, 
363, 379, 420; and Odell, 575; and Post- 
Office Department investi^tion, 499; R 
on, 60, 94; and Wood’s major generalcy, 
492; m-, 63. See also Hearst, W. R* 

New York Press, and N.y.S. guberna- 
torial election (1904), 946; and R on 
capital and labor, 876-77; and R’s presi- 
dential campaign (1904), 884; m., 903; 
New York Staats-Zeitung, and treatment 
of aliens at Ellis Island, 659-60; m,, 405 
New York Stm: and Democratic gold 
plank rejection (1904), 851; and Hanna’s 
presidential candidacy, 695; and Higgins, 
945; on labor, 1023; on Low, 341, 645-46; 
and Northern Securities case, 591; and 
N.Y.S. gubernatorial election (1904), 
946, 949, 959, 965, 966; and Odell, 575, 
968; and panic (1903), 591; and Platt- 
OdeU agreement on distribution of 
power, 663; in presidential campaign 
(1904), 820, 1025; Riis’s letter to, 794; 
on R and capital and labor, 876-77, 878, 
879-80; on R and Hay, i2(^; on R and 
Mfies’s retirement, 567; R opposed by, 

303* 339, 34i^» 343, 3^, 35<5, 4^9, 

472, 578; and R’s relations with Hanna, 
664; on R and unions, 657; and R,as 


1413 


vice-presidential candidate, 593; and spe- 
cial trains for R, 577-78; Wood, opposi- 
tion CO, 492, 539, 598, 759 

New York Times, on Cortelyou, 963- 
64, 967; and Democratic gold plank re- 
jection (1904), 851, 8520; and election 
(1900), 612; and election (1903), 612; in 
N,Y,S. gubernatorial campaign (1904), 
966; and panic (1903), 591; and Philip- 
pine independence, 906; and Post-OfKce 
Department investigation, 499; and presi- 
dential election (1904), 865, 874, 878, 886, 
888, 9:9, roi6, 1025; R criticized by, 419; 
on R and southern delegates, 285-86; 
Welch’s misrepresentation of R, 274-75, 
290-91 

New York Tribune, and N.Y.S. guber- 
natorial campaign (1904), 950; and Pan- 
ama Canal Commission secretaryship, 
753-55; on Panamanian revolt, 675; on 
Parker’s acceptance speech, 889; and 
Post-Office Department investigation, 
506; and presidential campaign (1904), 
1009; and Wood’s major generdcy, 
827 

New York World, and beef trust case, 
8580; and Cortelyou, 963, 1006; and 
Democratic gold plank rejection (1904), 
851, 852n; and Hanna’s presidential candi- 
dacy, 695; on N.Y.C. post office investi- 
gation, 488; and N.Y.S. gubernatorial 
campaign (1904), 950, 966; and Philip- 
pine independence, 906; and Post-Office 
Department investigation, 499; and presi- 
dential election (1904), 865, 1025; and 
Alice Roosevelt pictures, 772; on R, 211; 
on R and capital and labor, 876-77, 878; 
Wood, opposition to, 492; m,, 1144 

Peoria Journal, 92; Philadelphia Fress, 
827; Portland Oregonian, 137-38; Rocky 
Mountain N&ws, 37-38; St. Louis Chroni- 
cle, 1055; St Louis Republic, 756; 
Scripps-McRae chain, 303, 664; Spring- 
field Republican, attacla on R, 300; and 
Wood’s major generalcy, 539, 598 

Wall Street Journal, on intervention 
in Western Hemisphere, Soin; and 
Standard Oil in Democratic campaign 
(1904), 883-84; support of R, 578; Wal- 
lace Fress, 1218 

Washington Fast, Heflin’s speech 
quoted, 972; on Reader treaty with Santo 
Domingo, 1142-43; sale of, 1207-08; and 
Standard Oil in Democratic campaign 
(1904), 883-84; Washington Star, and 
presidential campaign (1904), 1009, 
626-17. See also Press 
N&iv York: see United States Navy, Ships 


New York, College of the City of: Finley, 
inauguration of, 589 
New York Age: see Newspapers 
New York and Bermudez Company: see 
Bowen, H. W., controversy with Loomis 
New York City: British squadron, visit of 
(1905), 1298-99; corruption in, 44; 

County Advisory Committee, 706; docks, 
377; East Side, consideration for, 254-55; 
election (1903), 459, 525, 602, 611-12, 640- 
41, 645, 648; fusion government, failure 
of, 538; police and police commission, 
Schmitrberger promotion, 410; Repub- 
lican clubs, 459; Republican party in, 
400, 579; vice and reformers in, 802-03 
New York Commercial Advertiser: see 
Newspapers 

New York Evening Fost: see Newspapers 
New York Globe: see Newspapers 
New York Herald: see Newspapers 
New York Journal: see Newspapers 
New York Fress: see Newspapers 
New York Staats-Zeitung: see Newspapers 
New York State: election (1901), 123; elec- 
tion (1902), 311, 316, 328-29, 356, 371-74; 
election (1903), 640-42, 645, 648; election 
(1904), 525, 908, 945 - 4 ^ 5 , 949 * 950 » 95SH5o, 
■961-62, 968, 970, 97 < 5 - 77 i 979» 982, 988, 
994-95, 1005-07, 1025. See also Andrews, 
C; Butler, N. M,; Higgins, F, W.; Root, 
E.; federal patronage in, 162, 196, 452-55, 
459, 568, 1075 

Boards: charities, 79; education, 755 

Commissions: civil service, 18, 37, 38, 
43; forest, fish and game, 17, 44; lunacy, 
138; Palisades, 53 

Legislation (1899-1900), civil service 
bill, 18; constabulary biU, 26, 37; fran- 
chise tax bill, 18, 44, 50, 260, 417-18, 473; 
labor laws, 44; metropolitan police biU, 
^< 5 , 37. 39 » 43 > 138 
New York Sun: see Newspapers 
New York Times: see Newspapers 
New York Tribune: see Newspapers 
New York University: 547 
New York World: see Newspapers 
New Zealand: old-age pension, 810 
Nicaragua Canal: Great Britain and, 19-20, 
21, 23, 65; neutrality question, 65; prob- 
lem of, 8-^, 567, 59^-99, 625, 629, See also 
Isthmian Canal 

Nicholas II; R on, 108-09, ^283, 

1286; and Russo-Japanese peace negotia- 
tions, 1203, 1204, 1222-32 passim, 1253, 
1263, 1306-07; m., 131; letter to, 1327. See 
also Russia 

Nicolay, J. G.; see Authors 
Niebuhr, B. G.; see Authors 


1414 



Niedringhans, T. K.: id., 1097; in Missouri 
senatorial deadlock, 1097; letter to, 1097 
Nields, J. P.: appointed U.S. district at- 
torney, 619 

Nicman, L. W.: id., 721; letter to, 721 
Noble, A.: Isthmian Canal Commission, 
considered for, 733 

Norris, E. B.; id., 872; and assistant secre- 
taryship of agriculture, 872-73 
Norris, F.: see Authors 
North America: future of, 112; settlement 
of, 15 

North American Review: see Magazines 
North Carolina: federal patronage in, 176 
Northern Pacific Railroad: see Railroads 
Northern Securities Company: see Trusts 
Northwestern University: R’s speech at, 
548 

Norway: arbitration treaty with, 1092 
No Shirt, Chief: letter to, 1185 
Noyes, F. B.: id., 720; and Jamieson ap- 
pointment, 718-21; letter to, 719 


Obaidia, J. D. de: id., 917; as Panamanian 
minister to U.S., 917 

O’Beirne, H.; id., 1162; and Moroccan 
crisis, 1162; and Russo-Japanese peace 
negotiations, 1204; m., 1206 

O’Brien, E. C.: id., 754; and Panama Canal 
Commission secretaryship, 753-55, 7^4-65, 
781, 784-85 

O’Brien, J. F.: letter to, 753 

O’Brien, M. J.: and Equitable Life Assur- 
ance Society, i2o8n 

Ochs, A. S.: id., ii, 1082-83; m., 1016; letter 
to, 217 

O’Connell, D. J.: id., 672; m., 672 

Odell, B. B.i and anthracite coal strike, 
348, 349; Black supported for Senate by, 
1064; on Butler as gubernatorial possi- 
bility, 91 1 ; as chairman of N.Y.S. Repub- 
lican Committee, 786; and constabulary 
bill, 26; and Cortelyou’s chairmanship, 
804; and election (1900), 28, 43-44; Eve-* 
ning Post for, 104; and franchise tax bill, 
50, 417; as governor of N.Y.S., 37, 38-39, 
44, 51, 138; and Green indictment, 608; 
and riendricks and Cohen, 784-85; and 
Hilliard, 647; and Low, 181, 575; and 
metropolitan police bill, 26, 37, 39, 43- 
44; and N.Y.S. election (1902), 3x6, 328- 
29n; and N.Y.S. gubernatorial campaign 
(1904), 945, 949» 959*^0* 9^^» Vim, 
50, 121, 136, idzn, 43511, 471, 66 ih 52, 663, 
749, 76i-< 52; and police bill, 138; presi- 
dential possibilities, 120-21, 143; re-elected 
(1902), 182, 374; relations with R, 129, 


451, 525; relationship with R and Platt, 
3 1 in; and R’s appointments, 452-55; and 
R’s vice-presidential nomination, 132; and 
Root for governor, 850-51; and Rumsey 
removal, 38, 43; and H. W. Taft, 920; 
third term story, 575; AA^hite House visit, 
162-^3, 175-76; m., 39, 40, 51, 182, 268; 
letters to, 25, 162, 175, 182, 196, 280, 284, 
316, 348, 356, 374, 452, 575, 714, 762, 800, 
850, 860, 872, 950 
Odellism: 966, 968, 972, 994-95 
Ogden, R,; id., 380; and Negro question, 
878, 1050-51; on R and Addidcs, 874; let- 
ters to, 380, 513 

Ogden, W. L.: id., 602; and N.Y.C. elec- 
tion (1903), 602 
O’Gorman, F.: 68 

Ohio: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patrorgge in, 705, 774, 1198-1200; 
Republican party in, 479-83, 496, 590. See 
also Foraker, J. B.; Hanna, iVI. A. 

Oil industry: investigation of, by Bureau 
of Corporations, 1160 
Oklahoma: admission to statehood, 41 
O’Laughlin, J. C.: id., 904; m., 1223; letter 


to, 1328 

Oliver, R. S.: appointed Assistant Secretary 
of War, 507, 6n 

Olney, R.: id., i, 333; and Cleveland, 639; 
and Massachusetts election (1903), 633- 
34, 636; m., 349; letter to, 149 
Olyphant, R. M.: and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 334, 360 
Oman, C. W. C.: see Authors 
O’Neil, C: id., 441; sea duty recommended 


for, 441 

Open-door policy: see China 
Open shop: see Unions 
Order of Railway Conductors: see Un- 
ions 

Oregon: elections in, see Elections, state; 
federal patronage in, 231, 579» 

594-95, 1301-02 

Oregon: see United States Navy, Ships 
Osborn, W. C.: id., ii, 981, 1480; m., 1x3; 
letters to, 91, 93 

Oskison, J. M.: id., 40; letter to, 40 
Osier, W.: 738 

Otis, E. S.: id., ii, 1031; and Philippine 
command, 246 
Outmg: see Magazines 
Outlook: see Magazines 
Otit West: see Magazines 
Overman, L. S.: and arbitration treaties, 


XIII 

Overstreet, J.: id., 877; on Root ^ guber- 
natorial candidate, 877; and tariff, 1056; 
m., 316 


1415 



Oxnard brothers: in beet sugar industry, 
1076 

Oyama, Marshal: 1140 

Packard, E.: id,, 653; letters to, 653, 657 
Packers: see Trusts, beef 
Page, T. N.: 419, 432 
Paine, R. T,: id., 949; R supporter, 949 
Palisades Commission: see New York State, 
Commissions 

Palma, T. E.: letter to, 369 
Palmer, E. A.; appointed postmaster, 705 
Palmer, Frank W.: and union trouble with 
Government Printing Office, 514-16, 518- 
19* 53i» 569, 585-87 

Palmer, Frederick: correspondent with 
Japanese army, 1115 

Palmer, W. B.: id., 838; and Colorado 
labor investigation; 838 
Panama: accomplishment in, 822; independ- 
dence declared, 628, 644, 648-49, 651, 652, 
662-63, 665, 688-89, 1124; and Interna- 
tional Banking Corporation, 702; lega- 
tion appointments, 1163; protection of 
American interests in, 834-37; R on, 566- 
67, 569, 598-99, 689-91; supervision of, 
765-66; and Vatican as suggested umpire, 
672. See also Canal Zone; Central and 
South American Telegraph Company; 
Colombia; Panama Canal; Postal Tele- 
graph Company 

Panama Canal: as campaign issue (1904), 
922-23, 978; canal company, inspection 
of work by, 458; Colombia and, 318, 595- 
96, 625-26; plan of, 1137; publicity cam- 
paign considered, 1304-05; sanitary and 
hygienic problems, 738, 1158; Spooner 
Act, 333; Walker Commission, reports 
of, 566-67. See also Canal Zone; Colom- 
bia; Isthmian Canal; Isthmian Canal 
Commission; Panama; Treaties, Gayton- 
Bulwer and Hay-Pauncefote 
Pan-American Exposition: Lodge’s speech 
at, 97-98; opening of, 34; R’s speech at, 

30, 49, 97-98, 1 1 6; m., 54, 80-81 
Panic (1903): 545, 566, 574-75* 581, 587* 
591, 629 

Fanther: see United States Navy, Ships 
Paper mist: see Trusts 
Pardons, federal: granting of, 715-16 
Paris, Treaty of (1898): see Treaties 
Parker, A. B.: id., ii, 1333; acceptance let- 
ter, 954-55* 967; acceptance speech, 887- 
90, 894, 975; attacks on R and Cortelyou, 
1009-14, 1016, 10263 Cleveland’s article 
on, 990; on common law and monopolies, 
928; congratulations to R, 1016-17; news- 
, pamper support of, 888; and Philippine in- 

141 


dependence, 906-07, 908; as presidential 
candidate (1904), 851-53, 858-59, 863, 865, 
874, 91 8n, 954-55* 959* 9^0* 9 ^ 3 -^^ 968, 
992, 995, 1006, 1044, 1051; on R as gover- 
nor of N.Y.S., i; R on, 1004-05, 1016, 
1036, 1038, 1083; Root at dinner for, 1220; 
m., 1050; letters to, 79, 81 
Parker, E. W,: on coal strike commission, 
353 

Parker, J.: letter to, in 
Parker, S.: and governorship of Hawaii, 
180, 221, 222-23 

Parkhurst, C. H.: id., i, 419; attacks on R, 
38, 43, 45, 50, 51; calls on R, 231; R on, 
78; m., 32, 36, 37 
Parkhurst Society: 88 
Parkman, F,: see Authors 
Parks, S.: id., 607; and Miller case, 607; m., 
617 

Parsons, H.: id., 210; and N.Y.C. Repub- 
lican organization, 579; m., 210 
Parsons, J, R., Jr.: id., ii, 1314; diplomatic 
appointment for, 749-50, 985; and N.Y.S. 
Board of Education, 755; letter to, 749 
Parsons, W. B.: and Isthmian Canal Com- 
mission, 733, 764-65, 781, 785, 962, 1137 
Partridge, J. N.: id., ii, 902; m., 44 
Patronage, federal: Alabama, 161, 163-64, 
174, 333, 419, 432, 1146-48; Alaska, 207; 
Collier^ s attack on, under R, 817-19; 
Colorado, 150-51, 179, 187, 204-05, 228- 
29, 2570, 309, 366-67, 1236; Delaware, 
380-82, 588-89, 595, 596-97, 607, 619-20; 
Georgia, 206, 226-28, 419, 431-32, 1068; 
Hawaii, 221; Illinois, 234, 799; Iowa, 283; 
Kansas, i54-i55n, 2570, 1277; Kentucky, 
185, 432; land offices, 572-73; Louisiana, 
219, 281-82, 285, 291, 419, 432, 739, 793, 
825-26, 1146; Maryland, 639; Mississippi, 
216, 291, 419, 432, 681-82, 1068-70, 1146; 
Missouri, 193-94, 201, 204, 247, 257n; 
Montana, 254 

Negroes: Evening Tost support of R’s 
appointments, 513; Georgia, 228; Louisi- 
ana, 28 in; R’s appointments, 206, 375-76, 
418-19, 420-21; in South Carolina, 275-76, 
383-85, 387-88; southern newspapers on 
R’s appointment of, 420-21 
New Jersey, 796; N.Y.C. customs 
house, 196, 568; N.Y.S., 162, 452-55, 459, 
1075; North Carolina, 176; Ohio, 705, 
774, 1198-1200; Oregon, 231, 572-73, 579, 
594-95, 1301-02; Pennsylvank, 456; R on, 
81 1, 1173^4, 1267; R’s southern policy, 
184-85, 418-19, 431-32, 680-82,, 824; South 
Carolba, 375-76, 383-85, 387-89, 425, 43 1* 
639, 68 1, 682, 774; Tennessee, 432; Texas, 
612; vice-presidency and, 3, 4-5; Vir- 

6 



ginia, 176, 419, 432, 639; Washington, 
594-95. See also Post-Office Department, 
Post Offices; Rough Riders 
Patterson, Raymond A.: id., 805; m., 805- 
06 

Patterson, Robert W.; id., 113; m., 173, 267, 
268; letters to, 210, 722 
Patterson, T. M.: id., 37; and Colorado 
election (1904), 1060-61; and Denver 
mayoralty, 814; ra., 37; letter to, 1189 
Paulist Fathers: 100 

Pauncefotc, J.; id., i, 209; and Alaskan 
boundary dispute, 546 
Payn, L. F.: id., i, 643; and N.Y,S. guber- 
natorial campaign (1904), 945; and Odell, 
749; removal from head of Insurance 
Department, 50; and R, 328-290, 1037; 
Tn., i9i 455i 949» 1038 

Payne, H. C.: id., ii, 1136; and Alabama 
patronage, 3330; and anthracite coal 
strike, 347, 359; appointment as postmas- 
ter general, 21 1, 215; and Byrne appoint- 
ment, 380-810; in campaign (1904), 798; 

4 at conference of N.Y.S. Republican 
leaders, 3290; death of, 7220, 971; and 
Delaware patronage, 595, 596-97, 607, 
619-20; Post-Office Department investi- 
gation (1903), 444, 460-61, 472-74, 479, 
494-97, 498-500, 506, 543, 612-13, 632-33, 
721-22, 741-42; R on, 965; R’s appeal for 
funds, 3170; sickness, 965; and southern 
delegate question, 291; and Wisconsin 
election (1904), 802; m., 164, 176, 2490, 
255, 270, 326, 735, 785, 833, 10290; letters 
to, 248, 285, 366, 400, 460, 472, 473, 479, 
488, 506, 518, 543, 588, 595, 596, 599, 632, 
705, 741, 794, 798, 859 
Payne, S. E.: id., ii, 1375; letter to, 1075 
Peabody, E.r id., i, 105; and college boys 
and public life, 62, 91; R on, 1041; letters 
to, 75, 1 13, 216, 269, 613, 902, 1034 
Peabody, Mrs. E,: 76 
Peabody, F. G-: id., 1182; letter to, 1182 
Peabody, G, F.: as Democratic national 
treasurer, 852 

Peabody, J.: in Colorado gubernatorial 
imbroglio, 1060-61, 1081; and Colorado 
labor troubles, 632, 656, 882-83, 903, 905, 
1024 

Peabody, R.: 76 

Peoria Journal: see Newspapers 
Peary, R, E.: recommended to Carnegie 
Institute, 671 
Peary, R.: m., S32 
Peck^ G. W.: id., 1000 
Peckham, W. H.: id,, i, 365; and Constitu- 
tion Club, 884 

Peirce, H. H. D.:' id., 1163; appointed as- 

14 


sistant secretary of state, 183-85; diplo- 
matic appointment for, 1163, 1166^7; 
letters to, 1251, 1311, 1315, 1317, 1326 
Penfield, W. L.: and Central and South 
American Telegraph Company, 916; as 
solicitor of Stare Department, 1190, 1216, 
1245 

Pennsylvania: federal patronage in, 456 
Penrose, B.: id-, i’693; anthracite coal 
strike, 3480; and Peirce-Cridler matter, 
184; and Peik%sylvania convention (1904), 
764; m., 33, 202n, 818; letters to, 979, 1000 
Pension order no. 78: 763, 794-95, 924-25, 
954-55. 957 

Peonage: of Negroes in South, 501-02, 680, 
1051, 1067 

Pepper, C. M.: delegate to International 
Conference of American States, 164 
Pepperman, W. L,; 1259 
Perdicaris, Ion: abduction of, 924 
Periodicals: see Magazines 
Perkins, George C.: id., i, 378; letter to, 

1327 

Perkins, George W.: id., ii, 1301; and 
anthracite coal strike, 3500, 365-66, 505; 
gift of pen, 506; at meeting of college 
boys, 80, 115; member of Palisades Com- 
mission, 53; and trust question, 159-60, 
X77; m., 138-39; letters to, 399, 496, 506, 
627 

Perrin, Dr.: investigation of charges, 187- 
88 

Pershing, J. J.: promotion deferred, 517, 

. 520, 531 

Persia: and Russian expansion, 15 
Person, L.; Clarkson’s letter to, 3330 
Peru: disputes with Chile, 168-69 
Pestallozi, J. H.: 1288 
Pettigrew, R. F.: id., ii, 956; and Populist 
campaign (1904), 887 
Philadeiphia Fress: see Newspapers 
Philbin, E. A.: id., ii, 1165, 1480; appointed 
district attorney, 100; member of Ellis 
Island investigation commission, 659-60; 
and Evening Post editorial on R, 968- 
69; R supporter (1904), 859; and Schmitt- 
berger, 429; m., 306; letters to, 88, 291, 
295. 9^0, 958, 968 

Philippines: accompHshment in, 822; ap- 
pointments to, 1 51; bond case, 677-78; 
cable to, 153, 171; as campaign issue 
(1904), 938-42, 992-i)3i civil service, 28; 
currency reform, 428; defense of, 1198; 
exploration of, 396, 443; fiscal agents ap- 
pointed, 265; independence, question of, 
7 < 57 ’- 7 o. 779-80, 839, 855, 870, 874- 
75, 881, 888, 906-07, 954, 957; and Japan, 
2140-41, 1205} and Mabini, 394--95. 



403~o 6; Miles’s report on, 232-33, 241-42, 
244-46, 585; representation at Washing- 
ton, 246; school question, 292-93, 304-06, 
358; shipping and trade, 712; Subig Bay, 
fortification of, 736-37, 881, 1198; Su- 
preme Court and, 289; tariff question, 
228, 428, 432-34, 451, 465, 1075-76*, un- 
warranted reports from, 243; m., 37, 52, 
97 

Catholics in: Aglipay movement, 779- 
80, 783-84, 841-42, 855, 870; on American 
influence in, 1188-89*, bishops’ houses, 
return of, 566; friar-land problem, 189- 
90* 251, 295, 358-59* 533* 
friars, question of, 295-96, 304-08, 312, 
381, 450, 536-37; independent church 
movement, 358n, 395, 398; Roman Cath- 
olic Church in, 100, 2i8n, 291^3, 295-96, 
779-84, 853n. See also Philippines, school 
question 

Govermnent: administration of, xiio; 
civil government* in, 266; commission, 
first, 68; commission, membership, 295, 
534-35, 585; commission, Taft and, n-12; 
difficulties of, 105; governorship, appoint- 
ment to, 537; Ide appointed vice-gover- 
nor, 382, 585; Rooker’s criticism of ad- 
ministration, 840-43; Taft, resignation of, 
585; Winthrop appointment, 576-77, 582, 
585, 603,. 604, 629, 775; Wood as military 
governor of Mindanao, 413, 450, 464-65, 
598, 820, 826; Wright appointed gover- 
nor, 585 

Insurrection: Aguinaldo, capture of, 
35-36; army atrocity charges, 232-33, 256, 
259, 260, 268-69, 297“98» Moro campaign, 

253 

Phillips, W.: 276-77, 300, 762 • 
Philosopher, The: see Horses 
Pickering, T.: 22 
Pickett, G. E.: 96 

Piilsbury, J, E.: id., 869; letter to, 869 
Pilsbury, E. S.: and R’s 1904 campaign, 794 
Pinchot, G.; id., ii, 1320; appointed to 
Board of Scientific Surveys, 443; ap- 
pointed to Keep Commission, 1201; and 
assistant secretaryship of agriculture, 
859-60, 883; and federal land policy in- 
vestigation, 258n; forest museum and 
library, suggestion for, 1026; forestry 
program, 1182-83; as R’s friend and ad- 
viser, 510; and signing of letters, 177-78; 

406, 422, 441, 475, 724, 798, 857, 1107, 
1280; letters to, 55, 177, 474, 859 
Pingree, S.: id., i, 563; m., 802 
Pinkham, H. L: postmaster at Haverhill, 
Massachusetts, 1002-03 
Pitass, J.: vicar generalcy, desire for, 870 


Pitcher, J.: id., 368; m., 425, 443, 552; letters 
to, 368, 429, 437 

Pius X: R’s message of congratulation, 537 
Platt, F. H.: id., i, 687; m., 26 
Platt, O. H.: id., 198; and arbitration treaty 
ratification, 1092; and Cortelyou as con- 
vention chairman, 804-05; and currency 
question, 522, 565, 568; and Philippine 
tariff, 1075-76; and regulation of corpora- 
tions, 198-99; R on, 450; and tariff reduc- 
tion, 471, 1028; m., 272, 479n; letters to, 
198, 335, 804, 1038, H25 
Platt, T. C.: id., i, 156; and anthracite coal 
strike, 3480; and Bishop, 1326; and Chi- 
cago teamsters’ strike, 1195-96; and 
Cortelyou’s chairmanship, 804; Depew 
favored for re-election to Senate, 1064; 
and election (1900), 28, 43-44; and fran- 
chise tax bill, 50, 417; and Government 
Printing Office investigation, 569; and 
Green indictment, 608; and Hanbury ap- 
pointment, 452-53; and Holt appoint- 
ment, 434-36; and Low, 162, 180, 200; 
and McClelland appointment, 568; and^ 
McCook, 569; and MeSweeney, i72n; 
and metropolitan police bill, 26, 37, 39, 
43-44, 138; and N.Y.C. customs collec- 
torship, 196; and N.Y.C. postmastership, 
1029; and N.Y.S. campaign (1902), 328- 
29; and N.Y.S, gubernatorial campaign 
(1904), 945, 949; and N.Y.S. machine, 
44; and N.Y.S. patronage, 1075; and 
Odell, 121, 136, i62n, 435n, 471, 661-63, 
749, 761-62, 763; and Peircc-Cridler mat- 
ter, 184-85; and Root for governor, 850- 
51; and Stoddard, 742-43; White’s article 
on, 216; and Winthrop, 582; and Wood- 
ruff as gubernatorial possibility, 911; m., 
29, 264, 280, 290, 733, 1070, 1254 
jR’j relations *with: on appointments, 
525; difficulties of, 50-51; interdependence 
with Odell, 31m; “knuckling under” ac- 
cusation, 38-39, 43; Murray appointment, 
29, 39-40; support of R for president, 
129, 136; vice-presidential nomination, 
28, 132; m,, 28, 29, 38-40, 43, 50-51, 129, 
132, 136, 3iin, 451; letters to, 29, 39, 183, 
185, 200, 283, 3ir, 434, 506, 569, 735, 742, 
762, 804, 873n, 1029, 1075, 1195 
Platt Amendment: see Cuba 
Plimley, W.: nomination for assistant 
treasurership withdrawn, 453-55 
Pliny; see Authors 

Tlunger: see United States Navy, Ships 
Plumptre, E. H.: see Authors 
Plutarch; see Authors 
Poland: position of, 106 
Poles: and Pitass, 870 


1418 





Polk, W. M.: id., 738 
Polo: 239 

Populist party: campaign (1904), 887; in 
Colorado, i5on; in South, i8in 
Porter, F.: 230 
Porter, H.: 159 

Portland Oregonian: see Newspapers 
Porto Rico: administration of, mo; ap- 
pointments to, 151-52; church property 
m, 268, 430; governorship, 775; Hunt’s re- 
port on, S62; personnel of executive de- 
partments: 678-79; roads, iii; secretary- 
ship, appointment to, 893; supervision of, 
765-66; Supreme Court and, 289; m., 97 
Porto l^co Provisional Regiment: chaplain 
appointment, 268 

Portsmouth Peace Conference: see Russo- 
Japanese War, peace negotiations 
Portugal: arbitration treaty with, 1092 
Post, R. H.: id., 48; and Great South Bay 
cruise, 59, 80; appointed to Porto Rican 
secretaryship, 893; and Porto Rican gov- 
ernorship, 775; letters to, 48, 63, 113 
Post-Office Department: appointments to, 
solicited, 33, 37, 77, 87; civil service in, 
88; classined and unclassified service, 
588-89; Delaware situation, 400, 595, 596- 
97, 607; fourth-class postmasters, 596, 602; 
inspectors, erroneous assumptions of, 
1266; investigation of frauds in {1903), 
444, 460-61, 472-74* 479* 485* 494-5c«S 
passimj 543, 599, 607-08, 612-13, 620-21, 
625, 632-37 passmij 666-67, 721-22, 741- 
42, 765; letter carriers’ conventions, en- 
dorsement of Hearst, 518; officeholders 
in politics, 273-74; patronage, 735n; po- 
litical coercion, problem of, 687-88; post- 
masters, selection of, 1002-03; and Wis- 
consin electoral vote (1904), 859 
Post Offices: Andalusia, Alabama, 1x47; 
Athens, Georgia, 431; Baltimore, 589, 666, 
1074; Brooklyn, 162; Cincinnati, 666; Co- 
lumbiana, Onio, 1198-1200; Dothan, Ala- 
bama, 1147; Florence, South Carolina, 639; 
Greenwood, Delaware, 588-89, 619-20; 
Haverhill, Massachusetts, 1002-03, xoo6, 
1008; Indianola, Mississmpi, 420-21, 431, 
531, 680, 1069; Island Falls, Maine, 77; 
Kalispell, Montana, 254; Kansas Oty, 
i93n, 204; Lima, Ohio, 705, 737-38; 
Aiarion, Alabama, 1x47-48; Miles City, 
A 4 ontana, 254; Napoleon, Ohio, 705, 737- 
38; New Orleans, 282; N.Y.C., 488, 10x5, 
1029, 1057; Philadelphia, 201-02, 686-88; 
Phoenix, Arizona, 87; St. Louis, 650; 
Sandusky, Ohio, 774; Wasliington, D.C., 
502, 1029. See also Smith, C. E.; Payne, 
H. C; Wynne, R. J. 


Postal Telegraph Company: Panama op- 
erations, 835-37, 9i6n 
Potter, H. C.: id., i, X64-65; LL.D. from 
Yale, 126; and R’s views on Philippines, 
215; on self-government for Philippines, 
68; m., 272 

Powderly, T. V.: as commissioner general 
of immigration, 171-72, 174, 221, 250; 
general agent of Department of Justice, 
considered for, 538-39; m., 202 
Premeau, L.: id,, 223; on Indian lands at 
Standing Rock, 223 

Press: American, English, and German, 
239; Democratic and mugwump in pres- 
idential campaign (1904), 858; hysteria 
of, 1294-95; Mississippi, proposed weekly 
in, 637-38; and paper trust, 898-99; and 
R’s hunting trips, 3, 5, 19, 42, 64, 378-79; 
R’s relations with, 275; and sound money 
issue in 1904 election, 851-52. See also 
Magazines; Newspapers 
Preston, C. F.: 

Price, J.: resignation from Department of 
Agriculture, 1273 

Price, T, H.: and cotton report scandal, 
1273 

Princeton University: calibre of graduates, 
X 07-08; and R’s meeting with college 
boys, 113-15; Wilson elected president, 
275, ^77 

Pritchett, H. S.: id., 1066; m., 49; letter to, 
xo66 

Proctor, J, R.: id., i, 318; and fourth-class 
postmasters, 602; on Heath and Post- 
Office Department investigation, 50on; 
president of U.S. Qvil Service Commis- 
sion, 25, 27, 41, 46, 669; and Smith, alter- 
cation with, 520; and Wood’s major 
generalcy, 540; m., 4x2, 4x6, 4x9, 421, 
568, 652; letters to, 302, 502, 726 
Proctor, R.: id., i, 175; and Agricultural 
Appropriations bill, ii 13-14; and Darling, 
849; and C. J. Smith, reinstatement of, 
778-79, 780, 782-83; supporter of R for 
president, 143; tariff, views on, 1028; m., 
141; letters to, 780, 782, 1170 
Prohibition: in Alaska, 17; R and, rzo, 897; 

The Voice as organ of, 8 
Prouty, C. A.: and anthracite coal com- 
bination, 764 

Pruden, O, L.: id., 184; departure from 
office, 184 

Public Buildings Bill: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Public Opinion: see Magazines 
Public Printer: appointment of, xiox 
Pulaski statue; 798 
Pulitzer, J.: 702, 1047 


1419 



Pullman strike: see Strikes, Pullman 
Puma: cowardice of, 1375 
Purdy, M. D.: 903, 905 
Putnam, G. H.: letter to, 656 
Putnam, H.: id., 343; letters to, 343, 344, 
912 

Pyle, H.: id., 1013; letter to, 1013 
Quakers: 879 

Quarles, J. V.: and Wisconsin election 
G904), S02, 859, 973 

Quay, M. S.: id., i, 148; and anthracite coal 
strike (1902), 323, 327, 330, 332, 345n, 
347, 3480, 349; and Arizona and New 
Mexico statehood, 389-90; death of, 819, 
8280; exclusion from Senate, 96811; and 
Hanna, aim; and Havana consulship, 
270-71; Indians, interest in, 692; and po- 
litical assessment circulars, 330-31; and 
Powderly, i72n; Republican national 
committee, speculation on appointment 
to, 504; R’s relations with, 257n; R sup- 
ported by for president, 135-36, 137, 139; 
m., 2020, 979, 1037, 1254; letters to, 33, 
iyo. 3 ”. 327^ 330, 350, 368, 3891 733 
Quigg, L. E.: id., i, 352; and constabulary 
bill, 26; opposes R for 1904 election, 328- 
290; and Stranahan, 525; m., 40, 214, 455 

Race problem: see Negroes 
Race suicide: Bower family, 425; and Eng- 
lish-spealdng peoples, 15; National Con- 
gress of Mothers, R’s speech to, 1139; 
R on, 86, 355-56; woman and, 520-21 
Race terminology: 76 

Railroads: Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe 
investigation, iU2, 1180, 1192, 1210-14, 
1237-39; Northern Pacific, 215; pools, 
1105; rate question, 1122-23, 1189, 1193, 
1200-01, 1304, see also App. I; R’s 
speeches on, 1167; Southern Pacific, 1112; 
special trains for presidents, 577-78, 597; 
Union Pacific, protest at R’s use of, 472, 
609-10. See also Rebates; Trusts, North- 
ern Securities case 
Railway Trammen: see Unions 
Raines, J.; id., i, 283; and N.Y.S. guberna- 
torial canmaign (1904), 945 
Rainsford, W. S.: id., i, 577; and reappomt- 
ment of Henkel, 209-10; and R’s meeting 
of college boy^s, 80; letter to, 209 
RampoUa, Cardinal: and M. Storer, 218 
Randlett, J. F.; complaint of Indians 
against, 503 

Rangers: see Forest rangers 
Rathbone, E. G.: id„ 264; Hanna’s support 
of, 1255; opposition to Wood, 4912, 827 


Rawle, F.: id., 53; letter to, 70 
Ray, G. W.: appointed to federal district 
judgeship, 31 in, 315, 434 
Reader, A. B.; alleged treaty with Santo 
Domingo, 1142-43 

Reader, E. R.: alleged treaty with Santo 
Domingo, 1142-43 

Rebates: Elkins and Littlefield bills, 417; 
International Harvester Company, inves- 
tigation of, 1088, 1 21 1, 1237-39; and In- 
terstate Commerce Commission, 1053-54, 
1122-23, 1210-14, 1237-39; R on, 1050; sys- 
tem and investigation of, 592, 1050, 1098, 
iio6n, 1243. See also Railroads 
Reciprocity: Aldrich and, 199; American 
Protective Tariff League, 248; with Can- 
ada, 581, 908, 913, i028-29n; Massachu- 
setts delegation, petition of, 824-25; with 
Newfoundland, i029n, 1031-32; R on, 
1530, 296-97, 913. See also Cuba; Tariff 
Reclamation: under national irrigation law, 
599-601; Newlands bill, 272-73, 284, 317. 
See also Conser\^ation; Irrigation 
Reed, Charles A. L.: Panama, report on 
medical conditions in, 1 141-42 
Reed, Charles J.: id., 1127; and Oregon 
land fraud cases, 1127-28 
Reed, T. B.; id., i, 150-51; career of, 108; 
name and influence of, 608; presidential 
aspirations, 120, 1255-56; R on, 45; and 
Spanish- American war, 1295; m., 314; let- 
ter to, 301 

Reedy, W, M,: id., 204 
Reedy^s Mirror: see Magazines 
Reformers: see Mugwumps 
Reichmann, C.: U.S. representative with 
Boers, 22 

Reid, G. C.: id., 489; promotion withheld, 
489 

Reid, W.: id., i, 136; appointed ambassador 
to Court of St. James’s, 1040, 1073; at 
coronation of Edward VII, 225; LL.D. 
from Yale, 126; Monroe Doctrine, speech 
on, 527; m., 574, 1221; letters to, 236, 237, 
527> 94 < 5 , 1206, 1207, 1257, 1264, 1292, 

1297 

Reilly, J. T.: 534 

Reily, E. M,: id., 133; W. A. White and, 
134; m., i93n; letter to, 133 
Remington, F.: m., 682; letter to, 41 
Renown: see Horses 

Republican party: Alabama State Commit- 
tee, membership, 1076-77; in Colorado, 
i5on, 408H59, 412-13; and Cuban reci- 
procity tariflf, 494; election (1902), 373; 
election (1904), 773, 995-96, 1006; DJinois, 
factionalism in, 718-20; and labor move- 
ment, 1023-24; in Louisiana, 739, 793, 


1420 







825-26; in Maryland, 630; in Massachu- 
setts election (1903), 633-34; Methodists 
in, 892; Missouri senatorship, 771, 1097; 
and navy, building of, 736; and Negroes 
in South, 332-33; in N.Y.C, 400, 459, 
579; N.Y.S. endorsement of R (1904), 
328-29n; Ohio, endorsement of R (1904), 
479-83, 496, 590; political assessment cir- 
culars, 330-31, 350; and Post-Ojffice De- 
partment investigation, 444; R on, 1177; 
R’s work with, 2570; sound money issue 
(1904), 851-52; in South, 285-86, 823-24, 
see also individual southern states by 
ncmte; in South Carolina, 387-88; and 
Tammany Hall, 647; and tariff revision, 
3131 3271 ^02, 812-13, 834, 899-900, 912-13, 
1028-29, 1039-40, 1056, 1062-63, see also 
App. I; Wisconsin factionalism (1904), 
802, 863-64 

National Comnittee: Bliss appointed 
treasurer, 797; Blythe named vice-chair- 
man, 797; chairmanship, 771, 772, 779» 
785-86, 797, 800, 838-39, 1010, see also 
Cortelyou, G. B.; Cohen suggested for 
resolutions committee, 784-85; Duell 
named assistant treasurer, 797; Hanna, 
speculation on retirement of, 504; Hen- 
dricks suggested for, 784-85; and R’s 
election (1904), 661-^2, 664 
National Convention (1904): Arizona 
delegation, 749; Black for nomination 
speech, 701-02, 802-03; contested dele- 
gations, 802, 805; La Follette delegates 
rejected, 802; Louisiana delegation, 739; 
meeting of, 840; officeholders, attendance 
of, 701-02; and Philippine independence, 
767-70; platform, 771-72, 796, 803, 825, 
833, 834, 849, 866, 878, 913; Root’s speec^, 
763-64, 810-13, 822-23, 833, 849; second- 
ers of R’s nomination, 701-02, 794, 797* 
798, 823-24. See also Elections; Harrison 
Republicans; Lily White Republicans; 
Silver Republicans; Republican leaders 
by name 

Reservations, Indian: see Indians 
Reserves: see Forest reserves 
Review of Reviews: see Magazines ^ 
Revoil, M.: and Moroccan negotiations, 
1287, 1289 , 

Reyes, R.: as Colombian agent m Panama 
question, 662-63, 674, 691, 1124; letter to, 

Reynolds, J. B.: id., i, 697; and MeSweenejr, 
250; in R’s campaign (1904), 982; at Rs 
meeting with college boys, ii4» 115 
Rhett, R. G.; id,, 375; letter to, 37^5 
Rhode Island: elections in, see Elections, 
state 


Rhodes, C.: and Boer war, 47; R on, 251- 
5 ^ 

Rhodes, J. F,: id., 1049; R’s agreement 
with, on reconstruction, 1071; m., 1066, 
1072; letters to, 1049, 1072, 1125, See also 
Authors 

Rice, A. H.: id., 716; letter to, 716 
Richards, J. K.: 1199 
Richards, L. E.: see Authors 
Richards, W. A.: id., 477; investigation of 
federal land policies, 258n; and Vivian- 
Lewis matter, 1266-67; letters to, 477, 776 
Riddle, J. W.: id., ii, 1366; diplomatic serv- 
ice, 21; m., 508, 517, 520, 944, 1074, 1079, 
1090 

Rideing, W, H.: id., 61; letter to, 61 
Riis, J. A.: id., i, 278; account of coal strike 
settlement, 6460; biography of R, 564, 
693; and governorship or Virgin Islands, 
243-44; in R’s campaign (1904), 982; on 
Schmittberger, 410; Tuskegee trip with 
R, 1 13; m., 575, 752, 1057, 1282; letters to, 
32, 55, i86, 243, 376, 693, 794, 977* 
also Authors 

Rinew’alt, A.: and consulship at Port Erie, 
264 

Ritchie, Comrade: 896 
River and Harbor Bill: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Rixey, P. AI.: with R on western trip, 550; 
at*St. Louis Exposition, 1047-48; turkey 
hunt with R, 372; m., 348, 408, 984 
Roads: good-roads program, 750-51 
Robb, C. H.: id., 496; in Post-Office De- 
partment investigation, 496; m., 903, 905 
Roberts, G. H., Jr.: id., 162; Brooklyn post 
office appointment, 162 
Robinson, Corinne Douglas: 1107 
Robinson, Corinne Roosevelt: at corona- 
tion of Edward VII, 225; at St, Louis 
exposition, 1047-48; m., 203; letters to, 
604, 682, 985 ^ 

Rc^inson, Douglas: at coronation or 
Edward VII, 225; and purchase of gov- 
ernment property, 220; as R’s fin^cjal 
adviser, 177, 691; at St. Louis exposition, 
1047-48; and visit of Prince Henry, 224; 
m., 203; letters to, 125, 159, 160, 175, 176, 
205, 220, 691, 1328 

Robinson, E. A.: id., 1145; employment of, 
in Treasury Department, 1193, 1303; let- 
ter to, 1145. See also Authors 
Robinson, Helen Rebecca Roosevelt: id., 
682 

Robinson, Stewart D.: id., i, 375; visit to 
Oyster Bay, 604; m., 682^ 

Robinson, Theodore D,: id., i, 60-615 at 
Harvard, 387; m., 80, 682 


1421 



Roche, J. J.; id., 693; poem on Panama, 
6 gy, as R supporter, 914; letter to, 755 
Rock Creek park: flagstone pavements in, 

6^8—59 

Rockefeller, J. D.: 641 
Rockefellers: in elections (1903), 645; op- 
position to R, 639; support of Gorman 
and McClellan, 639 

Rockhill, W. W.: id., i, 343; and Canton- 
Hankow railway concession, 1303, 1310; 
declines Philippine commissionership, 
382-83; 585; m., 1278, 1327; letters to, 
1184, 1310, 1326 

Rocky Mountain News: see Newspapers 
Rodie, R. S.: and General Slocum disaster, 
980-81 

Rogers, W. M.: 3110 
Rome, ancient: 106, 108 
Rooker, F. Z.: id., 840; rebuked for criti- 
cism of Philippine administration, 840-43 ; 
m., 566, 855, 969; letter to, 840 
Roosevelt, Alice Lee: christening of Hoh- 
enzollemf 219, 236n; and coronation of 
Edward VII, 225, 236-37; and Hanna- 
McCormick wedding, 483; health, 128, 
130J i37i 143; Newport, 604; in Phil- 
ippines with Taft party, 1168, 1291; Porto 
Kico trip, 483; at St. Louis exposition, 
1047-48; serves tea at portrait show, 655; 
m., 74, 81, 402, 682, 761, 772; letters to, 
202, 483, 655. See also Roosevelt children 
Roosevelt, Anna Eleanor: marriage of, to 
F, D. Roosevelt, 1064 
Roosevelt, Archibald B.: birthday presents, 
48; described, 490; R’s bedtime pky with, 
48; m., 58, 74, 81, 179, 224, 233, 374, 392, 
402, 406, 408, 415, 422, 427, 544, 587-88, 
605, 652, 660, 706, 741, 772, 821, 857, 984, 
1025, 1107, 1193, 1316. See also Roosevelt 
cliildren 

Roosevelt, Christine: 605 
Roosevelt, Christine Kean: 604 
Roosevelt, Edith Carow: in Adirondacks, 
138, 143; age affectation, 160-61; birthday 
(1903), 543-44; at Buffalo Exposition, 34; 
with Burroughs at Slab Sides, 510-11; to 
Florida with children, 1158; to Groton, 
773; at hospital with Alice, 128, 130; at 
hospital with children, 143; and inaugu- 
ration medal, 1272; indi&rence to po- 
tentates, 220; love of nature, 69, 544-45; 
mistress of White House, 161-62, 392, 
414-15, 486; Oyster Bay, life at, 306; at 
Pine Knot, 1209-10; reading tastes, 345; 
at St, Louis exposition, 1047-48; and 
Simons painting, 757-58; on Skip, 1194; 
ni., 59? 73» 74» 75? 81, 97, 179, 202, 224, 
230, 324? 349? 401? M 427, 485, 


605, 606, 615, 639, 648n, 650, 660, 682, 698, 
725, 741, 772-73, 807, 821, 857, 902, 983- 
84, 985, 1102, 1107, 1139, 1167, 1182, 1195, 
1221, 1316 

Roosevelt, Ethel; at school, 224, 408; m., 
74, 81, 179, 345, 349, 374, 401, 406, 412, 422, 
543-^4i 588, 604-05, 652, 706, 741, 773, 984; 
letter to, 2. See also Roosevelt children 
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano: marriage of, 
to Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, 1064 
Roosevelt, George: in Black Hills with 
Ted, 512-13; m., 605 

Roosevelt, Helen Rebecca; see Robinson, 
Helen Rebecca Roosevelt 
Roosevelt, John E.: m., 34, 605; letter to, 
^^97 

Roosevelt, Kermit: described, 490; Florida 
trip, 1158, 1160; at Groton, 269-70, 328, 
392, 401, 644, 902, 1013, 1034, 1048; health, 
773; pets and pastimes, 73, 74; and E. A. 
Robinson, 1145, 1193, 1303; St. Louis trip, 
821; m., 47, 58, 59, 81, 124, 179. 224, 543- 
44, 614, 615, 682, 799, 857; letters to, 374, 
389, 401, 406, 412, 414, 422, 427, 644, 660, 
706, 741, 743, 772, 840, 983, 992, 1013, 
1018, 1024, 1047, 1107, 1 160, 1193, 1209, 
1316. See also Roosevelt children 
Roosevelt, Laura H. d’O.: 97, 98, 604 
Roosevelt, Lorraine: id., 97; at Oyster Bay, 
604-05; m., 544, 1107 
Roosevelt, Nicholas: 605, 660 
Roosevelt, Oliver: 605 
Roosevelt, Philip: 605, 821 
Roosevelt, Quentin: health, 128, 137, 143, 
203, 408, 741, 1107; R’s bedtime play with, 
48; and reporter, reply to, 1317; resents 
Archie’s birthday presents, 48; m., 58, 
74, 81, 179, 233, 374, 401, 406, 415, 427, 
544, 587-88, 605, 652, 682, 706, 773, 984, 
1158, H93, 1316. See also Roosevelt chil- 
dren 

Roosevelt, Robert B. (Uncle Rob): m., 79, 
1143; letter to, 1131 
Roosevelt, Theodore. 

biography; Civil Service Commis- 
sioner, appointment, 24; N.Y.C. Police 
Commissioner, appointment of Jews to 
force, 78 

Rough Riders: marksmanship, lu; 
preparation of, 103; R and horse in Cuba, 
71; at San Juan Hill, 13, 96, 98, 948; re- 
unions, 82, 87-88, 90, 118-19, 

Governor of N.F.S.; appointment of 
Jews, 7^9i legislative and appointment 
difflculties, 44, 50-51; metropolitan police 
bill, 26, 37, 39; reform work as, 18-19; 
rewards of office, 45 
Vice-President: nomination, 28, 43, 132, 


1422 


31 in; campaign, 13; inauguration, 14; 
honor and dignity of office, 14; por- 
traits and photographs, 16, 17, 29, 71, 78, 
95; expression of private views, 19; con- 
templates study or law, 24-25, 31, 34-35, 
69, 79, 81-82; at Pan-American exposition, 
34> 49i 54* 80-81, 97-98, 1x6; recom- 
mendation problems, 35; accused of 
drunkenness, 37; Great South Bay cruise, 
48, 59, 63, 80, 1 13; Groton visit, 75-76, 
<515* 799 * 000-01, 807; overseer of Har- 
vard, 42, 53, 54, 98-99; Home Market 
Club speech, 48-49, 55, 83; lecture to 
LoweiFs class at Harvard, 69; joins Ma- 
sonic Order, 53, 54, 108; meeting with 
college students, 75-76, 80, 91, 93, 102-03, 
1 13-15; preface for Wallihan’s book, 46; 
at Geneseo, 81; at Colorado quarter-cen- 
tennial, 82, 90, 92, 99, 118, 123-25, 128-29; 
receives LL.D. from Yale, 85, 96, 115, 123, 
126, 182; plans wolf coursing in Colo- 
rado, 90-91; at Minneapolis state fair, 92; 
and Storer house in Washington, loo; 
Harvard Union speech, 102; life at Oys- 
ter Bay, no, 306, 856-57, 13x6; Tuskegee 
trip, 1 13; speaking trips, 134, 140, 143 
President: succeeds McKinley, 149-50, 
161-62; candidate for nomination, 52, 92, 
104, 120-21, 125-26, 129-44 passim, 149- 
50, 161-62, 285-86, 290-91, 296-97, 313-14, 
328-290, 387-88, 479-83, 496, 564, 583, 605, 
619, 661-62, 665, 669, 698, 701-02, 713, 714, 
725, 810-14, S3 1, 840; biography of, pro- 
posed, 149; portraits and photographs, 
216, 391, 415, 428, 1282; speaking trips, 
225, 316, 327-28, 330, 447, 465, 466, 482, 
484, 547-63; contribution to PorcelHan 
gate, 159; Charleston speech and presen- 
tation, 237-38; honorary degree from 
Harvard, 247; Memorial Day address at 
Arlington Cemetery, 268-69; Oyster Bay 
conference on Republican policies, 324, 
326-27; leg injury, 325, 326, 327, 330, 335, 
34<5* 348, 357* 3®9; singlestick with Wood 
and McCoy, 389, 402, 406, 408, 423, 427; 
arm injury, 408, 4x2, 423; at Yellowstone, 
413, 425, 429-30, 437-38, 443, 447, 452-53, 
461-64, 465, 470, 548, 552-53* at Yosemite, 
465, 476, 548; at Hanna-A 4 cCormick wed- 
ding, 475, 480; gifts to, 483-84; with Bur- 
roughs at Slab Sides, 486, 510-11; western 
trip (1903), account of, 547 -< 53 ; Qirist- 
mas at White House, 682-83; broadsword 
with Fortescue, 699; African trip, plans 
for, 725; Japanese wrestling, 744, 820; 
expenditures criticized, 751-53; Gettys- 
burg speech, 801, 814; nomination, 859, 
860^2, 863, see also Republican Party, 


National Convention (1904); acceptance 
speech, 860-61, 865, 867-68, 877; accept- 
ance letter, 860, 863, 865, 877, 882, 884, 
888, 889, 907, 908, 9x0, 9x2 (text, 921-43); 
“Your Excellency,” objection to, 915; 
campaign (1904), 629, 804-13 passim, 820, 
850, 852-53, 858, 861, 863-64, 874, 88r- 
900 passim, 908, 918-20, 944-1016 passim, 
1024-26; re-election (1904), xoi7n, xoi8, 
1021, 1036-38, 1044-46, 1051, 1058, 1082- 
83, 1107; inauguration (1905), 1034, X131- 
33; inauguration medal, 1x03-04, 1272; on 
third term, 1021, 1025, 1032, 1045-46, 
1143-44; boxing, interest in, 1032, 1065, 
1107; statuette by MacMonnies, 1035; at 
St, Louis exposition, x 047-48; leg strained 
in boxing and riding, 1048; kitchen cabi- 
net, 1055, 1102; eye injured in boxing, 
X065; Lincoln Day speech (1905), 1099- 
iioo, 1125; Sagamore Hill library, iixo- 
II, 1280; Academy of Arts and Letters, 
membership in, ii 11-12; western trip 
(1905), 1156, 1159, 1160-61, 1x66, 1167, 
1 171-72; at Harvard commencement 
(1905), 1193; at Pine Knot, 1209-10; 
dive in Plunger, 13x6, 1324. See also 
Hunting; App. II 

CHARACTERISTICS: adherence to princi- 
ple, 583-84; athletic interests, 1280-81; 
bellicosity, 36, 103; “Excellency,” dislike 
of, 1173; extremes, dislike of, 8; family 
life, 58-59, 40(5, 412, 414-15, 427-28, 490- 
91, 543-44, 604-05, 606, 807-08, 9S3-84; 
fondness of children, 25, 76, 549; Har- 
vard allegiance, 130; horror of disorder 
and aggression, 119; indifference to 
wealth, 108; integrity, 77-78, 83, 465; love 
of nature, 69, 73, 983, 1195; party regu- 
larity, 102-03, 268, 301; objection to un- 
justified killing, 40; reading tastes, 343, 
344-45, 422, 642-44, 696-97, 716, 806, 989, 
1014, 1046-47, see also Authors; religious 
tolerance, 243, 307-08, 875-76; resentment 
of false press notices, 3, 5, 19, 42; simple 
life, fondness for, 486; thrift, 68; uncer- 
tainty about political future, 24, 31, 34, 
76; wild life, interest in, 51 1; woman- 
hood, respect for, 520-21, 549 

opinions: on Americanization, 100; on 
anarchists, 142; on Anglo-j^erican 
friendship, 97; on appointments as vice- 
president, 3, 4-5; on art, 757-58; on au- 
tomobiling, 1297; on bodyguard, 179-80; 
on Byzantine and Greek history, 66-67; 
on Catholic Church, 100; on churches 
and labor problems, 1 108; on civil service 
employees in politics, 273-74, 278-79; on 
civil service reform, 86; on collecting. 


1423 



1 24-25 > corruption in political life, 
1175-76; on criticizing books by friends, 
33; on descent of man, 92-93; on divorce, 
1139-40; on drinking, 133, 183-84; on 
English-speaking peoples, 25-16, 104; on 
equality before law, 531; on expansion, 
105-07; on Forest, Fish and Game Com- 
mission, 17; on Four Hundred, 107-08, 
355 ““ 5 ^i 535 “ 3 ^> game laws and prohi- 
bition in Alaska, 16-17; on governorship, 
i; on greatness, 1281-82; on gubernato- 
rial nominations, 756; on ideals, teaching 
of, 1288; on Jewish race, 78-79; on libersd 
institutions, 1083-84; on misrepresenta- 
tion of acts and speeches, 627-18; on 
missionaries, 157; on monied interests, 
332; on Negroes, 131, 190-91; on oblivion, 
1059-60; on participation in local cam- 
paigns, 154; on passe politician, 31, 34; 
on physical development, 489-91; on po- 
litical habit, 115; on presidency, 39i-^)2, 
806-07, “ 3 < 5 i it 7 < 5 ; on productive 

scholarship, 71-72; on protests on behalf 
of weak peoples, 1174-75; on public opin- 
ion, 23; on race suicide, 86, 355-56; on 
race terminology, 76; on racial differ- 
ences, 832; on racial discrimination, 1040- 
43; on reciprocity, i53n; on reformer and 
practical politician, 17-19; on righteous- 
ness, 866; on short and long books, 9; 
on “species,” 45; on sport, 297; on threat 
of continental powers, 36; on treaties, 19, 
65; on treaty amendments, 1264; on U*S. 
Army efficiency, 70; on veto, 1264; on 
vice-presidency, 60; on virtue, 952; on 
warfare, 192-92; on womanhood, 108, 
1027; on writing about the living, no 
publications: Avierican Ideals, 18, 98n, * 
397 * 398; Tho?ms Hart Benton, 276, 948, 
1055; collected works, 656; Oliver Crom- 
well, 17, 64; deer articles, 157; The Deer 
Family, 261; “The Essence of Heroism,” 
6i; “Expansion and Peace,” 105; Htmt- 
ing Trips of a liancbman, 16, 487, 1282; 
“Latitude and Longitude among Reform- 
ers,” 18; New York, 714; Ranch Life, 
487; R on, 1055; The Rough Riders, 71, 
948, 1143; The Strenuous Life, 8, 17, 64, 
105, 251; The Wilderness Hunter, 487; 
The Winning of the West, 252, 947; 
“With the Cougar Hounds,” 17 1 
Roosevelt, Theodore, Jr.: at Albany Acad- 
emy, 269; army or navy career, interest 
in, 693-95, 717* 732; bird and egg collect- 
ing, 124-25; Black Hills trip, 511-13; Ca- 
nadian hunting trip, 977-78; collarbone 
broken, 178, 179, 186; described, 490, 544, 
1041; Great South Bay cruise, 63, So; at 


Groton, 25, 59, 73, 75, 76, 115, 178, 186, 
2 26, 269, 327-28, 372, 392, 402, 427, 452- 
52, 614-15, 634-35, 902, 1274; gunning 
trips, 224; at Harvard, 1274, 2280; Har- 
vard entrance plans, 386-87; health, 128, 
233, 242, 386, 427, 652; proposed trip 
with S. E. White, 978; railroading, in- 
terest in, 1274; trip with Burroughs, 170; 
tutoring for Harvard, 983-84, 985; m., 
25, 224, 193, 220, 298, 389, 406, 510, 545, 
604, 644, 683, 725, 903, 1024, 1048, 1065, 
1107, 1136, 2182; letters to, 2, 47, 59, 73, 
80, 178, 186, 224, 233, 327, 348, 372, 402, 
408, 425, 422, 427, 437, 624, 634, 652, 693, 
699, 712, 717, 723, 732, 798, 807, 821. See 
also Roosevelt children 

Roosevelt, Theodore, Sr.: 261-62 

Roosevelt, William Emlen: and Central 
and South American Telegraph Com- 
pany, 926; m., 604, 821; letters to, 153, 
373, 772, 889, 1048 

Roosevelt children: described, 543-44; 
Florida trip, 1158; health, 128, 138; at 
Oyster Bay, 604-05; pets and pastimes, 
5^-59; point-to-point walk, 821, 856-57; 
turkey fabrication in Boston Herald, 
2063-64; m., 14, 97, 124, 187, 203, 233, 
485, 856, 1061 

Root, E.: id., i, no; Alaskan boundary 
tribunal, appointment to, 448-49, 530, 
545, 5^4, 572, 623, 616; and anthracite 
coal strike (1902), 323, 330, 332, 348n, 
351, 360, 362, 363, 369, 505-06; and army 
and navy supply transportation, 712; and 
army bill (1903), 247; and Canton-Han- 
kow railroad concession, 1278; and Cath- 
olics in army, 308; and Central and South 
American Telegraph Company, 916; Chi- 
cago convention ^eech, 7153-^4, 810-13, 
822-23, 833, 849; and Colorado labor 
troubles, 883, 905; at Cuban anniversary 
dinner, 801-02, 821, 906-07, 957; and 
Cuban tariff issue, 19611, 603; and cur- 
rency reform, 571; and Dominican treaty, 
1 2/^14; Fairbanks notification speech, 868; 
and General Staff bill for army, 415; and 
glove contract, 524; and Hay-Bunau- 
Varilla treaty, 690; inspection of coast 
fortifications proposed, 153-54; and Isth- 
mian Canal Commission, 1113; on Mabini, 
394, 399, 403; and Miles’s retirement, 567- 
5^5? 704; member of New York 
County Advisory Committee, 706; in 
N,Y.S. campaign (1902), 372; as N,Y.S. 
gubernatorial possibility, 850-51, 873-74, 
877, 889, 900; Newfoundland trip, 907; 
and panic {1903), 545; at Parker dinner, 
1220; Parker’s accusations refuted, loiz, 


1424 



1014; Pershing’s promotion, 531; and 
Philippine bonds, 677-78; and Philippine 
military command, 826, 828; and Philip- 
pines, 209; presidential caliber, 121; and 
rebate question, 1053-54; and Republican 
chairmanship, 771, 772, 808, loro, 1013; 
Republican Club of New York speech, 
76i-62n; resignation as Secretary of War, 
426, 451, 532, 571-72, 585, 717; on R and 
N.Y.C. businessmen, 697; with R on 
western trip, 548; R supported by, for 
vice-presidency, 31 in; R’s admiration for, 
158 , 3I4> 390» 4^4i 57I”72» 7I7» I2I9“^o, 
1279-80; and R’s acceptance letter, 912; in 
R’s campaign (1904), 853, 861, 968, 1009, 
1012, 1036, 1045; and R’s first message, 
200; and R’s letter to Eliot on Philip- 
pines, 772; and R’s proposed contribution 
to Russian relief, 477; and Sampson- 
Schley controversy, 2 ion; appointed Sec- 
retary of State, 1260, 1262, 1263, 1269- 
70, 1271, 1272, 1290; speechmaking, 1291; 
Taft’s admiration for, 519; and tariff 
agreement with Germany, 1329; and 
tariff reduction, 1300; tax assessment, 
404; and trust investigations, 580; Union 
League Club speech, 717, 730; and un- 
ions and printing office, 522; and Vene- 
zuelan debt refunding scheme, 918; and 
W. A. White, 140; at White House din- 
ner, 437; and Wood’s major generalcy, 
670-71, 702-03, 827; Yellowstone hunting 
trip, proposed, 379, 425, 429-30; m., 12, 
31, 83, 143, 144, 191, 195, 209, 211, 224, 
251, 265, 282n, 292, 293, 422, 450, 455n, 
485, 540, 568, 726, 785, 802, 820, 834, 860, 
972, 1058, 1175; letters to, 84, 153, 189, 
197, 232, 240, 243, 244, 260, 267, 272, 291, 
335» 377» 385» 428* 447» 448, 47<5, 488, 505* 
519, 522, 546, 571, 610, 667, 691, 711, 730, 
761, 763, 796, 801, 810, 821, 833, 868, 877, 
907, 968, 1014, 1171, 1270 
Rose, J. C.: id., i, 283; letter to, 267 
Rosebud Reservation lands: see United 
States Government, Legislation 
Rosen, R.: id., 1311; and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1311 
Rosenberry: and Wisconsin election 
(1904), 802 
Rosendale, S. W.: 79 

Ross, D. H.; id., 254; appointment sought, 

254 

Ross, J. W.: 2i9n 

Rossa, O’D.: id,, 914; as R supporter, 914 
Rothschild, Baron; and Russo-Japanese 
peace, 1205 

Rough Riders; appointments for, solicited, 

. 3» 35 j 57“’8, 93* ^3^1 270; 


Brito case, 54, 58, 118, 556; Jenkins pres- 
entation, 237-38; Jews in, 78; marksman- 
ship, in; reunions, 82, 87-88, 90, 118-19, 
1160; R at Grand Canyon with, 548; R 
meets, on western trip, 555-56; at San 
Juan hill, 96, 98; subsequent careers and 
difficulties, 58 
Roulhac, T. R.: 333n, 1146 
Roumania: Jewish persecution in, 299, 438; 
m., 106 

Round, W, M, F.; id., 528; letter to, 528 
Romuer, A^.: id., 1256; and Moroccan crisis, 
1256-57, 1287 
Rowan, A, S.: 979 

Rublee, W. A.; appointed consul general 
at Vienna, 684 

Rucker, H. A.: reappointment of, 206 
Rumsey, W.: id., 38; removal from first 
appellate division, 38, 43 
Runcie, J. E.: opposition to Wood, 492-93, 
597 

Russell, A.: 544, 821 
Russell, G.: 798, 821 
Russell, W. W.; 1190, 1244, 1246 
Russia: and Alaskan boundary question, 
286-88, 449; in Boxer rebellion, 6, 744; 
and Chinese neutrality, 1102-03; expan- 
sion of, 106; French alliance, 173; future 
of, 15, 16, 212, 1 17, 173, 760, 829; and 
Germany, alleged alliance with, 1194; 
Jewish massacre atKishineff, 508-09, 517- 
18, 520, 525-26, 527, 532, 810, 813; Jewish 
problem, 1175; and Manchuria, 112, 293, 
478, 497-98, 500-01, 508, 520, ,532, 831; 
outrages of troops in China, 23; pass- 
ports of U.S. Jews refused, 300, 810, 813, 
882, 952; R on, 1079-80, 1115, 1174, 1178, 
1204-05, 1230; and Turkestan, 112. See 
also Russo-Japanese War 
Russo-Japanese War; Chinese neutrality in, 
901, 902, 903-04, 1102-03; Japanese guns, 
performance of, 1289; Japanese peace 
delegation and immigration officials, 
1240; Lena interned at San Francisco, 
943; military attaches and correspondents 
in, 1 1 15; neutral vessels, Russian attitude 
toward, 869; peace negotiations, 1150, 
1155, 1156-59, 1162-63, n68, H74, 1179, 
1180-81, 1189, 1191, 1195, 1202-07, 1210, 
1220-33, 1234, 1241-42, 1253, *258, 1263, 
1266, 1272, 1276, 1280, 1284, 128S, 1290, 
1292-93, 1297-98, 1306-23, 1326, 1328; R 
offers mediation, 1200; Russian ships in- 
terned at Manila, 1223; U.S. neutrality, 
775; m., 721, 724, 731, 732, 759-61, 829^ 
33, 849-50, 856, 865, 896, 913, 917, 946-471 
1079, 1084-88, 1115-16, 1129, 1131, 1134, 
1136, 1191, 1194-95, 1198, 1233, 1265-66 


1425 



Rusty: see Horses 
Ruyter, M. A. de: 235 
Ryan, T. F.: in Democratic campaign 
(1904), 1009, 1010, ioi6; in elections 
(1903), 645; and Equitable Life Assur- 
ance Society, 1208; and franchise law, 
1037; tax assessment, 404; m., 641, 1220 
Rymning, T, H.: id., 118; promotion in 
Rough Riders, 118 


Saint-Gaudens, A.: coinage, designs for, 
1088, 1103-04; inauguration medal, 1103- 
04, 1272; work of, 83, 85; m., 80, 81, 1035; 
letters to, 83, 532 

St. Louis Chro 72 icle: see Newspapers 
St. Louis Exposition: and Kemeys, 532; 
Philippine exhibit, 919; R opens, 554; R 
and party at, 1047-48; R’s repudiation of 
Jerusalem Exhibit Company, 502; m., 1027 
St. Louis Republic: see Newspapers 
Samoa: 208 

Sampson, W. T.: id., i, 6io; and Schley, 
iio-ii, 128, 210, 213, 225-27, 229-30, 278- 
79 

Sanders, W. F.: id., 757; reputation of, 
757 

Sands, B. A.: id., ii, 1482; iii, 506; appoint- 
ment for, 1163; county committee, sug- 
gested for chairmanship, 506 
Sanger, W. C.: id., i, 578; at meeting of 
college boys, 91; resignation as Assistant 
Secretary of War, 507; m., 75; letters to, 
253 

Santo Domingo: American Improvement 
Company claims, 1148-49, 1259; Ameri- 
can occupation, 1159; conspiracy in, 1128; 
debt service, 1259; Dillingham-Sanchez 
Protocol, 1 109-10, II II, 1128, ii^g\ modus 
vivendi for, 1148-50, 1156-57, 1181; 

Reader treaty, alleged, 1142-43; treaty 
with, 1144-45, 1148-50, 1263-65, 1290; 
U.S. interference in, 740, 770; uprising in, 
724, 734-35 

Sargent, F. P.: and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 332; commissioner general of im- 
migration, i72n, 539; and Government 
Printing Office investigation, 539, 607, 
891; m., 617, 880, 903 
Sargent, J. S.: portrait of R, 264, 428 
Sartori, Paul H. J.: 1096 
Satolli, F.: id., 869; Taft requested to see, 
869-70; m,, 876, 969 
Satterlee, H. Y,: 272, 672 
Saturday Evening Tost: see Magazines 
Sauer, L. J.: replaced by R, 281, 285 
Saunders, W. F.: id*, 999; on Missouri gu- 
bernatorial campaign (1904), 999 


Schieren, C. A.: id., ii, 1258; as N.Y.S. 
gubernatorial possibility, 889; and tariff 
revision, 1039-40 
Schierman, Professor: 1297 
Schiff, J. H.; id., ii, 885; and currency legis- 
lation, 524-25; and Jewish persecution in 
Roumania, 299; member of New York 
County Advisory Committee, 706; m., 
127, 657, 859, 882 

Schley, W. S.: id., ii, 1016; and Sampson, 
iio-ir, 128, 210, 213, 225-27, 229-30, 278- 
79, 300 

Schmittberger, M.: id., 410; promotion of, 
410, 429 

Schneder, D. B.: id,, 1240; letter to, 1240 
Schofield, J. M.: and anthracite coal strike, 
345 ^, 3<53 

Schurman, J. G.: id., ii, 1138; and Philippine 
Commission, 68; letters to, 581, 595, 651, 
865, 906 

Schurz, C.: Lincoln letter, 819; and Mabini, 
398; and Negro problem, 875, 1050-51, 
1071; and presidential campaign (1904), 
875, 888, 908, 972-73, 993, 1025, 1037, 1038; 
m., 36, 1 19, 135, 888; letters to, 397, 
679 

Schuyler, L. C.: id., ii, 985; letter to, 34 
Schwab, C. M.: and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 323 

Science: study of, 708-09 
Scott, C. F.: id., ii, 1060; m., 189 
Scott, Harvey W.: id., 477; and Oregon 
forest reserves, 477; letter to, 594 
Scott, Hugh L.: id., 312; receives majority, 
311-12; m., 1291 

Scott, N. B.; id., 964; and Cortelyou as 
national chairman, 838-39; opposition to 
Wood, 492; in Republican campaign 
(1904), 964; letters to, 976, 978 
Scott, Samuel F.: id., 133; gift of whisky 
to R., 133; postmaster at Kansas City, 204 
Scott, Sutton S,: id., 1146; and Alabama 
patronage, 333n, 1146 
Scott, Sir Walter: see Authors 
Scott, Winfield: on Mexican War medal, 
1103-04 

Scribnefs Magazine: see Magazines 
Scribner’s Sons, Charles; 16 
Scripps-McRae chain: see Newspapers 
Scrymser, J. A.; id., 153; and cable to 
Hawaii and Philippines, 153; and cable 
rights to Latin America, 834-37, 9^^ 
Seeds: distribution of, 48 
SeHgman, I. N.: id., 525 
Seligman, J.: and currency legislation, 524- 
25, 526 

Selmes, L: 1107 

Selmes, M. M. F.; letter to, 951 


1426 



Selous, F. C.: id., i, 577; letter to, 6 
Selous, Mrs.: 7 

Senate: see United States Government, 
Senate 

Sentinel of the Blessed Sacrament: see 
Magazines 

Sergi, G.: see Authors 
Service Pension Bill: see United States 
Government, Legislation 
Seton-Thompson, E.: see Authors 
Sewall, H.: and political situation in Ha- 
waii, 180, 222 

Sewall, W. W.: id,, i, 40; with family at 
White House, 422-23; post office ap- 
pointment solicited, 77 
Shaffer, J. C.: id., 263; and Jamieson ap- 
pointment, 818; m., 271; letters to, 263, 
577 

Shafter, W. R.: id., ii, 841; and medal of 
honor for R., 96 
Shakespeare, W.: see Authors 
Shanks, W. F. G.: id., 869 
Shaw, A.: id., i, 565; on Government Print- 
ing OflSce, modernization of, 539; kitchen 
cabinet, member of, 1055; and publication 
of R’s works, 656; on R, 42 in; and Wal- 
bridge-Folk contest, 990--91, 998-1000, 
1004, 1005; m,, 418; letters to, 396, 497, 
537, 588, 625, 628, 649, 714, 998 
Shaw, L. Ad.: id., ii, 1432; Boston visit 
(1903), 633, 636; and currency reform, 
466-67, 570-71; and Deadwood mining 
congress, 526; and German tarifE law, 
1329; and investigation of executive de- 
partments, 975; Maine speech, 880; and 
panic (1903), 545; in presidential cam- 
paign (1904), 955; at Republican National 
Convention, 798; as Secretary of the 
Treasury, 1192; and C. J. Smith reinstate- 
ment, 778-79, 780, 782-83; tariff, views on, 
1028, 1299; m., 486, 50511, 527, 637, 702, 
812; letters to, 249, 526, 534, 582, 636, 
677, 678, 955, 975, 1088, 1103, 1299 
Shaw, R. G.: monument to, % 

Sheehan, W. F.: id., ii, 1121; and Demo- 
cratic campaign (1904), 852, 963, 1006, 
1009, 1010, 1016; m., 1038 
Sheffield, J. R.: id., ii, 1034; and Equitable 
Life investigation, 1282; at meeting of 
college boys, 91, 114; and N.Y.C. post- 
mastership, 1057; wireless installa-' 
tions, 862-63; ^‘1 523; letter to, 

1064 

Sheldon, G. R.: at conference of N.Y.S. 
Republican leaders, 3290; offered assistant 
treasurership of U.S., 454; withdrawal 
from 1902 campaign, 328 
Shepard, E. M.; in Atlantic Monthly de- 


bate (1904), 965-66; and Cortelyouism, 
963-64 

Sheridan, P. H.: movement for, as presi- 
dent, 920 

Sherman, J. S.: at N.Y.S. Republican con- 
ference, 329n; offered railroad commis- 
sionershm, 311, 315, 316 
Sherman, W. T.: statue of, 83; m., 298 
Sherman Antitrust Law, Foraker Amend- 
ment: see United States Government, 
Legislation 
Shevlin, T. J.: 139 

Shibusawa, Baron: introduced to Jesup, 

Shiel, R. R.: id., 982 
Shipping: see Trade 

Shiras, G.: id., 382; resignation from Su- 
preme Court, 382-83 

Shonts, T. P.: id., 1156; as chairman of 
second Isthmian Canal Commission, 1047, 
1156, 1158, 1259-60, 1302; m., 1291, 1325; 
letters to, 1158, 1283, 1302, 1304 
Shooting: see Hunting 
Sickles, D. E.; letter to, 885 
Sickles, S.: id., 218 

Sigsbee, C. D.: id., i, 749; and John Paul 
Jones reburial, 1250 
Silver Democrats: in Colorado, i5on 
Silver dollar: in R’s message (Dec. 6, 1904), 
1027 

Silver Republicans: in Colorado, i5on 
Simon, J.: id., ii, 1087; and Alaska collector- 
ship, 207; and Oregon patronage, 231 
Simons, B.: id., 758; R buys painting by, 
757-58; letter to, 757 

Simonton, C. H.: id., 176; consulted by R, 
176 

Simpson, S.: 1160 

Sims, W. S.: id., 206; on condition of 
navy, 206-07, ^53-54> gunnery train- 

ing system, 793; report on target prac- 
tice, 766; R on, 952; letters to, 212, 973, 
1289 

Sitting Bull: 233 

Skillicom, W. J,; id., 243; letter to, 243 
Slavery: Lincoln and, 276-77; movements 
for reintroduction of, 1050-51; m., 89 
Slavs: see Russia 

Sleicher, J. A.: id., i, 98; m., 1009; letter to, 

1275 

Slocum, Captain: U.S. representative m 
Boer war, 22 

Small, S. W.: id., 685; letter to, 685 
Smalley, G. W.: id., i, 460; and Knox, 258; 
on R and Monroe Doctrine, 109; R on, 
144; m., 97, 104; letter to, 144 
Smith, Chirles E.: id., ii, 998; and Post- 
Office Department investigation (1903), 


1427 



498'-5oc>» <566-67; and Proctor, 520; and 
Republican platform (1904), 771-72; m., 
785; letters to, 37, 498, 520, 771 
Smith, Charles H,: 194, 201 
Smith, Converse J.: id., 778; reinstatement 
of, requested, 778-79, 780, 782-83 
Smith, H. B.: id., 860; presidential elector- 
ship, desire for, 860 

Smith, James F.: id,, 260; and Catholic 
attacks on U.S. policy in Philippines, 
534; and Philippine atrocities, 256, 260, 
298; as Philippine commissioner, 358, 368, 
393-94, 565; and Philippine friar prob- 
lem, 305-06, 307, 533, 536-37; Rooker’s 
attack on, 842-43; m., 783-84; R*s ap- 
preciation of, 854-56; letters to, 534, 
854 

Smith, Jared G,: id., 416; on Hawaii, 416 
Smith, S,: see Authors 
Smithsonian Institution: 55 
Smoke nuisance; in District of Columbia, 
218-19 

Sm)^, James A.: id,, 383; letter to, 383 
Smyth, John M,: and Jamieson appoint- 
ment, 718-23 passi 7 n 
Smythe, Rev. Dr,: 892 
Snyman, Commandant: 47 
Socialist party: growth of, 1113 
Society; R on, 107-08 
Sohier, W. D,: id., zzi; m., 221 
Sophocles: see Authors 
South; presidential vote of (1896, 1900), 
868; problem of, 857, 1050-51, 1066-73, 
1125; R’s Lincoln Day speech (1905), 
1099-1100; sectionalism in, 1030-31. See 
also Patronage; Negroes; individual states 
by fimne 

South Africa; future of, 15, 16- See also 
Boer War 

South America; see Latin America 
South Carolina; federal patronage in, 375- 
76, 383-85, 387-89, 425, 431, 639, 681, 682, 
774; Republican party in, 387-88 
Southern Pacific Railroad: see Railroads 
Spain: arbitration treaty with, 1092; coro- 
nation of Alfonso XIII, 217; expansion 
of, 106 

Spaulding, B. F.: id., 834; and tariff, plank 
in X904 platform, 834 
Spaulding, J. L.: and anthracite coal strike, 
352 ~ 53 » 5^5 

Spanish-American War: efficiency of 
American officers and troops, 70; panic 
at outbreak of, 1295-96; R and declara- 
tion of, 628, 630-31; Sampson-Schley 
controversy, xio-n, 128, 210, 213, 225-27, 
22^30, 278-79; Santiago Bay engage- 
ment, 235; Spanish armorcladte at Ha-^ 


vana, 628, 651-52; War Department and, 
241; m., 52, 103, 325 

Special trains: R attacked for use of, 577- 
78, 597 

Speck: see Sternberg, H. S. von 
Spectator: see Magazines 
Speer, R. W.: 814 
Sperry, C. S.: n i-i 2 

Speyer, J.: id., 525; and currency legisla- 
tion, 525; m., 802, 859 

Speyer and Company; Venezuelan debt 
refunding scheme, 918 
Spooner, J. C.: id., 12 1; and arbitration 
treaty ratification, 1092; and currency 
legislation, 565, 568; and Dominican 
treaty, 1144-45, 1150, 1290; and German 
tariff law, 1329; and Hay-Bunau-Varilla 
treaty, 689, 700-01; at Oyster Bay con- 
ference, 324; and Panama treaty, 445; 
presidential caliber, 12 1; and Republican 
National Committee chairmanship, 775; 
R on, 440; and tariff, 466, 471, 1028; and 
Wisconsin election (1904), 802, 859, 973; 
m., 21 in, 215, 247, 818, 907, 908, 960, 1163, 
1167; letters to, 155, 271, 335, 700, 1092, 
1128, 1263 

Spooner Act: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 
Sports; R on, 614-15 

Spring Rice, C. A.; id,, i, xi8; and Meyer 
in St. Petersburg, 1115-16; R desires talk 
witii, 1082, 1083-84; R’s desire for return 
of, 650, 1204, 1206, 1257-58; and Russian- 
German alliance, 1194; on Russo-Japanese 
war, 865; Washington visit (1905), 1x02; 
ni., 5, 6, 947, 1150, 1193; letters to, 14, 
107, 650, 698, 759, 829, 1082, 1129, 1177, 
1194, 1233, 1283 
Springer, J. W.: 814 
Springfield Republican: see Newspapers 
Springy: see Spring Rice, C, A. 

Squiers, H. G.: id., 367 
Stable: 751 

Standard Oil Company: see Trusts 
Stanford University; 558 
State debts: arbitration of, 1098-99 
State, Department of: International Con- 
ference of American States (rpox), 164- 
70; Panama, correspondence on, 710; 
protection of American citizens abroad, 
929-30. See also Adee, A. A,; Consular 
Service; Diplomatic Service; Hay, J.; 
Loomis, F, B.; Taft, W, H.; Treaties 
Steel, G. A.; id,, 231 

Steffens, J. L.: id,, i, 472; attack on Payne, 
965; m., 999, 1000, 1004; letters to, 638, 
1254 

Steinhart, F, M.: id., 271, 7585 appointed 


1428 


consul general in Havana, 270-71; and 
Wood’s major genexalcy, 758; m., 597 
Steinitz, E. von: id., 318; letter to, 318 
Sternberg, G. Al: and Philippine reports, 

243 

Sternberg, S. von; id, i, 209; appointed 
ambassador to U.S., 408; and Adoroccan 
crisis, 1161-62, 1165-66, 1272-73; R’s 
efforts in behalf of, 172, 190, 208, 218, 
239, 242; and Russo-Japanese peace nego- 
tiations, 1157, 1204, 1222; and tariff 
agreement with Germany, 1329; and 
Venezuelan crisis, 415, 446; m., 59, 69, 
478, 798, 1159, 1194; letters to, 5, 21, 115, 
172, 191, 239, 242, 297, 895, 1099, 1100, 
1106, 1131, 1155, 1165, 1250, 1256, 1306 
Stetson, F. L.: id., i, 373; and Constitution 
Club, 884; m., 648 

Stevens, 1 . N.: and Colorado politics, 1500, 
408-09, 1081; m., 182, 187 
Stevens, J. F.; as chief engineer at Panama, 
1259-60, 1291, 1318-19 
Stevens, T.: 647 

Stevenson, A. A 4 .; and Colorado politics, 
150, 187; letter to, 152 
Ste'wart, A. G.: id., 1164; as Attorney 
General of Porto Rico, 1164 
Stewart, G.: id., ii, 1365; support of R for 
president, 139; m., 138, 145, 561-62 
Stewart, P, B,; id., ii, 1446; and Colorado 
patronage, 150-51, 187, 309; and Colorado 
politics, 377-78, 40&-09, 412-13, 423; 
hunting with R, 378-80, 1165; at Oyster 
Bay, 1316; R on, i3~i4*, R supporter, 136; 
R’s western trip with (1905}, 1172; at 
White House, 179; and Wolcott, 366-67; 
m., 2, 133, 221, 263, 903, 1266; letters to, 
42, 82, 90, 124, 150, 182, 187, 204, 229, 309, 
377, 412, 415, 632, 655, io6o, 1081, 1236 
Stewart, I^s. P. B.: 14 
Stewart, T, E.: letter to, 448 
Stewart, W. M.: and irrigation bill, 317 
Stillman, J.: id., 525; and currency legis- 
lation, 525, 570, 574, 578; letter to, 570 
Stirling, Y.; id., 902; and American neu- 
trality in Russo-Japanese war, 902 
Stoddard, 1 . T.: id., 743; resignation of, 


742-43, 749 


Stokes, A. P.: 115 
Stone, A. J.: see Authors 
Stone, E. M,: kidnapping of, 156-57, 237 
Stone, M, E.; id., 1320; and Russo-Japanese 
peace negotiations, 1320, 1323 
Stone, W. 992 

Storer, B.: id,, i, 343; appointed minister to 
Austria-Hungary, 310, 315, 318, ,326, 1095- 
96; cabinet possibilities, 158; diplomatic 
appointment for, 4-5, 10, 56-57, 68, 157, 


159, 272; Ireland’s efforts in behalf of, 
853; rebuked by R, 683-86; R takes 
house of, 14, 57; and Sickles, 218; Vatican, 
relations with, 853-54; m., 5, 1199; letters 
to, 56, 100, 2 1 8, 672, 683, 685 
Storer, J. H.: id., 451; letter to, 451 
Storer, AI.; id., i, 343; health, 100; and 
Ireland, cardinalate for, 853-54; R re- 
bukes, 218, 232; Vatican, relations with, 
853-54; ni., 5, 304; letters to, 4, lo, 56, 68, 
157, 232, 272, 391, 1095 
Storey, AI.: id., 53; and Harvard degree for 
A'lcKinley, 53, 54; Taft on, 519; m., 
1025 

Strachey, J. St. L.: id., ii, 1143; letter to, 8 
Stranahan, N. N.: id., i, 533; appointed 
collector of customs at N.Y.C., 196; and 
AIcClelland appointment, 568; and Quigg, 
525; R supporter, 328n; m., 256n, 453, 
455i 714* 945. 949. letters to, 217, 254, 
1077 

Straus, O. S.: id., ii, 1449; appointed to 
Hague Court of Arbitration, 217; and 
Colombian treaty (1846), 648-49; and 
Adagelssen incident, 588; and Alarks, 1015; 
and massacre of Jews in Russia, 517-18, 
525-26; R supporter (1904), 859; m., 851, 
882; letters to, 721, 958, 1220 
Strikes: Anthracite Coal (1902), 523, 327- 
57 passmiy 493, 503-04, 679-80, 909; attacks 
on R in settlement of, 645-46; as cam- 
paign issue (1904), 925-26; commission, 
work of, 367, 369, 503-06, 516, 586; law- 
lessness in strikebound district, 371; pub- 
lished statement of operators, 363-65; 
R’s account of, 359-66, 592 
Arizona miners’, 593, 654, 657, 680; 
Chicago butchers’, 858, 871; Coeur 
d’Alene, 559, 654, 657-58; Colorado min- 
ers’, 632, 656, 838, 871, 880, 882-83, 900- 
or, 903, 905, 909, 1024; Croton dam, 657; 
International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 
Chicago, 1172, 1179-80, 1193, 1195-96; 
Pullman (1894), 338, 340; R’s record in 
handling, 657-58 
Str3rker, A 4 . W.; id., 49 
Subig Bay; see Philippines 
Sudan; 105 

Suffrage: in Republican platform (1904), 

% 

Sullivan, E. J.: id., 958; appeals for promo- 
tion, 958 

Sullivan, J. L.: removed from postmaster- 
ship, 705 

Sullivan, T. D.; id., 696; and Considine case, 
696; and R, 1037; on Tammany and R’s 
campaign, 889 

Sulloway, C.; service pension bill, 7ra-i3 




Sulzer, W.: id., ii, 1093; and Considine case, 
696; letter to, 696 

Sumner, C: 301 

Sumner, S. S.: id., ii, 836; and Cuban ex- 
pedition, 96; and medal of honor for R, 
96 

Supreme Court: see United States Supreme 
Court 

Sutherland, J. H.: id., 1291; and Filipino 
students, 1291 

Sutro, F. C.; id., 63; letter to, 63 

Sutro, T.: 6 $n 

Swanstrom, J. E.: Brookl3m borough presi- 
dent, 53 8n 

Sweden: arbitration treaty with, 1092; 
vanished greatness, i6 

Sweet, O. J.: and Porto Rican governor- 
ship, 775 , , 

Switzerland: arbitration treaty with, 1092; 
attitude toward Boer war, 20; m., 106 

Sylph: see United States Navy, Ships 

Symons, T. W.: id., 547; and proposed 
White House picnic, 547; letter to, 798 

Taft, H. W.: id., ii, 937, 1482; N.Y.S. gu- 
bernatorial nomination declined, 920; and 
pension order as campaign issue (1904), 
957 J m., 485; and pension order legality, 
954-55; letters to, 400, 407, 487, 957, 2057 

Taft, W, H.: as Acting Secretary of State 
in Hay’s absence, 1175; Army and Navy 
Journal attack, 772-73; and Bowen- 
Loomis controversy, 1163-64, 1190, 1216; 
and Dominican treaty, 1144, 1150; Har- 
vard ^eech, 849; and Isthmian Canal 
Commission, 985-86, 1155-56; and Mabini, 
395, 403; Maine speech, 880; Miles and 
Hunter, condemnation of, 460; and 
Moroccan crisis, 1166; at Ohio Conven- 
tion (1905), 1147; and Panamanian sover- 
eignty, 917; on Parker’s candidacy, 863; 
as presidential possibility, 121, 1272; and 
railroad rate problem, 1189, 1053-54, 1243; 
in Republican campaign (2904), 629, 853, 
959* 960, 968, 978, 980, 2009, 1036, 1045; 
retirement from Cabinet, offer of, 980; 
R’s admiration of, 120, 133, 464, 478, 770, 
820, 1168, 1172, 1175, 1199; Root, admira- 
tion for, 519; and Russo-Japanese peace 
negotiations, 1158-59; Secretary of State, 
considered for, 1271; as Secretary of 
War, 426, 451, 485-86, 488, 568-69, 585, 
719; ^eechmaking, 1291; Supreme Court 
appointment, 121-22, 358-59, 368, 372, 
382-83, 398, 400, ^7, 413; amd tariff re- 
duction, 1300; Vatican mission, 296, 303- 
08, 533; vice-presidency, suggested for, 
487; Yale Law School speech, 1292; m., 


28, 30, 120, 253, 620, 761, 763, 767, 768, 
841, 907, 976, 987, 1058, 1094, 1136, 1150, 
1203 

Ajid Philippmes; Aglipay movement, 
783-84; Army atrocities m, 260; and 
commission, 11-12, 30, 31; currency, 428; 
friar lands, i89n, 251, 303-08, 533, 536- 
37, 564; as governor, 105, 151, 209, 233, 
246, zSin, 402, 407; independence of, 276; 
military command in, 826; tariff, 428, 
1076; trip to (1905), 1168, 1198, 1260, 
1290-91; letters to, ii, 68, 120, 303, 358, 
368, 372, 382, 398, 413, 425, 450, 464, 478, 
485, 566, 585, 598, 603, 629, 744, 781, 786, 
850, 853, 869, 919, 960, 969, 894, 979, 980, 
984, 985, 1090, 1095, 1 1 13, 1 1 17, 1 1 18, 1137, 
1138, 1141, 1158, n6i, 1167, 1235, 1243, 
1259, 1262, 1290, 1293 
Taft-Katsura Agreement: 1293 
Taggart, T.: id., 853; as Democratic chair- 
man (1904), 853, 874, 875, 888-89, 920, 
963, 976, 1006, 1009, 1010, T038 
Takahira, K.: on future of Japan, 829-31; 
and Kaneko, 1319-20, 1323; and Russo- 
Japanese peace negotiations, 1150, 1157, 
1167-68, 1180, 1221, 1226, 1228; and 
Russo-Japanese war, 1203, 1204-05; m., 
777-78, 1293; letter to, 1182 
Takeshita, Commander: 1198 
Talbot, E.: id., 371; letter to, 371 
Taliaferro, J. P.: and arbitration treaties, 

iiii 

Tammany Hall: alliance with members of 
Republican organization, 647; corruption 
of, 1 15; and Rev. A. Dwyer, 1022; East 
Side fighters of, 594; and election (1903), 
6 i 2, 341, 538n, 645, 647, 648; and election 
(1904), 888-89; m., 123, 127, 135 
Taney, R. B.: R on, 2B9; m., 89 
Tariff; American Protective Tariff League, 
activities of, 248, 603, 608; anthracite coal, 
394; beef, 314; board of experts suggested, 
1036; as campaign issue (1904), 899-900, 
930-36, 980; and congressional campaign 
(1902), 327; continuity of policy needed, 
122-23, 173; and Cummins, 476; Dingley, 
913, 1062; and Douglas’ victory in Mas- 
sachusetts, 1043; Germany, agreement 
with, 1329; insular cases, 88-89; Mc- 
Ejnley, 913, 1062; meat products, adan; 
Philippine, 228, 428, 432-34, 451, 465, 
i029n; picture frames, duty on, 989; re- 
duction problem, 265-67; Reed’s activi- 
ties in behalf of, 608; Republican attitudes 
on, 802, 812-13, ^33* 834, 1028-29, 1034, 
1062-63; R’s views on, 313, 466, 471-72* 
580-81, 912-13, 1039-40, 1050, 1052-53, 
1055-56, 1299-1301; trusts and, 331; Wil- 


I43P 



son, 913- See also Cuba, reciprocity issue j 
App. I. 

Tati Salmon; id., 8; letter to, 8 
Tawney, J. A.; id., 1027; and tariff question, 
1028, 1034; letter to, 1027, 1034 
Taylor, Henry C.: id*, i, 617; appointed 
chief of bureau of navigation, 25 3n-, and 
Cowles’ court of inquiry, 766; member 
of Santo Domingo Commission, 734; 
naval guns, resighting of, 609; and naval 
maneuvers, 283-, on Sampson-Schley con- 
troversy, 2250, 2270; and squadron com- 
mand, 1031, 1032-33; m., 217, 368; letters 
to, 212, 253, 601, 609 

Taylor, Horace A.: id., 249; letter to, 956 
Taylor, Howard: id., 907; on Root as 
N.Y.S. gubernatorial candidate, 907 
Taylor, R. J.: id., 278: removal from War 
Department, 278-79, 302-03 
Tegethoff, W. von; 231 
Teller, H. M.: id., 182; in Colorado guber- 
natorial election (1904), 1060-61; and 
Dillingham-Sanchez Protocol, 1 109-10; 
party prejudices, 182, 309; re-election, 
378, 409n, 412, 416, 423, 655-56; Wood, 
opposition to, 492, 540; m., 187, 27 in 
Temperance movement; see Prohibition 
Tennessee; federal patronage in, 432 
Tennyson, A.; see Authors 
Terry, G. S.: id., 62; letter to, 62 
Texas: federal patronage in, 612 
Texas: see Horses 

Texas: see United States Navy, Ships 
Thackeray, W. M.; see Authors 
Thanet, O.; see Authors 
Thomas, E, B.; and anthracite coal strike 
(1902), 334, 360 

Thompson, A. C.; and Considine case, 696 
Thompson, David D.: id., 452; letters to, 
452, 674, 1107 

Thompson, David E.; appointed minister 
to Brazil, 310, 326 

Thompson, J. O*: id., 1146; and Alabama 
patronage, 1146-47; appointed collector 
of internal revenue, 333n 
Tiffany, W. G.; id., 1139; letter to, 1139 
Tillman, B. R.; and Crum case, 774, 1089; 
and Democratic National Convention 
(1904), 852; O. H. Platt on, 198; m., 
267, 268, 1047, 1072 
Timber Culture Act; 2580 
Timber and Stone Act; 258n 
Tipple, E.: id*, 892; and R’s campaign 
(1904), 892 

Tirpitz, A. von; dh Russo-Japanese war, 
1131; m., 237, 1166 

Tittman, O. H.: appointed to Board of 
Scientific Surveys, 443 


Tobacco industry: investigation of, 1088 
Todd, H. B.: postmastership, loss of, 588- 
89 

Tolstoi, L.: and anarchists, 142. See also 
Authors 

Tourgee, A. W.; id., 190; letter to, 190 
Tower, C.: id., 310; as ambassador to Ger- 
many, 310, 315, 318, 326; on William II 
and Russo-Japanese peace, 1203; letters 
to, 1122, 1253, 1288 
Townsend, H.: letter to, 35 
Townsend, L.: id., 1048; as career diplomat, 
1048 

To^vnse^d, W. K.: id., 1064; m., 114 
Tracewell, R. J.: and Post-Office Depart- 
ment investigation, 636-37 
Tracey, J. F.: id., 393; appointed to Philip- 
pine" bench, 393-94; letter to, 393 
Tracy, B. F.: id., i, 242; m., 154; letters to, 
229, 763 

Trade-unions: see Unions 
Trammell, B.: postmaster at Dothan, Ala- 
bama, 1147 

Transvaal: see South Africa 
Trautmann, R.: member of Ellis Island 
investigation commission, 659-60; letter 
to, 659 

Travers, F. C.: id., ii, 1346; m., 308 
Treasury Department: cigar stamp agita- 
tion, 948-49, 955, 956, 976; deficit prob- 
lem (1905), 1181, 1192, 1300-01; internal 
revenue agents, 202, 1267-68; patronage, 
73 5n; picture frames, duty on, 989. See 
also Shaw, L. M, 

Treat, C H.; appointed U.S. treasurer, 
io75n 

Treaties; Alaskan boundary, 286-88, 294, 
448, 1122; arbitration, negotiation of, 
1092-95, 1098-99, 1100, II 11-22 passim, 
1126; Burlingame (1868), 7ron; Chinese 
immigration, 709-10; Clayton-Bulwer, 19- 
20, 23, 65; Colombia (1846), 566-67, 648- 
49; Cuban reciprocity, 326, 423, 433, 434, 
436, 445, 451, <5 o 3, 608, 629; Hague 

Tribunal arbitration convention, need 
for, 1208-09; Hay-Bunau-Varilla, 37411, 
685, 689-91, 698-99, 700-01, 712, 984, 989; 
Hay-Herran, negotiation of, 293, 318, 
445. 5<55. 595-9<5, 599. <528, 644, 651, 673- 
74; Hay-Pauncefote, first, 64; Hay- 
Pauncefote, second, 154, 161, 170, 

445, 451; Newfoundland (1818), 1166; 
Newfoundland fisheries, 1031-32, iiii, 
1166, 1 1 81, 1305-06; Paris (189S), 18911; 
R on, 65; Santo Domingo, ii44-45j 
50, 1290, 1263-65; Senate and making of, 
66, 1144-45. T169-70, 1290-91; Tripoli, 
iizi; Virgin Islands purchase, 2400 


1431 



Trevelyan, G. O.: anecdote regarding, 823; 
m., 698; letters to, 667, 706, 806, 1043, 
1132, 1173. See also Authors 
Trigg, C. F.; id., 173; application for judge- 
ship, 173-74 

Tripoli; treaty with, 1121 
Tromp, A'L H.: 235 
Trueblood, B. F.: id., 987; letter to, 987 
Truesdale, W. H.: and anthracite coal 
strike (1902), 334, 360 
Trumbull, J.: 22 

Trusts: Aldrich and legislation on, 450; 
antliracite coal, investigation of, 764, 781, 
ro88; beef, investigation of, 2<5r-^2, 299, 
765, 8580, 1053, 1096-98, no6n, 1160, 1212, 
1238; Cortelyouism as feature of Demo- 
cratic campaign (1904), 963-64, 966-67; 
and foreign sales, 33 1; German brochures 
on, 367; Hanna and legislation on, 450; 
Hoar and Littlefield, attempted legisla- 
tion by, 429; Knox and, 314; Morgan’s 
poHcy towards, 420; Northern Securities 
case, 236, 257n, 299, 531, 575, 579, 591, 
618, 627, 679, 750, 8n, 886, 893-94, 896, 
925-26, 1212, 1238; overcapitalization of, 
in panic ^1903), 581; paper, 898-99; 
Reed’s opposition to as issue, 608; regula- 
tion of, 122-23; R’s position on, 159-60, 
316, 317, 416, 580, 591, 593 
Standard Oil Company: and Bureau 
of Corporations, 591-92; investigation of, 
1160; and presidential campaign (1904), 
883-84, 995-98 

Tobacco: investigation of, 1088. See 
also Monopolies; United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation, Commerce and Labor 
Department Act, EUdns Rebate Law', 
Esch-Townsend Bill, Hepburn Bill, Hep- 
burn Act, railroad rates, Sherman Anti- 
trust Act 

Tucker, H. St. George: id., 174; applica- 
tion for judgeship, 174 
TuUoch, S. W.: and Post-Office Depart- 
ment investigation (1903), 495, 498-500; 
and Tracewell, 636-37 
Tupman, T.; 49 
Turkestan: Russians in, xo6, 112 
Turkey: American missionaries and teach- 
ers, difficulties of, 885, 892; Armenians 
in, 1175; Magelssen incident, 584, 588, 596 
Turner, G.: and Alaskan boundary dispute, 
448-49, 530, 545, 613; letter to, 448 
Tuskegee Institute: 61 
Tutuila: supervision of, 765-66 
Twain, M,; see Authors 
Tweed, C. H.: id., 918; and debt refunding 
scheme for Venezuela, 918-19; letter to, 
918 


Tyler, B, H.: id., 17; letter to, 17 
Tjmer, J. N.: id., 444; removed from Post- 
Office Department, 444, 473, 474, 496, 
500, 637 
Tyre: 106 

Uhler, G.: and General Slocum disaster, 
980-81 

Umatilla Act: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 

Uncas: see United States Navy, Ships 
Union Pacific Railroad: see Railroads 
Unions: American Federation of Musicians 
and competition from government bands, 
910; Bridge Builders’, and Miller case, 
607; Brotherhood of Locomotive Fire- 
men, represented at White House dinner, 
992; Chicago; instruction in English and 
in American government, 920; and Gov- 
ernment Printing Office investigation, 
514-16, 518-19, 522, 531, 537, 579, 581, 
585-87, 592, 606-07, 610, 617-18; Order 
of Railw’ay Conductors, represented at 
White House dinner, 992; Railway 
Trainmen, represented at W’hite House 
dinner, 992; R’s position on, 134, 609, 616- 
17, 635-36, 654, 658, 713, 862, 892, 909, 
1175; usurpation of government functions 
by, 53:; Utah Federation, protest at R’s 
use of Union Pacific Railroad, 609-10; 
Western Federation of Labor, 617; West- 
ern Federation of Miners, and Arizona 
miners’ strike, 593; and Colorado miners’ 
strike, 632, 838, 882-83, 900-01, 903, 

905, 1024; \%ite House lunch for Mon- 
tana representatives, 657-58. See also 
Labor; Strikes 

United Charity Organization Societies: 92 
United Mine Workers: see Strikes, anthra- 
cite coal, (1902) 

United States Army: army bill (1903), 247; 
arsenals, payment of employees at, 894-95; 
band, 910; bayonets, swords, and rifles, 
use of, 1090-91, 1261; campaign equip- 
ment, wearing of, 393; cavalry, 22, 546; 
chaplains, appointment of, 272; coast 
and field artillejty, separation of, 1138; 
congressional legislation, R on, 580-81; 
desertion from, 969-70; engineer depart- 
ment and coast fortifications, 216; exam- 
inations, 198; General Staff Corps estab- 
lished, 247n; and German danger, 32; 
German maneuvers, representation at, 
243; inflexibility of older officers, 11; 
Japanese practices ^d, 1260-61; Miles 
and, 232-33, 240-42, 244-T47; Philippine 
atrocity charges, 232-33, 256, 259, 260, 
268-69, =^97“9S; promotion policy, 820, 


1432 


827, 1170; reduction of, as campaign is- 
sue (1904), 936-37; R on career in, 693- 
95; R’s walking order, 377; Spanish- 
American war, efficiency of officers and 
troops, 70; spurs for cavalry, 335; sup- 
plies, transportation of, 712; uniforms, 
163, 291, 385; vacancies in second lieu- 
tenantcies, 185-86; vrireless telegraphy 
jurisdiction, 862-63 

United States Government: executive de- 
partments, see under individual depart- 
?nents 

Co 7 igress: and reduction of expendi- 
tures, 1275; see also United States Gov- 
ernment, Legislation; United States Gov- 
ernment, Senate; R party proposed, 290; 
R on work of, 579-81 

Legislation: agricultural appropriation 
bill (1905), II 13-14; Alaska, 762, 775, 
812; Aldrich bill (1902), 413-14, 466^7, 
,524-25; Army bill (1903), 247; Canal 
Zone, control of, 774, 78<^3; Chinese 
exclusion act (1902), 249; Commerce 
and Labor Department act (1903), 399, 
410, 416-17, 506; Curtis act (1898), 692; 
Davey bill (1904), no6n; desert land act 
,(1877), 258n; District of Columbia, 1108, 
1130; Elkins rebate law (1903), 407n, 
417; Esch-Townsend bill (1905), iio6n, 
1126, see also App. I; force bill (1890), 
514, 849; forest lieu land act (1897), 
1127-28; general immigration act (1903), 
<559; general staff bill, 415, 602; gold 
standard act (1900), 4130; Hepburn bill 
(1905), 1105-06; Hepburn act ('1906), 
App. I; homestead act (1862), 257-58; 
Indian appropriation bill ( 1 905 ) , ii 20-2 1 ; 
Interstate Commerce Commission, 1073; 
Isthmian Canal Commission, 1113, 1130- 
31; Knox’s antitrust program, 406-07; 
Littlefield bill (1903), 417; national 
irrigation law (1902), 599-601; naval pro- 
gram, 580-81; Newlands bill, 272-73, 284, 
317; public buildings bill (1902), 226; 
railroad rates, 1098, 1105, 1122-23; river 
and harbor bill (1902), 266, 273; Rose- 
bud Reservation lands, (1904), 729; serv- 
ice pension bill (1904), 712-13; Sherman 
antitrust act, Forakcr amendment, 715; 
Spooner act (1902), 333; timber and 
stone act (1878), repeal of, 258n; timber 
culture act (1873), 258n; Umatilla act, 
1188; war college, 726; Yosemite National 
Park, 1091 

Senate: C. F. Adams on, 879; and 
Alaska boundary question, 85; anti-Eng- 
lish sentiment, 19; and Cuban reciprocity 
program, 279-80; and Dominican treaty, 


1144-45, 1150; R on, 1286; and treaty 
legislation, 66, 1144-45, 1169-70, 1290-91 
United States Marine Corps; band, 910 
United States Military Academy: appoint- 
ments to, 532; Howze appointment, 13; 
mathematics at, 198; R on scholastic 
work at, 907-08 

United States Naval Academy: appoint- 
ments to, 175 

United States Navy: band, 910; career in, 
^93‘~95> ch^lam, appointment of, 156; 
condition of, 206^7, 212; Cuban stations, 
367, 370, 474; European squadron to Kiel, 
478; floating mines, 1117; in Isthmian 
insurrection, 370; legislation, R on, 580- 
81; Loubet saluted, 473; maneuvers, 275, 
283, 368-69; R on, 1177-78; R review of, 
75; submarines, development of, 1324-25; 
supplies, transportation of, 712; wireless 
telegraphy jurisdiction, 862-^3 
Armament: of battleships, 973; com- 
pared with England, 602; eight-inch guns, 
1123; resighting of guns, 609, 766 
Armor: arrangement of, 1006 
Gunnery: improvement of, 212; marks- 
manship, 776, 952; prize for marksman- 
ship, 308; rapidity of fire, practice for, 
793; renaissance of, 253; reward for gun- 
pointers, 475; R’s interest in, 310; target 
practice, 446, 601-02, ?5i“52, 766 
hicrease of: expansion program (1905), 
1097, 1 101-02; and German danger, 31-32; 
and Japan, 1169; program, curtailment of 
(1905), 1 080-8 r; R’s views on, 186, 735-37? 
1136; tonnage and offensive power in- 
creased, 368 

Personnel: admirals and fighting ships, 
235-36; chief of bureau of navigation, 
position of, 217; navy yards, payment of 
employees at, 894-95; paymaster general- 
ship, 284-85; promotion policy, 1170; re- 
tirement of officers, 266-67; sea duty, 
216-17, 441; wearing of uniforms by 
officers, 385 

Ships: Albe 7 mrle, 35; Bennington, ex- 
plosion on, 1294-97; Brooklyn, 226-270, 
229-30, 1250; Buffalo, 1325; Chicago, 602; 
Cuba, 1325; Dolphin, 894, 896; Glacier, 
1325; Illinois, 76(^-67; Indiana^ 2270, 1325; 
Jovea, 226-2711, 229-30; Iris, 1325; Luzon, 
1325; Maine, 1294-95; Massachusetts, 
1297; Mayflower, 285, 303, 310, 751-52, 
773, 896; Missouri, 766-67, 793-94; New 
Hampshire, 973, 975; New York, 226-270; 
Oregon, Panther, 602; Plunger, 

1324; Sylph, 752, 896, 1193, 1269, 1296; 
Texas, 225-270; Uncas, 1325; Yankee, 
1325 


1433 



United States Supreme Court: Holmes ap- 
pointment, 28^0, 301, 302, 312, 315-16, 
319; insular cases, 88-89; Lone Wolf de- 
cision (1903), 503; Porto Rico cases, 
121-22; R on, 205; Taft considered for, 
358-59, 368, 372, 382-83, 398, 400, 407, 

413 

University Settlement, N.Y.C.: 114, 115, 
250 

Upton, G. E.: see Authors 
Utah: elections in, see Elections, state. See 
also Mormons 

Utah Federation of Labor: see Unions 


Vallandigham, C. L.: 301 
Van Cott, C,: id., i, 156; investigation of 
administration, 488 

Vanderbilt, C., 3d: id., 114; at R’s meeting 
with college boys, 114 
Van Dyke, T. S.: see Authors 
Van Ingen, E.: id., 428; and MeSweeney, 
428-29, 522-23 

Van Riper, L, C.: and cotton report scan- 
dal, 1272 

Van Sant, S. R.: and tariff reduction, 1028 
Van Vorst, B.: id., 355; influence of R’s 
letter, 549; letter to, 355 
Van Vorst, M.: 355 

Vardaman, J. K.: id., 626; attacks on R, 
626-27, 682, 1069; m., 817, 1047 
Vatican; Panama-Colombia situation, sug- 
gested as umpire in, 672; and Philippine 
Church problems, 189-90, 251, 295-96, 
450, 533, 841, 853-54; R’s alleged negotia- 
tions with, 452; Storer’s reported call at, 
686; Taft’s mission to, 296, 533 
Vattman, Father: 841 
Venezuela: Anglo-German crisis, 2400, 
386, 415, 418, 423, 8ii; boundary dispute, 
loi; Castro dictatorship, 914, 917; debt 
refunding scheme, 918-19; diplomatic 
appointments to, 1177; finances, man- 
agement of, 446; German-Veneznelan 
arbitration commission, 1123; Hague Tri- 
bunal arbitration, 396-98; investigation of 
situation in, 1156, 1253-54, 1258, 1270; 
Monroe Doctrine and crisis in, 399-400. 
See also Bowen, H. W., controversy with 
Loomis 

Vermont: elections in, see Elections, state 
Veterans: R on, 549 

Veterans of Foreign Service: R*s good 
wishes to, 915-16 

Veterans’ organizations: see Army of the 
Cumberland, Society of the; Grand Army 
of the Republic; Rough Riders, reunions; 
Veterans of Foreign Sexvice 


Vice-presidency: and appointments, 3, 4-5; 

R on, 14 
Victorian Age: 15 

Villard, Helen F. (Garrison): partisan of 
Spain in war, 60 

Villard, Henry: id., ii, n84n; R on, 60; 
m., 18 

Villard, O. G.: id., ii, ii84n; on anthracite 
coal strike, 336, 345-46; and Negro prob- 
lem, 1050-51; on R and Addicks, 874; R 
on, 60, 878; and Wood’s major generalcy, 
691-92; m., 18, 36; letters to, 247, 336, 
345, 460, 531 

Virgin Islands: German designs on, 465; 
purchase of, 24on, 1192; Riis offered gov- 
ernorship, 244; m., 52 
Virginia: federal patronage in, 176, 419, 
432, 639 

Vivian, J. F.: and Colorado appointments, 
i5on; as surveyor general or Colorado, 
1236, 1266-67 

Voice, The: see Magazines 
Von Briesen, A.: member of Ellis Island 
investigation commission, 659-60; m., 
960; letter to, 1000 

Wade, J, F.: and Pliilippine military com- 
mand, 822, 826 

Wadsworth, J. W.: id., i, 72; and Agricul- 
tural Appropriations bill, 1113-14; m. 850 
Wadsworth, J. W,, Jr.: id,, 850; elected to 
N.Y.S. assembly, 850; letter to, 850 
Wadsworth, W, A,: id., i, 13 1; and Forest, 
Fish and Game Commission, 17, 44; mar- 
riage, 143; R’s visit to, 81; m., 89, 427, 
428; letters to, 259, 669 
Wainwright, M.: id., 1270; candidate for 
Assistant Secretary of State, 1270; m., 944 
Wainwright, R.: on Sampson-Schley con- 
troversy, 226n; letter to, 225 
Wakeman, W, F.: 196, 248, 296 
Walbridge, C. P.: id., 771; and Missouri 
governorship, 771, 990-91, 998-1000, 1004, 
1005 

Walcott, C. D.: id., ii, 806; iii, 443; and ex- 
ploration of Philippines, 443; irrigation 
program, attacked on, 510; R on, 277; 
letter to, 443 

Walker, J. G.: id,, i, 629; and Isthmian 
Canal Commission, 458, 488, 733, 753- 
55, 792, 962, 1095, 1113; R’s represent- 
ative and adviser in Panama, 649; letters 
to, 458, 677, 738, 902 
Walker (Hommission: see Panama Canal 
Wall Street: and Hanna, 713-14; misrepre- 
sentation of R’s acts and speeches, 618; 
and N.Y.C. election (1903), 612; opposi- 
tion to R, 648; and panic (1903), 574; 


1434 


and R’s campaign for President, 725; 
and R’s settlement of coal strike, 645-46 
Wall Street Journal: see Newspapers 
Wallace, J. F.: as chief engineer at Panama, 
822; and Isthmian Canal Commission, 733, 
1047, 1^7* resignation of, 1259 
Wallace Press: see Newspapers 
Wallihan, A, G.: see Authors 
Walsh, T. F.: id., 378 
Wanamaker, J.: id,, i, 17 1; letter to, 494 
Wang Ta Hsieh: 1293 
Wapiti yearling: 33 

War College: see United States Govern- 
ment, Legislation 

War Departmeiit: and Colombian situation, 
678; correspondence on Panama, 71 1; 
glove contract with Lyon, 524; and island 
possessions, supervision problem, 765-66; 
Miles’s charges against, 240-42, 244-46; 
Root and, 158; and Spanish-American 
War, 241; R. J. Taylor removed, 278, 
302-03; unauthorized publications, 302. 
See also Root, E.; Taft, W. H,; United 
States Army 

Wardman, E.: id^ 876; m,, 884; letters to, 
876, 946 

Ware, E. F. (Ironquill): id., ii, 1171; ap- 
pointed U.S. pension commissioner, 262; 
jPension Order (no. 78), 712; resignation 
intended, 513; verses quoted, 1060; at 
White House dinner, 437; m., 189, 197, 
282, 813; letter to, 513 
Warfare, modern: R on, 191-92 
Warfield, E.: id., 726; and federal troops 
for Baltimore, 726-28; letter to, 726 
Watford, D. E.: id., 130; letter to, 130 
Waring, T. R.: id., 375 
Warner, C. D.: see Authors 
Warner, V.: id., iioi; appointed commis- 
sioner of pensions, iioz 
Warner, W.: id., 204; appointed U.S. dis- 
trict attorney, 204 

Warren, Fiske: id., 519; Taft on, 519 
Warren, Francis E,: and irrigation biU, 317; 
and Wood’s major geaeralcy, 676; m., 
814; letter to, 603, 676 
Washburn, W. D.; id., 494; and Cuban 
reciprocity tariff, 494 
Washburn, W. D., Jr.: letter to, 715 
Washington: federal patronage in, 594-95 
Washington, B, T.: and Alabama patron- 
age, 332-33, 1146; dines at White House, 
i8t, 182, 184, 190, 639, 1068, 1071; and 
Louisiana patronage, 281-82; and Louisi- 
ana politics, 825-26; as R’s adviser, i?in, 
182, 419, 421, 68x, 1072; and southern 
patronage, 206; m., i6ih, i94n, 291; letters 
to, 24, 1 13, 149, 19^ 206, 438, 793, 825, 878 


Washington, D.C.: see District of Colum- 
bia 

Washington, George: as party man, 22; R 
on, 300, 1050 

Washington Post: see Newspapers 
Washington Star: see Newspapers 
Watkins, T. H.: on coal strike commission, 

352-53 

Watson, T. E.: Populist party candidate 
(1904), 887, 974; letter to, 1051 
W.C.T.U.: and sherry at White House, 
128 

Weaver, H. O.: appointed collector of 
internal revenue, 283 

Weber, A. F.: id., 174; appointment for, 

m 

Weber, J. P.: 174 

Weinman, A.; and inauguration medal, 
1103-04 

Welch, W. H.: id., 738; and Panama sani- 
tary officer appointment, 738 
Welling, R. W. G.: id., i, 21; ii, 1482; letter 
to, 1 91 

Wellington, G. L.: and Maryland senator- 
ship, 46n 

Wellman, W.: id., i, 796; on anthracite coal 
strike, 503-04, 505-06; Panama Canal, 
plan of, 1137; m., 964; letter to, 1304. See 
also Autliors 

Wells, William: id., 95; letter to, 95 
Wells, William C.: appointed to Inter- 
national Bureau of American Republics, 
1165 

Welsh, H.: id, i, 265; and Mabini, 398; R 
on, 36-37; Taft on, 519; m., 590 
Wenneker, C. F.: 204 
Werlich, P. J.: id., 183; letter to, 183 
West Indies: and continental powers, 36; 
German threat, 31-32; U.S. and, 166. See 
also islands by name 

West Point: see United States Afilitary 
Academy 

West Virginia: elections in, see Elections, 
state 

Western Federation of Labor: see Unions 
Western Federation of Miners: see Unions 
Westinghouse, G.: and Equitable Life As- 
surance Society, i2o8n 
Weston, General: 1262 
Weyerhaeuser, F.; id*, 441; letter to, 441 
Wharton, E.: Trevelyan anecdote, 823 
Wharton, J,i id., 1039; letter to, 1039 
Wheaton, L.: 191 

Wheeler, B. L: id., ii, 1205; with R on 
western Crip, 548; m., ,474, 486; letters to, 
205, 449, 795, 800, 1056, 1105, 1243 
Wheeler, J.: id., ii, 838; and medal of 
honor for R, 96 


14^5 


"White, A. D.: id, i, 65; resignation of, 309; 
m., 24on; letters to, 208, 218, 309, 335, 
535, 900, 1100 

"VlTiite, E. D,: id., 173; and Alaskan bound- 
ary dispute, 665-66; and corporation mat- 
ters, 173-74 

White, G. S.: in Boer war, 84 
White, Henry: id., i, 369; and Alaskan 
boundary question, z86; at Algeciras con- 
ference, 1302; appointed ambassador to 
Italy, 264, 1073, 1082; on Danish West 
Indies, 465, 1192; R on, 944; m., 650, 1079, 
1090, 1096, 1135, 1162; letters to, 264, 732, 
1082 

White, Horace: id., i, 83; letter to, 
250 

White, S. E.: appointed inspector of Cali- 
fornia forest reserves, 977; and golden 
trout, 776; with R on western trip, 548; 
and Sierra Forest Reserve, 776-77; letter 
to, 977. See also Authors 
White, W. A.: and Burton-Leland contro- 
versy, 1540, 188-89, 197, 208; on Croker 
and Br)»an, lo-ii; introduction to Knox, 
94-95; on Platt, 2x4; and proposed life 
of R, 149; on R and Republican party, 
1058; R supporter, 134-35, 136; and Root, 
140; at White House dinner, 437; m., 
204, 502n; letters to, lo, 124, 132, 134, 
139, 140, 188, 197, 214, 343, 395, 1058, 
1276. See also Authors 
White House: capital and labor at, 878, 
879-80; entertainment at, 752; proposed 
picnic at, 547; religious delegations at, 
875-76; restoration of, 293-94, 389, 392, 
470» 75^-53* 816-17 

■WTiitehead, G. W.: appointed N.Y.C. cus- 
tom house appraiser, 196, 453 
"V\^iteman, W.; see Authors 
Whitney, C.; id., ii, 934; R’s estimate of, 
487; m., 467, 512; letters to, 16, 89, 157, 
261 

Whitney, W. C.: id., h 155; and Cleveland, 
639; and elections (1903), 645; m., 591, 
64T, 1220 

Whitridge, F. W.; id., i, 154; ii, 1482; on 
Morton and Root, 1220; m,, 813, 953 
Whittemore, H.: letter to, 109 
Wight, P.; id., 282; and Louisiana patron- 
age, 281-82 

Wilcox, A.: letter to, 1021 
Wilcox, R, W.: and political situation in 
Hawaii, x8o 

Wilkins, M. E.: see Authors, M. E. W. 
Freeman 

Wilkinson, J.s loi, 704, 947 
Wilicox, D.: on anthracite cdal strike, 338- 
39 


Wilicox, W. R.; appointed to N.Y.C. post- 
mastership, 1029, 1057 
William II: and Chinese neutrality in 
Russo-Japanese war, 721, 731; on Chinese 
viceroy tor Manchuria, 896; congratula- 
tions on R’s message, 208; on German 
foreign relations, 1194; Great Britain, dis- 
trust of, 1157, Hay, 1190, 1271; 

health, 665; launching of nohenzollem, 
218, 219, 220, 224, 231; and Leo XIII, 
death of, 582; and Low, admiration 
for, 371; and Moroccan crisis, 1159, 
1161-62, 1165-66, 1194; R on, 108, 239, 
1159, 1177-79, 1181, 1183, 122 r, 1286; and 
Russo-Japanese peace negotiations, 1150, 

1155, 1157, 1203, 1204, X 222 , 1234, X 253 , 

1286; “yellow peril” speech denied, X182; 
m., 218, 318, 549; letters to, 537, 1289, 
1317 

Williams, F. B.: id., 219; as lily white leader 
in Louisiana, 793, 825; and Louisiana 
patronage, 219; and Republican Na- 
tional Convention (1904), 739; letter to, 
739 

Williams, G. F.: id., ii, 1406; R and Lodge 
accused of drunkenness by, 37 

Williams, J. S.: id., 735-36; Boston raeech, 
904; and Davey bill, iio6n; and Demo- 
cratic campai^ (1904), 853; keynote 
address at Democratic Convention, 851, 
875; Negro policy, 866-67, 875, 1067; and 
Philippines, 735-37; on White House 
restoration, 817; m., 988, 1043, 1047, 1072; 
letter to, 1118 

Williams, W.: as commissioner of immigra- 
tion at Ellis Island, 1720, 280, 659-60, 
1077-78; and MeSweeney, 428-29, 522- 
23, 633; letter to, 4x1 

Williamsorn, J. N.: and Oregon land frauds, 

X 1 27-28 

Willis, J.: 13, 558, 73» 

Wihner, J.: 1209 

Wilmer, W.: 1209 

Wilson, B.: id., 907; letter to, 907 

Wilson, E. S.: jd., 216; appointed U.S. 
marshal, 216; and proposed weekly news- 
paper in Mississippi, 637-38; m., 432; let- 
ters to, 2x6, 637 

Wilson, H. L.i id., 1089; appointed minister 
to Belgium, 1089-90 

Wilson, James: id., 178; nervous collapse, 
1273; ^ adviser, 584-85; m., 178, 
189; letters to, 252, 284, 4x6, 563, 584, 
651, 750, 1113 

Wilson, James H.: id., i, 60; and Cuban 
tariff issue, xpdn; on General Slocum in- 
vestigation commission, 981; on miscon- 
duct of fbreigneis in China, 23; opposi- 



tion to Wood, 492, 598, 667-68, 703, 717, 

759. 827 

Wilson, John Al.: and anthracite coal 
strike, 353, 366, 503, 505-06; rebuke of 
Burns, 392; letter to, 392 
Wilson, W.: elected president of Prince- 
ton, 275, 277; letter to, 391, See also 
Authors 

Wilson tariff: see Tariffs 
Wimberly, A. T.: 2810, 285, 826 
Wimberly, R. G.: 219 
Winslow, C. Al.: on General Slocum in- 
vestigation commission, 981; m., 952 
Winslow, E.: id., ii, 1356; Taft on, 519 
Winsor, J.: see Authors 
Winthrop, B.: id., 576; appointed governor 
of Porto Rico, 775-76; judgeship in Phil- 
ippines, 629, 775; and Piulippine com- 
missionership, 576-77, 582, 585, 603, 604, 
775; letters to, 576, 582 
Wireless telegraphy: 862-63 
Wisconsin: elections in, see Elections, 
state; Republican party in, see La Fol- 
lette, R. Al. 

Wister, O. (“Dan”): id., i, 352; article on 
R, 184, 187; and proposed life of R, 149; 
m., 412, 606; letters to, 9, 126, 187, 1036 
Witherbee, F. S.: id., i, 572; letter to, 603 
Witte, S.: id., 1276; delegate to Portsmouth 
Conference, 1276, 1280, 1285, 1293, 13 ii, 
1315-16, 1317 

Wolcott, E. O.: id-, i, 307; accused of 
drunkenness, 37; and Colorado election 
(1904), 956-57; and Colorado patronage, 
1500, 179, 187, 205, 228-29, ^57^9 
Colorado political situation, 408-09, 1081- 
82; and Denver mayoralty, 814; and elec- 
tion (1902), 366-67, 378; and election 
(1903), 656; m., 82, 99, 182, 416, 1236; 
letters to, 228, 408, 960 
Wolcott, R.: 1233 

Wolf, S.; id., 299; and Jewish persecution 
in Roumania, 299, 517“'! 8; letter to, 299 
Wolverton, C. E.: appointed district judge 
for Oregon, 1301 
Women: duties of, 86; R on, 108 
Women’s Industrial Home Society; 51 
Wood, C. E. S.; id., ii, 1087; m,, 1301; let- 
ter to, 137 

Wood, E. E.: appointed naval officer at 
New Orleans, 281-82 
Wood, L.i id.: i, 690; brigadier generalcy, 
5, 6, 12, 531, 676; and Caribbean coasts 
information, 447; and Cuban military 
governorship, 151, 2820, 370, 703, 71 1; 
and Cuban reciprocity bill, 27 in; and 
Cuban tariff issue, 1960; Cuban work of, 
60; denounced, by mugwump press, 69; 


and German army maneuvers, 243, 297; 
Hanna’s opposition to, 1255; Harpefs 
Weekly on, 598, 702-03, 717; illness, 
1291; injustice to, 667; LL.D. to, 126; 
major generalcy, 491-93. 5^2. 53^4®. 57^9 
597-98, 667-68, 670-71, 691-92, 702-03, 
717, 758-59, 827-28; as military governor 
of Alindanao, 413, 450, 464-65, 598, 820, 
826; newspaper curiosity concerning, 664; 
at Oyster Bay, 1316; Philippine com- 
mand, aspirations to, 822, 826-28; and 
Rathbone case, 264; R on, 30-31; single- 
stick with R, 389, 406, 408, 423, 427; m., 
12. 52. 57. 9<5, n8, 395-96, 402, 422, 755, 
841; letters to, 30, 59, 195, 260, 264, 491, 
539. 57<5, 597. 75®. 820, 826, 881, , 974, 
1136 

Woodard, J. H.; id., 356; letters to, 356, 
444 

Woodiock, T. F.; id., 578; on proposed 
currency reform, 578 

Woodruff, C. R.; id., 215; and Indian 
Territory land speculation, 740; and Ale- 
Michael, 215 

Woodruff, T. L.: id., ii, 908; in N,Y.S. 
campaign (1902), 328n; as N.Y.S. guber- 
natorial possibility (1904), 91 1, 945; and 
Odell, 749; m., 25, 971 

Woods, E.; appointed superintendent of 
Capitol, 816-17 

Worrall, J. B,: id., 875; letter to, 875 

Wounded Knee, Battle of; 245 

Wright, C. D.: id., i, 449; and anthracite 
coal strike (1902), 332, 338, 341-42. 347» 
348, 352, 354. 359^7 p^ssbjz, 505-06; and 
Colorado labor troubles, 838; as president 
of Clark University, 763; resignation as 
Commissioner of Labor, 1061-62; at 
White House lunch, 657; m., 445, 909; 
letters to, 838, 880, 882, 891, 900, 920, 1061 

Wright, D, T.: appointed judge in District 
of Columbia, 640, 646 

Wright, H.: Panama appointment, candi- 
date for,, 738; suggested for Gorgas’ post, 
1302 

Wright, L. E.; id., 269; appointed governor 
of Philippines, 359, 368, 382-83, 585; and 
A4abini, 395, 403; and Negro patronage, 
388; and Philippine church (question, 292, 
307. 533. 53<5-37; on Philippine Commis- 
sion, 565; reception for, 312; R on, 305- 
06; in R’s campaign (1904), 992-93; m., 
269, 413, 629, 767, 768, 783-84, 840, 855, 
954 

Wyckoff, W, A.: id., 91; m., 113 

Wyman, F.: appointed postmaster at St* 
Louis, 650 

Wyman, W.; id., 1299; letter to, 1299 


1437 



Wynne, R. J.: id., 461; appointed post- 
master general, 979; and post-office in- 
vestigation, 461; m., 972 

Wyoming: see Horses 

Yagenka: see Horses 

Yale University: caliber of graduates, 107- 
08; forest school, 1026; LL.D. to R, 85, 
96, 1 15, 123, 126, 182; and R’s meeting 
with college boys, 1 13-15; two hundredth 
anniversary, 150 

Yankee: see United States Navy, Ships 

Yates, R.: campaign for re-election, 805; 
defeated for Illinois governorship, 799*- 
800; and Illinois patronage, 234; and R*s 
alleged support of Lowden, 756; m., 124; 
letter to, 756 

Yellow fever: in Canal Zone, 1291, 1302; 
in New Orleans, 1291, 1299 

Yellowstone National Park: bears, 890; 
game protection in, 368; government 
protection of, 1104-05; introduction of 
new animal and bird life suggested, 470- 
71; mountain lions, killing or, 425, 429- 
30; R at, 413, 425, 429-30, 437~38» 443i 


447, 452-53, 461-64, 465, 470, 548, 552-53; 
m., 1029 

Yerkes, J, W.: id., 185; m., 1147; letters to, 
185, 1267 

Yosemite National Park: exclusion of lands 
from, 1091 

Yosemite Valley: government protection 
of, 1104-05; national control recom- 
mended, 630; R at, 465, 476, 548 

Young, B,: 127 

Young, L.: id., 893; m., 893 

Young, L., Jr.: and Porto Rican secretary- 
ship, 893 

Young, S. B. M.: with R on western trip, 
1 160^1; m., 9(S-97, 61 1 ; letters to, 12, 

393» 54^ , . 

Younghusband, G. J-: id., 83; on cavalry in 
Boer w^ar, 117; m., 96; letter to, 83 

Youngs, W, J.: id., ii, 909; letter to, 260 

Yoiith^s Co 7 npanion: see Magazines 

Zad, Adam: 532 

Zangwill, I.: m., 78 

Zurhorst, E. C.; resignation as collector of 
customs, 774 


1438